O RIG- INAL  NA  RRA  TIVES  OF 

GAR.. IF'  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


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ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

REPRODUCED  UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 

General  Editor,  J.  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

DIRECTOR  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  HISTORICAL  RESEARCH  IN  THE 
CARNEGIE  INSTITUTION  OF  WASHINGTON 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 

1604  — 1618 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


VOYAGES  OF 

SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 

1604-1618 

EDITED  BY 

W.  L.  GRANT,  M.A.  (Oxon.) 

BEIT  LECTURER  ON  COLONIAL  HISTORY  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  OXFORD 


MTH  A MAP  AND  TIVO  PLANS 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS 
NEW  YORK 


i 9°7 


COPYRIGHT,  1907,  BY 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS 


Published,  June,  1907 


NOTE 


Champlain’s  narrative,  as  Mr.  Grant  has  explained  in  his 
Introduction,  is  not  solely  one  of  the  fundamental  bases  for  the 
history  of  New  France,  but  also,  by  reason  of  his  explorations  of 
the  New  England  coast  and  his  incursions  into  the  Iroquois  coun- 
try, of  high  importance  for  that  of  the  United  States.  A series, 
however,  which  aims  primarily  to  illustrate  the  latter  may  prop- 
erly omit  the  story  of  his  later  years,  subsequent  to  1618,  the 
interest  of  which  is  chiefly  Canadian.  This  volume  presents  the 
texts  of  the  Voyages  of  1613  and  the  Voyages  et  Descouvertures  of 
1619,  as  given  in  the  excellent  translation  by  Dr.  Charles  Pome- 
roy Otis,  in  the  second  and  third  volumes  of  the  late  Dr.  Edmund 
F.  Slafter’s  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain , published  in  three 
volumes  by  the  Prince  Society.  Cordial  thanks  are  due  to  Dr. 
Slafter  and  to  the  Council  of  the  Prince  Society  for  the  permission 
to  use  this  version. 

It  is  proper  to  say  that  certain  pages,  which  in  the  original 
occur  in  the  Voyages  of  1613  between  the  address  to  the  Queen 
Mother  and  the  “ Privilege,”  have  been  omitted.  They  contain, 
first,  a poem  of  sixteen  stanzas  upon  Champlain’s  voyages,  ad- 
dressed to  the  French  nation,  and  signed  “ L’Ange  Paris”  [iensis] ; 
secondly,  a poem  of  seven  stanzas,  “to  Monsieur  de  Champlain, 
upon  his  book  and  his  marine  charts,”  signed  Motin ; and  thirdly, 
a summary  of  the  chapters,  which  in  the  present  volume  is  replaced 
by  the  table  of  contents. 

Some  explanations  should  be  added  respecting  the  maps.  Two 
general  maps  are  mentioned  upon  the  title-page  of  the  Voyages 
of  1613.  One  of  these,  the  “Carte  geographique  de  la  Novelle 
franse  en  son  vray  meridiem,”  is  reproduced  in  this  volume. 
Explanations  regarding  it  are  given  on  pages  223  and  224. 

The  Voyages  of  1613  and  1619  have  many  smaller  maps,  plans, 
and  views.  Of  these  we  reproduce  two.  One  shows  Champlain’s 


vi 


NOTE 


plan  of  the  “ Habitasion  de  lile  s^e  Croix,”  the  pioneer  settlement 
which  the  Sieur  de  Monts  and  his  company  established  in  June, 
1604,  on  the  island  now  called  St.  Croix,  and  so  on  what  is  now 
United  States  soil.  The  plan  may  be  profitably  compared  with 
that  printed  in  the  volume  of  Early  English  and  French  Voyages , 
page  412,  showing  the  similar  though  more  pretentious  establish- 
ment which  the  English  founded  three  years  later  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Kennebec. 

Thirdly,  we  give  Champlain’s  plan  of  the  Fort  of  the  Iroquois, 
in  the  present  area  of  Madison  County,  New  York,  as  that  fort 
is  figured  opposite  page  44  of  Champlain’s  Voyages  of  1619. 

J.  F.  J. 


CONTENTS 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 
Edited  by  W.  L.  Grant,  A.M. 

PAGE 

Introduction 3 

Title  Page 15 

Dedication  to  the  King 16 

To  the  Queen  Regent 17 

Extract  from  the  License  to  the  Printer 18 

The  Voyages  of  1604-1607  19 

Account  of  Former  Explorations 21 

Sieur  de  Monts  fits  out  an  Expedition 25 

Champlain  approaches  the  East  Coast 26 

Explores  the  Acadian  Coast 28 

At  Long  Island 30 

At  the  Bay  of  Saint  Mary 32 

Enters  Port  Royal ; ascends  the  Riviere  de  1’Equille  ....  34 

Goes  in  Search  of  Copper 36 

Seeks  a Place  for  a Permanent  Settlement 37 

Fortifies  the  Island  of  St.  Croix 42 

Makes  Discoveries  along  the  Coast  of  Norumbega  ....  44 

Holds  Intercourse  with  the  Natives 49 

Returns  to  the  Island  of  St.  Croix 52 

Description  of  the  Mai  de  Terre 53 

Customs  and  Habits  of  the  Natives 55 

Expedition  to  the  Coast  of  the  Almouchiquois 56 

On  the  Quinibequy  River 59 

At  the  Isle  de  Bacchus 61 

At  Island  Harbor 62 

At  Island  Cape 65 

Experiences  with  the  Indians 67 

At  Cap  Blanc  (Cape  Cod) 69 

Visits  an  Indian  Settlement 71 

Description  of  the  Natives 73 

Birds  and  Fishes  found  on  the  Coast 74 

vii 


CONTENTS 


viii 


PAGE 

Return  from  the  Coast  of  the  Almouchiquois 76 

The  Settlement  transferred  from  St.  Croix  to  Port  Royal  ...  78 

The  Beginning  of  the  Voyage  to  Florida 81 

Disasters  Encountered 82 

Departure  from  Port  Royal  to  return  to  France 85 

Meeting  with  Ralleau,  and  return  to  Port  Royal 86 

Champlain  sets  out  to  make  Further  Explorations  ....  88 

Anchors  in  Beauport  (Gloucester  Harbor) 90 

Visits  Mallebarre 93 

Enters  Stage  Harbor 95 

The  Natives 96 

Conflict  with  Them 97 

Champlain  explores  Vineyard  Sound 101 

Begins  the  Return  Voyage 103 

Perils  of  that  Voyage 104 

Arrival  at  Port  Royal 106 

Poutrincourt’s  Improvements  There 107 

The  Funeral  of  Panounias 108 

Ordre  de  Bon  Temps 110 

News  from  France Ill 

Explorations  around  Port  Royal  ........  112 

Departure  thence  of  Poutrincourt  and  his  Company  . . . .114 

Cape  Breton;  Return  to  France 117 

The  Voyages  to  the  Great  River  St.  Lawrence,  1608-1612  . 119 

Henry  IV.’s  Grant  of  the  Fur  Trade  to  Sieur  de  Monts  . . . 122 

Champlain  embarks  from  France ; reaches  Tadoussac  . . . 124 

Has  Trouble  with  Basque  Merchants 125 

On  the  Saguenay 127 

Goes  to  Quebec 129 

Establishes  a Permanent  Settlement  at  Quebec 131 

Conspiracy  against  Champlain 132 

Description  of  the  Quarters  at  Quebec 136 

Argument  as  to  Cartier’s  St.  Croix 137 

Account  of  the  People 141 

The  Scurvy  at  Quebec 147 

Departure  from  Quebec 149 

Meeting  with  the  Algonquins  and  Ochataiguins 151 

Champlain  returns  to  Quebec 152 

Continues  his  Journey  accompanied  by  the  Savages  . . . .153 

A Fall  in  the  River  causes  Delay . . 155 

Indian  Methods  of  Warfare 157 

Enters  Lake  Champlain ; describes  It 161 

First  Battle  with  the  Iroquois 163 

Cruelty  of  the  Natives 166 

Return  from  the  Battle  with  the  Iroquois 168 


CONTENTS  ix 

PAGE 

Champlain  sails  for  France ; arrives  at  Honfleur  ....  169 
Determines  to  return  to  Quebec 171 

The  Second  Voyage  to  New  France  in  the  Year  1610  . . 172 

Departure  from  France  to  return  to  Quebec 175 

Champlain  at  Quebec 177 

Accompanies  Expedition  against  the  Iroquois 178 

Second  Battle  with  the  Iroquois 180 

Treatment  of  the  Prisoners 184 

Brule  sent  to  learn  the  Language  of  the  Algonquins  ....  185 

Du  Parc  left  in  Charge  at  Quebec 189 

The  Mode  of  Catching  Whales 190 

Third  Voyage  of  Sieur  de  Champlain  in  the  Year  1611  . . 193 

Champlain  departs  from  France ; encounters  Many  Dangers  . . 195 

Among  the  Icebergs 196 

Cape  Canso  is  Sighted 199 

Meeting  with  the  Son  of  Poutrincourt 200 

Champlain  lands  at  Tadoussac ; sets  out  to  meet  the  Algonquins  . 201 

Establishes  a Settlement  at  Place  Royale 203 

The  Death  of  Louis  and  Outetoucos 206 

The  Return  of  Brule 208 

Conference  with  the  Charioquois 210 

Invitation  to  visit  their  Country 212 

Apprehension  of  the  Natives 213 

Interchange  of  Men 214 

Arrival  of  Three  Hundred  Algonquins 217 

Their  Assurances  of  Friendship 218 

■ Champlain  returns  to  Tadoussac ; departs  for  France  . . . 219 

De  Monts  dissolves  Partnership  with  his  Associates  ....  220 
Champlain  resents  the  Claim  of  Cartier’s  Friends  ....  221 
Explanation  of  Champlain’s  Maps 223 

Fourth  Voyage  of  Sieur  de  Champlain,  made  in  the  Year  1613  225 

Letter  to  the  Prince  of  Cond6 227 

Champlain  obtains  the  Support  of  Soissons ; of  Conde  . . . 229 

His  Departure  from  France 231 

Arrival  at  Tadoussac ; Journey  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis  . . . 232 

Vignau’s  Report  concerning  the  North  Sea 234 

Champlain  sets  out  to  discover  It 236 

The  Route  up  the  Ottawa  River 237 

Champlain  visits  Tessoiiat 244 

An  Indian  Cemetery 245 

Conference  at  the  Abode  of  Tessoiiat 247 

Vignau’s  Report  is  found  to  be  False 251 

He  makes  a Confession 252 


X 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Champlain  returns  to  the  Falls 254 

Ceremony  at  the  Chaudiere  Falls 255 

Arrival  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis 256 

Champlain  departs  for  France ; lands  at  St.  Malo  ....  258 

Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  New  France  from  1615  to  1618  . 261 

Dedication  to  the  King 263 

Preface 265 

Extract  from  the  License 266 

Voyages  of  1615 267 

Champlain  seeks  Friars  for  his  Expedition 270 

Secures  Four  Recollect  Priests 272 

Sails  from  France ; reaches  Quebec 274 

Mission  of  Father  Joseph 275 

Champlain’s  Conference  with  the  Indians  at  the  Falls  . . . 276 

He  sets  out  to  join  the  Savages 278 

His  Route  to  Lake  Huron 279 

Visits  to  Various  Indian  Villages 283 

Products  of  the  Country ; Character  of  the  Natives  ....  284 

The  War  Party 287 

Its  Route  around  Lake  Ontario 288 

At  the  Fort  of  the  Iroquois 290 

The  Attack 292 

The  Retreat 295 

Champlain  is  forced  to  remain  with  the  Savages 296 

Indian  Methods  of  Capturing  Deer 298 

Return  to  the  Huron  Settlement 301 

Champlain  visits  Father  Joseph  and  Several  Savage  Tribes  . . 302 

Description  of  their  Country,  Customs,  and  Mode  of  Life  . . . 303 

Champlain  attempts  to  reconcile  the  Algonquins  and  the  Hurons  . 305 

Observations  upon  the  Country 311 

Account  of  the  Hurons 313 

Their  Food 314 

Their  Dress 317 

Their  Customs  as  to  Marriage 319 

As  to  their  Children 320 

Their  Religion 321 

Their  Treatment  of  the  Sick 324 

Their  Agriculture 327 

Their  Government • 327 

Their  Burial  Customs 329 

Their  Winter  Employments 330 

Champlain  returns  to  Quebec 332 

To  France 334 


CONTENTS 


xi 


PAGE 

Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  Year  1618 337 

Voyage  to  New  France 339 

The  Murder  of  Two  Frenchmen  by  Indians 340 

Attempt  of  the  Tribe  to  make  Recompense 344 

Trial  and  Confession  of  the  Murderer 346 

Perplexity  of  the  Colonists 348 

Arrival  of  Pont  Grav6 349 

Visit  to  Trois  Rivieres 351 

Condoning  of  the  Murder 353 

Brute’s  Report  of  his  Adventures 354 

His  Capture  by  the  Iroquois,  and  his  Return 357 

Champlain  sails  for  France 360 


MAPS  AND  PLANS 

FACING 

Champlain’s  Drawing  of  the  Settlement  on  the  Island  of 
Sainte  Croix.  From  a copy  of  the  First  Edition  of  the  Voyages  of 
1613,  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building)  . 

Champlain’s  Map  of  New  France  according  to  the  True  Meri- 
dian. From  a copy  of  the  First  Edition  of  the  Voyages  of  1613,  in 
the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building)  .... 

Champlain’s  Plan  of  the  Fort  of  the  Iroquois.  From  a copy  of  the 
First  Edition  of  the  Voyages  of  1619,  in  the  New  York  Public  Library 
(Lenox  Building) 


PAGE 

42 


224 


294 


xiii 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE 
CHAMPLAIN 


INTRODUCTION 


Samuel  de  Champlain  was  born  about  the  year  1567  in  the 
town  of  Brouage  in  the  province  of  Saintonge.  Now  a quiet 
little  village  in  the  department  of  Charente  Inferieure,1  in 
the  days  when  Catholic  and  Huguenot  were  at  each  other’s 
throats  all  through  France,  the  harbor  of  Brouage  and  its 
proximity  to  the  Huguenot  stronghold  of  La  Rochelle  made 
it  a stirring  and  important  place,  several  times  taken  and 
retaken  during  the  youth  of  Champlain.  A devout  Catholic, 
but  a fervent  Royalist,  he  rallied  to  the  side  of  Henry  IV., 
and  fought  with  credit  both  on  sea  and  land  during  the  con- 
fused years  of  foreign  and  domestic  warfare  which  were  ter- 
minated by  the  peace  of  Vervins  in  1598.  But  from  the  first 
his  love  had  been  for  the  sea,  and  soon  after  the  peace  he  entered 
the  service  of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  in  January,  1599,  set  sail 
for  the  West  Indies,  as  captain  of  the  St.  Julian , a stout  ship  of 
five  hundred  tons.  Till  March,  1601,  he  remained  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  Caribbean  Sea,  visiting  Mexico,  Cartagena, 
Havana,  and  the  other  Spanish  colonies  on  the  main  land  and 
among  the  Antilles.  On  his  return  he  wrote  a short  account  of 
his  travels  entitled  Brief  Discours  des  Choses  plus  remarquables 
que  Sammuel  Champlain  de  Brouage  a reconneues  aux  Indes 
Occidentalles  au  voiage  qu’il  en  a faict  en  icelles  en  Vannee  1599  et 
en  Vannee  1601 , comme  ensuite. 

This  first  production  of  his  pen  is  illustrated  by  Champlain 
himself  with  sixty-two  maps  and  pictures,  which,  though  drawn 
with  the  most  delightful  disregard  of  perspective  and  of  tech- 

1 An  interesting  account  of  Brouage  by  D.  R.  Jack,  with  excellent  illus- 
trations, appeared  in  Acadiensis,  IV.  226-233. 

3 


4 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


nique,  are  not  without  a rude  vigor  and  fidelity.  His  keen  eye 
and  his  exceptional  opportunities  enabled  him  to  bring  back  to 
France  a store  of  information  on  the  flora,  fauna,  mines  and 
system  of  government  of  those  rich  colonies  which  Spain  so 
grimly  endeavored  to  conceal  from  prying  eyes.  Among  other 
interesting  suggestions  is  one  as  to  the  commercial  value  of  a 
trans-isthmian  canal,  “by  which  the  voyage  to  the  South  Sea 
would  be  shortened  by  more  than  fifteen  hundred  leagues.” 
The  value  of  his  report  brought  him  into  favor  with  Henry  IV., 
who  knew  and  loved  a man ; he  was  assigned  a small  pension, 
and  it  was  probably  at  this  time  that  he  was  raised  to  the  rank 
of  the  untitled  nobility. 

For  a brief  period  after  his  return,  Champlain  dangled  in 
the  ante-chambers  of  the  Louvre,  but  was  soon  swept  into  the 
current  of  a movement  which  was  to  absorb  his  life.  Since  the 
expedition  of  Jacques  Cartier,  in  1534,  a series  of  voyages  had 
been  made  from  the  seaports  of  France  to  the  banks  of  New- 
foundland and  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  in  quest  of  fish  and  of 
fur.  Especially  from  the  ports  of  Normandy  and  Brittany, 
but  also  from  those  of  the  west  and  southwest,  brown-sailed 
fishing-smacks  braved  the  Atlantic  in  search  of  cod.  In  1578 
Anthony  Parkhurst  was  “informed  that  there  are  above  100 
saile  of  Spaniards  that  come  to  take  Cod”  off  Newfoundland, 
“besides  20  or  30  more  that  come  from  Biskaie  to  kill  Whale 
for  Traine;  ...  of  Portugals  there  are  not  lightly  above  50 
saile,  ...  Of  the  French  nation  and  Britons  [Bretons] 
are  about  one  hundred  and  fiftie  sailes,”  of  English  only  fifty 
sail.1 

With  peace  came  thoughts  of  larger  enterprizes,  of  the  West 
or  North  West  Passage  to  the  Orient  for  which  the  English 
mariners  had  been  searching  in  vain,  of  colonies  whose  mineral 
wealth  should  exceed  that  of  Mexico  and  of  Peru,  of  savage 


1 Hakluyt,  Principall  Navigations , ed.  1903,  VIII.  10,  11. 


INTRODUCTION 


5 


tribes  brought  beneath  the  easy  yoke  of  the  Church.  Of  the 
various  attempts  to  realize  these  high  thoughts,  the  first  which 
concerns  us  is  that  of  Aymar  de  Chastes,  governor  of  Dieppe, 
a grey-haired  veteran  of  the  civil  wars,  and  one  of  the  most 
unselfish  and  single-hearted  of  the  gallant  band,  good  Catholics 
and  true  Frenchmen,  who  had  clung  to  Henry  of  Navarre  in 
his  darkest  hours.  In  1603  he  proposed  to  the  now  triumphant 
monarch  a plan  for  setting  up  in  the  new  world  the  Cross  of 
Christ  and  the  fleur-de-lis  of  France.  To  aid  him  in  defraying 
expenses  he  requested  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade. 

This  was  granted,  and  de  Chastes  wisely  allayed  the  indig- 
nation of  the  merchants  of  the  west  coast  by  forming  an  alliance 
with  several  of  the  more  prominent,  chief  among  whom  was 
du  Pont  Grave,  a merchant  of  St.  Malo  who  had  already  made 
numerous  voyages.  Champlain  was  well  known  to  de  Chastes, 
under  whom  he  had  served  in  the  royal  fleet  during  the  civil 
wars,  and  was  offered  a place  in  the  expedition.  The  king’s 
consent  was  obtained,  and  Champlain  was  commissioned  to 
bring  back  to  His  Majesty  “a  true  report  of  what  should  befall.” 
He  thus  sailed  with  the  position  of  Geographer  Royal.  The 
expedition,  consisting  of  two  vessels,  one  under  Pont  Grave, 
the  other  under  Sieur  Prevert  of  St.  Malo,  left  Honfleur  on 
March  15,  1603,  and  sailed  up  the  St.  Lawrence  as  far  as  the 
present  city  of  Montreal,  but  could  find  no  trace  of  the 
Indian  town  of  Hochelaga,  visited  by  Cartier  in  1535.  Cham- 
plain busied  himself  with  exploring  and  mapping  out  both 
shores  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

After  a prosperous  voyage,  they  returned  to  France  with  a 
valuable  cargo  of  furs,  arriving  at  Havre  de  Grace  on  September 
20, 1603,  to  be  greeted  by  the  news  that  de  Chastes  had  died  in 
the  previous  May.  Champlain  at  once  set  about  preparing 
for  the  king  a report,  illustrated  by  maps,  which  was  printed 
with  the  royal  sanction,  and  published  early  in  1604  with  the 
title  Des  Sauvages:  ou  Voyage  de  Samuel  Champlain,  de 


6 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


Brouage,  faict  en  la  France  Nouvelle , Van  mil  six  cens 
trois. 

This  short  treatise,  which  was  dedicated  to  Charles  de 
Montmorency,  the  Admiral  of  France,  covers  almost  the  same 
ground  as  that  gone  over  by  Jacques  Cartier  in  1534-1535, 
but  gives  fuller  and  more  accurate  descriptions  of  the  coastline 
and  its  harbors,  and  contains  valuable  information  about  the 
customs  and  habits  of  the  savages. 

The  mantle  of  de  Chastes  fell  upon  Pierre  de  Guast  (or  de 
Gua),  Sieur  de  Monts,  a Huguenot  nobleman,  governor  of 
Pons  in  Saintonge.  In  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  king’s 
great  minister  Sully,  who  augured  much  expense  and  little 
profit  from  such  fantastic  enterprises,  he  obtained  the  title  of 
Lieutenant-General  in  Acadia,  with  plenary  jurisdiction  over 
all  the  lands  in  America  lying  between  the  fortieth  and  forty- 
sixth  degrees  of  latitude,  and  a ten  years’  monopoly  of  the 
fur-trade.  De  Monts  entered  vigorously  upon  the  work  of 
trade  and  colonization,  associated  with  himself  Champlain 
and  Pont  Grave,  and  early  in  April,  1604,  set  sail  from  Havre 
de  Grace.  From  this  date  till  1619  the  life  of  Champlain  is 
contained  in  his  journals,  of  which  this  volume  is  composed. 
Only  a few  additional  details  need  here  be  given.  In  1610, 
while  in  Paris,  he  married  Hel&ne  Boulle,  the  daughter  of 
Nicolas  Boulle,  secretary  of  the  king’s  chamber.  Although 
the  contract  was  signed,  and  the  greater  part  of  her  dowry 
paid  over,  the  youth  of  the  bride  prevented  her  from  accom- 
panying her  husband,  and  she  remained  for  some  years  longer 
in  the  charge  of  her  parents ; but  in  1620  accompanied  Cham- 
plain to  Quebec. 

In  1613  he  published  his  second  volume,  and  in  1619  a 
continuation,  which  was  reprinted  in  1620  and  1627.  The 
translation  of  these  two  volumes  is  given  in  the  following  pages. 

In  1615-1616  his  voyages  of  exploration  came  to  an  end, 
and  for  the  next  twenty  years  his  history  is  that  of  the  strug- 


INTRODUCTION 


7 


gling  settlement  of  Quebec.  The  fur  trade  grew,  and  the  com- 
pany is  said  to  have  paid  an  annual  dividend  of  forty  per  cent. 
But  colonization  languished,  and  in  1627  Quebec  contained 
only  two  families  of  permanent  settlers.  In  that  year  the 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  grand-admiral  and  virtual  ruler  of 
France,  determined  to  make  New  France  more  than  a high- 
sounding  name  for  a mere  trading-post.  The  old  company 
was  dissolved,  and  a new  one  formed  under  the  name  of  “La 
Compagnie  de  la  Nouvelle  France,”  which  received  large 
privileges,  and  undertook  colonization  on  a large  scale.  In 
its  organization  Champlain  was  prominent,  and  he  remained  in 
charge  of  the  settlement  at  Quebec. 

War  had  broken  out  between  England  and  France,  and  in 
1628  David  Kirke,  an  energetic  Franco-Scottish  freebooter, 
who  had  entered  the  English  service,  sailed  up  the  Saint 
Lawrence,  captured  the  fleet  sent  out  with  supplies  by  the 
newly  founded  company,  and  demanded  the  surrender  of 
Quebec.  Champlain,  though  almost  destitute,  put  on  so 
bold  a face  that  Kirke  withdrew.  But  in  the  next  year  he 
reappeared ; winter  had  exhausted  the  scanty  supplies  of  the 
French;  and  on  July  19,  1629,  Champlain  surrendered  on 
honorable  terms,  which  were  faithfully  observed  by  the  Eng- 
lish. By  the  treaty  of  St.  Germain-en-Laye,  signed  on  March 
29,  1632,  the  French  possessions  in  Canada  were  restored,  and 
in  the  next  year  Champlain  returned  to  Quebec,  bringing  with 
him  two  members  of  the  Jesuit  order,  which  for  the  next  hun- 
dred years  was  to  be  largely  responsible  for  the  fortunes  of  the 
colony. 

In  1632  he  published  his  last  work,  under  the  title,  Les 
Voyages  de  la  Nouvelle  France  Occidentale,  dicte  Canada , faits 
par  le  Sr  de  Champlain , Xainctongeois,  Capitaine  pour  le  Roy 
en  la  Marine  du  Ponant,  et  toutes  les  Descouvertes  qu'il  a faites 
en  ce  Pais  depuis  Van  1603  jusques  en  Van  1629,  Oil  se  voit 
comme  ce  Pays  a este  premierement  descouvert  par  les  Frangois, 


s 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


sous  VAuihorite  de  nos  Roys  tres  Chrestiens,  jusques  au  Regne 
de  sa  Majeste  a present  regnante  Louis  XIII.  Roy  de  France 
et  de  Navarre.  A Paris , chez  Claude  Collet , au  Palais , en  la 
Gallerie  des  Prisonniers,  a VEstoille  dJOr,  MDCXXXII.  Avec 
Privilege  du  Roy. 

This  volume  is  divided  into  two  parts.  The  first  gives  a 
resume  of  the  voyages  of  his  predecessors,  and  of  his  own 
travels  up  to  1620.  Many  details,  and  even  some  important 
episodes,  given  in  his  earlier  publications  are  omitted,  and 
though  a few  errors  are  corrected,  its  interest  is  much  less. 
The  second  part  brings  the  history  of  Quebec  and  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  up  to  1631,  and  contains  a full  account  of  the  English 
conquest.  It  is  doubtful  how  far  Champlain  is  responsible 
for  the  form  in  which  this  volume  appeared.  The  absence  of 
any  word  of  praise  for  the  early  missionary  work  of  the  Re- 
collets, and  the  prominence  given  to  the  labors  of  the  Jesuits, 
have  rendered  it  probable  in  the  eyes  of  some  writers  that  he 
allowed  his  journals  to  be  put  through  the  press  by  a Jesuit 
editor.  The  volume  also  contains  a treatise  on  navigation 
by  Champlain,  a brief  work  on  Christian  doctrine  translated 
into  the  language  of  the  Montagnais  by  the  Jesuit  Father 
Brebeuf,  and  the  Lord’s  Prayer  and  Apostles’  Creed,  translated 
into  the  same  language  by  Father  MassA 

During  the  final  years  of  his  life,  Champlain  worked  hard  at 
rebuilding  and  improving  the  fort  and  other  buildings  of  Que- 
bec, and  at  forming  alliances  for  war  and  trade  with  various 
Indian  tribes,  with  whom  he  sought  to  make  a confederacy 
for  the  subjugation  of  the  dreaded  Iroquois.  But  toil  and 
privation  and  manifold  disappointments  had  sapped  his 
strength,  and  in  October,  1635,  he  was  compelled  to  take  to  his 
bed.  For  over  two  months  he  lingered,  and  then  on  Christmas 
Day,  1635,  the  founder  of  New  France  passed  quietly  to  rest, 
solaced  in  his  last  hours  by  the  rites  of  the  Church  which  he 
loved  so  well.  A few  days  later  his  body  was  laid  to  rest  amid 


INTRODUCTION 


9 


the  sorrow  of  all  the  little  community.  Pious  hands  soon 
raised  a chapel  over  his  ashes,  but  all  traces  of  it  have  long  dis- 
appeared, and  its  site  is  now  occupied  by  the  post-office. 

The  life  of  Champlain  is  primarily  connected  with  the  his- 
tory of  Canada.  He  first  planted  the  lilies  of  France  upon  the 
rock  of  Quebec,  and  nursed  into  existence  the  colony  whose 
descendants  still  play  so  large  a part  in  the  Dominion.  As  such 
he  is  of  interest  to  students  of  American  history.  For  over 
one  hundred  years  the  colony  which  he  founded  waged  equal 
war  with  the  British  settlements  as  far  south  as  New  York; 
its  cession  to  England  rendered  possible  American  Indepen- 
dence, so  long  delayed  by  fear  of  the  northern  thunder-cloud. 
But  Champlain  is  still  more  intimately  connected  with  the 
beginnings  of  the  great  republic.  His  voyages  of  exploration 
extended  to  the  south  of  Boston  Harbor ; more  than  any  other 
of  the  early  seamen  he  brought  order  out  of  confusion,  and  gave 
the  first  clear  account  of  the  shores  of  New  England.  To  this 
side  of  his  career  insufficient  attention  has  been  paid.  While 
the  trials  of  the  settlements  at  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts 
Bay  are  known  to  every  school-boy,  the  connection  of  Cham- 
plain with  the  history  of  the  United  States  has  often  been  dis- 
regarded, and  he  has  been  considered  solely  as  the  founder  of 
Quebec.  The  exclusive  attention  paid  to  the  English  colonists 
has  glorified  Massachusetts  at  the  expense  of  Maine,  and  one  of 
the  noblest  names  in  the  history  of  exploration  has  been  passed 
over. 

The  result  has  been  to  give  an  inadequate  view  of  the  char- 
acter of  Champlain.  As  a colonizer  he  had  in  a measure  the 
defects  of  his  military  training.  The  site  chosen  by  de  Monts 
at  St.  Croix  in  1604,  largely  at  the  instance  of  Champlain, 
however  easy  of  defence  as  a military  station,  was  most  un- 
suitable for  a permanent  colony.  Equally  unsound  was  his 
advice  to  begin  settlement  not  on  the  ground  where  Montreal 
now  stands,  but  on  the  adjacent  islet  of  St.  Helens.  Even 


10 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


Quebec  was  chosen  rather  as  a fur-trading  post  than  with  the 
thought  of  founding  a great  city,  and  Champlain’s  ideas  of 
nation-building  were  less  enlightened  than  those  of  his  con- 
temporary Lescarbot.  (See  p.  41,  note.)  But  as  an  explorer 
his  energy,  his  care,  his  intelligence,  leave  nothing  to  desire. 
His  “ three  voyages  are  the  first  thoroughly  intelligible  contri- 
butions to  the  cartography  of  Maine,”  says  General  Brown. 
“Gosnold  and  Pring  had  touched  the  coast;  but  their  brief 
stay  and  imperfect  and  shadowy  notes  are  to  the  historian 
tantalizing  and  only  faintly  instructive,”  says  Mr.  Slafter. 
But  from  Cape  Canso  to  Boston  Harbor  Champlain  gives  a 
clear  account  of  the  coast-line ; his  writings  were  soon  known 
in  England  and  in  Spain,  and  were  used  by  the  early  cartog- 
raphers of  both  nations. 

His  observations  on  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Indians 
are  also  valuable,  made  as  they  were  before  contact  with  the 
white  invader  had  changed  and  darkened  the  character  of  the 
red  man.  Though  without  the  lively  fancy  and  versatile 
intelligence  of  Lescarbot,  he  had  a far  wider  personal  knowledge 
of  the  savage  tribes,  and  his  account  is  marked  with  truth  and 
sincerity. 

To  his  high  moral  qualities  his  narrative  bears  witness. 
“He  is  particularly  interesting  to  Americans,”  says  a recent 
writer,  “because  he  is  a Frenchman  with  those  qualities  which 
a wayward  English  tradition  denies  to  the  French  — patience, 
sobriety,  calm  self-control,  and  a complete  absence  of  vanity.” 
In  him  the  valor  and  the  religious  ardor  of  a crusader  were  un- 
sullied by  the  intolerance  and  the  superstition  which  marked 
so  many  of  his  contemporaries. 

Canada  has  long  honored  his  worth ; from  the  rock  of 
Quebec  his  statue  looks  proudly  across  the  city  which  he 
founded  to  the  north-west  whose  greatness  he  foresaw;  his 
equal  merit  as  explorer  and  as  geographer  has  not  yet  been  so 
fully  recognized. 


INTRODUCTION 


11 


In  1640  the  edition  of  1632  was  reprinted.  Not  till  1830 
was  another  edition  called  for.  In  that  year  the  same  work 
was  republished  in  two  volumes  by  the  French  government, 
to  give  work  to  printers  thrown  out  of  employment  by  the 
Revolution  of  July.  In  this  the  text  is  given  without  note  or 
comment,  and  the  maps  and  plates  are  omitted.  In  1870 
the  Abbe  Laverdiere  published  at  Quebec,  under  the  patronage 
of  the  University  of  Laval,  a complete  edition  in  six  volumes 
of  the  works  of  the  explorer,  which  has  ever  since  formed  the 
standard  edition  of  Champlain.  It  contains  all  his  writings, 
including  the  Brief  Discourse  of  his  journey  to  the  West  Indies 
in  1599,  which  had  never  before  been  printed,  and  of  which 
a happy  chance  had  preserved  the  manuscript.  It  is,  as  Mr. 
Slafter  says,  “an  exact  reprint,  most  carefully  done  and  en- 
tirely trustworthy,  while  its  notes  are  full  and  exceedingly 
accurate.”  It  reproduces  the  drawings  of  the  West  India 
manuscript,  and  the  maps  and  drawings  of  the  printed  editions 
of  the  other  works,  and  contains  a valuable  introduction  and 
appendices.  The  latter  include  the  text  of  a letter  of  Cham- 
plain to  Richelieu  written  in  August,  1635,  and  dealing  with 
various  important  questions  of  colonial  policy  (see  p.  165). 

In  1625  an  English  translation  of  the  Sauvages  of  1604  was 
printed  at  London  by  Purchas  in  his  Pilgrimes,  Vol.  IV., 
pp. 1605-1619. 

In  1859  the  Brief  Discourse  of  his  voyage  to  the  West  Indies 
was  translated  by  Alice  Wilmere,  edited  by  Norton  Shaw, 
and  published  at  London  by  the  Hakluyt  Society. 

In  1878,  1880,  and  1882  the  Prince  Society  of  Boston  pub- 
lished in  three  volumes  a translation  of  the  Journals  of  1604, 
1613,  and  1619  by  Charles  Pomeroy  Otis,  with  a long  intro- 
ductory memoir  and  very  full  historical  and  geographical 
notes  by  the  Reverend  Edmund  F.  Slafter.  The  maps  and 
drawings  are  well  reproduced,  as  are  two  portraits  of  Cham- 
plain. The  translation  is  extremely  accurate,  and  has  been, 


12 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


with  the  Society’s  permission,  used  in  this  volume.  In  the  one 
or  two  instances  where  I have  ventured  to  disagree  I have  stated 
my  reasons  in  a footnote.  Mr.  Slafter’s  notes  are  a model  of 
care  and  thoroughness.  In  some  cases,  it  will  be  seen,  I have 
transferred  them  outright,  and  in  others  have  reproduced  his 
statements  in  condensed  form. 

The  portion  of  the  Voyages  of  1632  dealing  with  events 
prior  to  1617  has  been  issued  in  English  translation  in  the 
“ Trail  Makers”  series  in  1906,  together  with  the  narrative  of 
the  voyage  of  1603  reprinted  from  Purchas,  the  whole  edited 
by  Professor  Edward  G.  Bourne. 

There  are  many  lives  of  Champlain,  but  for  the  ordinary 
reader  the  best  sketch  of  his  career  remains  that  given  by 
Francis  Parkman  in  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World. 
The  chapter  by  Mr.  Slafter  in  Vol.  IV.  of  the  Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  America  edited  by  Mr.  Justin  Winsor,  con- 
tains a full  bibliography.  I must  also  acknowledge  my  indebt- 
edness to  16  Coasting  Voyages  in  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  made  in 
1604, 1605,  and  1606,  by  Samuel  Champlain,”  a paper  by  Gen- 
eral John  M.  Brown,  published  in  the  Collections  of  the  Maine 
Historical  Society , first  series,  Vol.  VII.  (1876)  and  republished 
separately.  I must  also  express  my  thanks  to  the  officials 
of  the  British  Museum  and  of  the  Toronto  Public  Library  for 
their  invariable  kindness  and  courtesy. 


W.  L.  Grant. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  SIEUR  DE 
CHAMPLAIN 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


OF  SAINTONGE,  CAPTAIN  IN  ORDINARY 
TO  THE  KING  IN  THE  MARINE;  OR, 

A MOST  FAITHFUL  JOURNAL  OF  OBSERVATIONS 
made  in  the  exploration  of  New  France,  describing  not 
only  the  countries , coasts,  rivers,  ports,  and  harbors,  with 
their  latitudes  and  the  various  deflections  of  the  magnetic 
needle,  but  likewise  the  religious  belief  of  the  inhabitants, 
their  superstitions,  mode  of  life  and  warfare;  furnished 
with  numerous  illustrations. 

Together  with  two  geographical  maps : 1 the  first  for  the  purposes 
of  navigation,  adapted  to  the  compass  as  used  by  mari- 
ners, which  deflects  to  the  north-east ; the  other  in  its  true 
meridian,  with  longitudes  and  latitudes,  to  which  is 
added  the  Voyage  to  the  Strait  north  of  Labrador,  from 
the  53d  to  the  63d  degree  of  latitude,  discovered  in  161% 
by  the  English  when  they  were  searching  for  a northerly 
course  to  China. 

Paris:  Jean  Berjon,  Rue  St.  Jean  de  Beauvais,  at  the  Flying 
Horse,  and  at  his  store  in  the  Palace,  at  the  Gallery  of 
the  Prisoners.  MDCXIII.  With  authority  of  the 
King.2 


1 The  second  of  these  maps  is  reproduced  in  this  volume.  The  first, 
and  most  of  the  smaller  maps  and  sketches,  have  been  omitted.  They 
may  be  consulted  in  the  editions  of  Laverdi&re  and  Slafter.  See  the  pref- 
atory note  to  this  volume,  on  the  maps  herein  reproduced. 

2 This  italic  heading  is  a translation  of  the  title-page  of  the  original 
printed  book. 


15 


16 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


TO  THE  KING1 

Sire, 

Your  Majesty  has  doubtless  full  knowledge  of  the  discover- 
ies made  in  your  service  in  New  France,  called  Canada,  through 
the  descriptions,  given  by  certain  Captains  and  Pilots,  of  the 
voyages  and  discoveries  made  there  during  the  past  eighty 
years.  These,  however,  present  nothing  so  honorable  to  your 
Kingdom,  or  so  profitable  to  the  service  of  your  Majesty  and 
your  subjects,  as  will,  I doubt  not,  the  maps  of  the  coasts,  har- 
bors, rivers,  and  the  situation  of  the  places  described  in  this 
little  treatise,  which  I make  bold  to  address  to  your  Majesty, 
and  which  is  entitled  a Journal  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries, 
which  I have  made  in  connection  with  Sieur  de  Monts,  your 
Lieutenant  in  New  France.  This  I do,  feeling  myself  urged  by 
a just  sense  of  the  honor  I have  received  during  the  last  ten 
years  in  commissions,  not  only,  Sire,  from  your  Majesty,  but 
also  from  the  late  king,  Henry  the  Great,  of  happy  memory, 
who  commissioned  me  to  make  the  most  exact  researches  and 
explorations  in  my  power.  This  I have  done,  and  added, 
moreover,  the  maps  contained  in  this  little  book,  where  I have 
set  forth  in  particular  the  dangers  to  which  one  would  be  liable. 
The  subjects  of  your  Majesty,  whom  you  may  be  pleased  here- 
after to  employ  for  the  preservation  of  what  has  been  dis- 
covered, will  be  able  to  avoid  those  dangers  through  the  knowl- 
edge afforded  by  the  maps  contained  in  this  treatise,  which  will 
serve  as  an  example  in  your  kingdom  for  increasing  the  glory 
of  your  Majesty,  the  welfare  of  your  subjects,  and  for  the  honor 
of  the  very  humble  service,  for  which,  to  the  happy  prolongation 
of  your  days,  is  indebted, 

Sire, 

Your  most  humble,  most  obedient, 

and  most  faithful  servant  and  subject, 

Champlain. 

1 Louis  XIII.,  born  1601,  succeeded  1610,  declared  of  age  1614,  died  1643. 


TO  THE  QUEEN  REGENT 


17 


TO  THE  QUEEN  REGENT,1 
Mother  of  the  King 

Madame, 

Of  all  the  most  useful  and  excellent  arts,  that  of  navigation 
has  always  seemed  to  me  to  occupy  the  first  place.  For  the 
more  hazardous  it  is,  and  the  more  numerous  the  perils  and 
losses  by  which  it  is  attended,  so  much  the  more  is  it  esteemed 
and  exalted  above  all  others,  being  wholly  unsuited  to  the  timid 
and  irresolute.  By  this  art  we  obtain  knowledge  of  different 
countries,  regions,  and  realms.  By  it  we  attract  and  bring  to 
our  own  land  all  kinds  of  riches,  by  it  the  idolatry  of  paganism 
is  overthrown  and  Christianity  proclaimed  throughout  all  the 
regions  of  the  earth.2  This  is  the  art  which  from  my  early 
age  has  won  my  love,  and  induced  me  to  expose  myself  almost 
all  my  life  to  the  impetuous  waves  of  the  ocean,  and  led  me  to 
explore  the  coasts  of  a part  of  America,  especially  of  New 
France,  where  I have  always  desired  to  see  the  Lily  flourish, 
and  also  the  only  religion,  catholic,  apostolic,  and  Roman. 
This  I trust  now  to  accomplish  with  the  help  of  God,  assisted 
by  the  favor  of  your  Majesty,  whom  I most  humbly  entreat 
to  continue  to  sustain  us,  in  order  that  all  may  succeed  to  the 
honor  of  God,  the  welfare  of  France,  and  the  splendor  of 
your  reign,  for  the  grandeur  and  prosperity  of  which  I will 
pray  God  to  attend  you  always  with  a thousand  blessings, 
and  will  remain, 

Madame, 

Your  most  humble,  most  obedient, 

and  most  faithful  servant  and  subject, 

Champlain.3 


1 Marie  de  Medicis,  1573-1642,  widow  of  Henry  IV.,  regent  1610-1614. 

2 This  double  aim  characterized  to  the  last  the  French  settlements  in 
North  America.  New  France  has  been  described  as  “a  Jesuit  mission, 
grafted  on  a fur-trading  post.”  Most  of  the  early  settlements  were  made, 
however,  not  so  much  in  view  of  the  fur-trade,  as  for  halting-places  on  the 
supposed  road  to  Cathay  and  the  Orient. 

3 This  dedication  is  followed  in  the  original  by  two  poems  in  honor  of 


18 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  LICENSE 

By  letters  patent  of  the  King,  given  at  Paris  the  ninth  of 
January,  1613,  and  in  the  third  year  of  our  reign,  by  the  King 
in  his  Council,  Perreau,  and  sealed  with  the  simple  yellow  seal,1 
it  is  permitted  to  Jean  Berjon,  printer  and  bookseller  in  this 
city  of  Paris,  to  print,  or  have  printed  by  whomsoever  it 
may  seem  good  to  him,  a book  entitled  The  Voyages  of  Samuel 
de  Champlain  of  Saintongej  Captain  in  ordinary  for  the  King 
in  the  Marine}  etc.}  for  the  time  and  limit  of  six  entire  con- 
secutive years,  from  the  day  when  this  book  shall  have 
been  printed  up  to  the  said  time  of  six  years.  By  the  same 
letters,  in  like  manner  all  printers,  merchant  booksellers,  and 
any  others  whatever,  are  forbidden  to  print  or  have  printed, 
to  sell  or  distribute  said  book  during  the  aforesaid  time, 
without  the  special  consent  of  said  Berjon,  or  of  him  to  whom 
he  shall  give  permission,  on  pain  of  confiscation  of  so  many 
of  said  books  as  shall  be  found,  and  a discretionary  fine, 
as  is  more  fully  set  forth  in  the  aforesaid  letters. 

Champlain,  and  by  a table  of  contents.  The  insertion  of  such  poems,  some- 
times by  the  author,  as  in  the  case  of  Lescarbot,  and  sometimes  by  his  friends, 
as  here,  is  a frequent  characteristic  of  these  early  books  of  travel. 

1 Used  for  letters  patent  of  a temporary  character  or  validity. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


BOOK  I1 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 

Chapter  1 

The  benefits  of  commerce  have  induced  several  princes  to  seek  an 
easier  route  for  traffic  with  the  people  of  the  East.  Several 
unsuccessful  voyages.  Determination  of  the  French  for 
this  purpose . Undertaking  of  Sieur  de  Monts : his  com- 
mission and  its  revocation.  New  commission  to  Sieur 
de  Monts  to  enable  him  to  continue  his  undertaking. 

The  inclinations  of  men  differ  according  to  their  varied 
dispositions;  and  each  one  in  his  calling  has  his  particular 
end  in  view.  Some  aim  at  gain,  some  at  glory,  some  at  the 
public  weal.  The  greater  number  are  engaged  in  trade,  and 
especially  that  which  is  transacted  on  the  sea.  Hence  arise  the 
principal  support  of  the  people,  the  opulence  and  honor  of 
states.  This  is  what  raised  ancient  Rome  to  the  sovereignty 
and  mastery  over  the  entire  world,  and  the  Venetians  to  a 
grandeur  equal  to  that  of  powerful  kings.  It  has  in  all  times 
caused  maritime  towns  to  abound  in  riches,  among  which 

1 Though  Book  I.  is  not  given  in  the  original  a separate  title  or  heading, 
such  as  is  given  to  Book  II.,  the  distinction  between  the  two  is  broadly- 
marked  in  the  table  of  contents  of  the  original.  It  reads : “ Book  First,  in 
which  are  described  the  discoveries  of  the  coast  of  Acadia  and  Florida.” 
Then  follows  the  list  of  the  seventeen  chapters  of  Book  I.;  then,  “Book 
Second,  in  which  are  described  the  voyages  made  to  the  great  River  St. 
Laurens  by  the  Sieur  de  Champlain”;  then,  the  list  of  its  eleven  chapters. 
In  other  words,  the  first  book  describes  the  voyages  of  1604-1607,  the  second 
those  of  1608-1610  (or  1608-1612,  if  the  second  and  third  voyages,  despite 
their  separate  headings  and  their  separate  series  of  chapters,  be  reckoned  as 
parts  of  Book  II.),  while  that  of  1611  is  the  subject  of  the  “Troisiesme  Voy- 
age” and  that  of  1613  of  the  “Quatriesme  Voyage.” 

21 


22 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN  [1496-1578 


Alexandria  and  Tyre  are  distinguished,  and  numerous  others, 
which  fill  up  the  regions  of  the  interior  with  the  objects  of 
beauty  and  rarity  obtained  from  foreign  nations.  For  this 
reason,  many  princes  have  striven  to  find  a northerly  route  to 
China,  in  order  to  facilitate  commerce  with  the  Orientals,  in  the 
belief  that  this  route  would  be  shorter  and  less  dangerous. 

In  the  year  1496,  the  king  of  England  commissioned  John 
Cabot  and  his  son  Sebastian  to  engage  in  this  search.1  About 
the  same  time,  Don  Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  despatched 
on  the  same  errand  Gaspar  Cortereal,  who  returned  with- 
out attaining  his  object.  Resuming  his  journeys  the  year 
after,  he  died  in  the  undertaking;  as  did  also  his  brother 
Michel,  who  was  prosecuting  it  perseveringly.2  In  the  years 
1534  and  1535,  Jacques  Cartier  received  a like  commission 
from  King  Francis  I.,  but  was  arrested  in  his  course.3  Six 
years  after,  Sieur  de  Roberval,  having  renewed  it,  sent  Jean 
Alfonse  of  Saintonge  farther  northward  along  the  coast  of 
Labrador;  but  he  returned  as  wise  as  the  others.4  In  the 
years  1576,  1577,  and  1578,  Sir  Martin  Frobisher,  an  English- 

1 The  first  commission  was  granted  by  Henry  VII.  of  England  to  John 
Cabot  and  his  three  sons,  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius,  March  5,  1496. 
The  first  voyage,  however,  was  made  in  1497.  The  second  commission  was 
granted  to  John  Cabot  alone,  in  1498. 

Sebastian  Cabot  played  a smaller  part  in  these  early  voyages  than  popu- 
lar history  relates,  and  has  in  large  measure  usurped  the  credit  due  to  his 
father.  See  C.  R.  Beazley,  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  (London,  1898). 

2 Gaspar  Cortereal  made  two  voyages,  the  first  in  1500,  the  second  with 
three  vessels  in  1501.  Two  reached  home  safely,  but  that  on  which  he  him- 
self sailed  was  lost.  This  is  the  less  to  be  regretted  as  he  had  tried  to  carry 
off  the  Labrador  Indians  to  sell  in  the  slave-market  of  Lisbon.  His  brother 
Miguel  went  in  search  of  him  in  1502  with  three  vessels.  These  reached  St. 
John’s,  Newfoundland,  in  June,  and  separated  in  search  of  Gaspar.  That 
bearing  Cortereal  was  never  again  heard  of.  The  other  two  reached  Portu- 
gal in  safety.  See  H.  P.  Biggar,  Voyages  of  the  Cabots  and  the  Cortereals 
(Paris,  1903). 

3 This  does  less  than  justice  to  Cartier,  who  explored  very  thoroughly  the 
river  and  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  as  far  as  Montreal,  and  whose  memoirs  greatly 
assisted  subsequent  navigators.  See  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
New  World.  In  1541  he  made  a third  expedition,  under  the  orders  of  Rober- 
val. 

4 Roberval’s  voyage  was  made  in  1542.  See  Hakluyt  for  this,  and  for  the 
subsequent  English  voyages. 


1578-1598] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


23 


man,  made  three  voyages  along  the  northern  coasts.1  Seven 
years  later,  Humphrey  Gilbert,  also  an  Englishman,  set  out 
with  five  ships,  but  suffered  shipwreck  on  Sable  Island,  where 
three  of  his  vessels  were  lost.2  In  the  same  and  two  follow- 
ing years,  John  Davis,  an  Englishman,  made  three  voyages 
for  the  same  object;  penetrating  to  the  72d  degree,  as  far  as 
a strait  which  is  called  at  the  present  day  by  his  name.  After 
him,  Captain  Georges  made  also  a voyage  in  1590,  but  in  con- 
sequence of  the  ice  was  compelled  to  return  without  having 
made  any  discovery.3  The  Hollanders,  on  their  part,  had 
no  more  precise  knowledge  in  the  direction  of  Nova  Zembla. 

So  many  voyages  and  discoveries  without  result,  and  at- 
tended with  so  much  hardship  and  expense,  have  caused  us 
French  in  late  years  to  attempt  a permanent  settlement  in 
those  lands  which  we  call  New  France,  in  the  hope  of  thus 
realizing  more  easily  this  object;  since  the  voyage  in  search 
of  the  desired  passage  commences  on  the  other  side  of  the 
ocean,  and  is  made  along  the  coast  of  this  region.  These 
considerations  had  induced  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche,  in  1598, 
to  take  a commission  from  the  king  for  making  a settlement 
in  the  above  region.  With  this  object,  he  landed  men  and 
supplies  on  Sable  Island;  but,  as  the  conditions  which  had 
been  accorded  to  him  by  his  Majesty  were  not  fulfilled,  he 


1 Frobisher’s  voyages  were  partially  in  search  of  the  Northwest  Passage, 
partially  in  the  hope  of  finding  gold.  He  was  unsuccessful  in  both  objects. 
On  all  these  voyages,  consult  Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America. 

2 Gilbert’s  voyage  to  colonize  Newfoundland  was  made  in  1583.  He 
went  down  in  a storm  on  the  return  voyage  to  England,  some  days  after 
leaving  Sable  Island.  See  Froude,  “ England’s  Forgotten  Worthies,”  in  his 
Short  Studies  on  Great  Subjects,  or  the  report  of  the  voyage  written  by  Master 
Edward  Haies,  in  the  volume  of  this  series  entitled  Early  English  and  French 
Voyages,  chiefly  from  Hakluyt.  Davis’s  first  voyage  took  place  in  1585. 

3 There  may  have  been  a voyage  by  a Captain  Georges,  which  for  some 
unknown  reason  was  never  reported ; or,  what  is  more  likely,  Champlain  may 
refer  to  the  voyage  of  Captain  George  Waymouth,  undertaken  in  1602  for  the 
East  India  Company,  which  was  defeated  by  the  icebergs  he  encountered 
and  the  mutiny  of  his  men.  It  was  not  uncommon  to  omit  part  of  a name 
at  that  period,  and  Champlain  may  have  mistaken  the  date,  as  the  report  of 
Waymouth’s  voyage  was  not  printed  till  after  Champlain  wrote.  (Slafter.) 


24 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN  [1599-1603 


was  obliged  to  abandon  his  undertaking,  and  leave  his  men 
there.1  A year  after,  Captain  Chauvin  accepted  another 
commission  to  transport  settlers  to  the  same  region;  but,  as 
this  was  shortly  after  revoked,  he  prosecuted  the  matter  no 
farther.2 * 

After  the  above,  notwithstanding  all  these  accidents  and 
disappointments,  Sieur  de  Monts  desired  to  attempt  what  had 
been  given  up  in  despair,  and  requested  a commission  for  this 
purpose  of  his  Majesty,  being  satisfied  that  the  previous 
enterprises  had  failed  because  the  undertakers  of  them  had 
not  received  assistance,  who  had  not  succeeded,  in  one  nor 
even  two  years’  time,  in  making  the  acquaintance  of  the  regions 
and  people  there,  nor  in  finding  harbors  adapted  for  a settle- 
ment. He  proposed  to  his  Majesty  a means  for  covering  these 
expenses,  without  drawing  any  thing  from  the  royal  revenues ; 
viz.,  by  granting  to  him  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade  in  this 
land.  This  having  been  granted  to  him,  he  made  great  and 
excessive  outlays,  and  carried  out  w7ith  him  a large  number 
of  men  of  various  vocations.  Upon  his  arrival,  he  caused 
the  necessary  number  of  habitations  for  his  followers  to  be 
constructed.  This  expenditure  he  continued  for  three  consecu- 
tive years,  after  which,  in  consequence  of  the  jealousy  and 
annoyance  of  certain  Basque  merchants,  together  with  some 
from  Brittany,  the  monopoly  which  had  been  granted  to  him 
was  revoked  by  the  Council  to  the  great  injury  and  loss  of  Sieur 
de  Monts,  who,  in  consequence  of  this  revocation,  was  com- 
pelled to  abandon  his  entire  undertaking,  sacrificing  his  labors 
and  the  outfit  for  his  settlement. 

But  since  a report  had  been  made  to  the  king  on  the  fer- 
tility of  the  soil  by  him,  and  by  me  on  the  feasibility  of  dis- 

1 De  la  Roche’s  crew  were  a set  of  jail-birds.  He  landed  some  forty  of 
them  temporarily  on  Sable  Island,  and  went  on  to  find  a site  for  a permanent 
settlement.  A storm  carried  him  back  to  France,  where  he  was  imprisoned 
by  an  old  enemy.  The  convicts  quarrelled  and  slew  each  other  till  only 
twelve  remained,  who  were  brought  back  to  France  in  1603,  and  pardoned 
by  Henry  IV.  in  pity  for  their  sufferings. 

2 Chauvin  made  two  voyages  in  1599  and  1600,  in  company  with  Pont 

Grave  (see  Introduction). 


1603-1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


25 


covering  the  passage  to  China,  without  the  inconveniences 
of  the  ice  of  the  north  or  the  heats  of  the  torrid  zone,  through 
which  our  sailors  pass  twice  in  going  and  twice  in  returning, 
with  inconceivable  hardships  and  risks,  his  Majesty  directed 
Sieur  de  Monts  to  make  a new  outfit,  and  send  men  to  continue 
what  he  had  commenced.  This  he  did.  And,  in  view  of  the 
uncertainty  of  his  commission,1  he  chose  a new  spot  for  his 
settlement,  in  order  to  deprive  jealous  persons  of  any  such  dis- 
trust as  they  had  previously  conceived.  He  was  also  influenced 
by  the  hope  of  greater  advantages  in  case  of  settling  in  the 
interior,  where  the  people  are  civilized,  and  where  it  is  easier 
to  plant  the  Christian  faith  and  establish  such  order  as  is  nec- 
essary for  the  protection  of  a country,  than  along  the  sea- 
shore, where  the  savages  generally  dwell.  From  this  course, 
he  believed  the  king  would  derive  an  inestimable  profit;  for 
it  is  easy  to  suppose  that  Europeans  will  seek  out  this  advan- 
tage rather  than  those  of  a jealous  and  intractable  disposition 
to  be  found  on  the  shores,  and  the  barbarous  tribes. 


Chapter  2 

Description  of  Sable  Island;  Cape  Breton;  La  Heve;  Port  au 
Mouton;  Port  Cape  Negre;  Sable  Bay  and  Cape;  Cor- 
morant Island;  Cape  Fourchu;  Long  Island;  Bay  of 
Saint  Mary;  Port  Saint  Margaret;  and  of  all  noteworthy 
objects  along  this  coast. 

Sieur  de  Monts,  by  virtue  of  his  commission2  having  pub- 
lished in  all  the  ports  and  harbors  of  this  kingdom  the  prohi- 
bition against  the  violation  of  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade 
accorded  him  by  his  Majesty,  gathered  together  about  one 


1 This  refers  to  the  commission  of  1608,  granted  after  the  revocation  of 
that  of  1603.  See  its  text  in  book  n.,  chap,  i.,  below. 

2 This  commission  was  issued  on  November  8,  1603,  and  is  given  by 
Lescarbot,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  book  iv. ; in  English  translation  by 
Williamson,  History  of  Maine,  I.  651,  and  Murdoch,  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  I. 
21 ; and  in  both  French  and  English  in  Baird,  Huguenot  Emigration,  I.  341. 


26 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


hundred  and  twenty  artisans,  whom  he  embarked  in  two  vessels : 
one  of  a hundred  and  twenty  tons,  commanded  by  Sieur  de 
Pont  Grave;  another,  of  a hundred  and  fifty  tons,  in  which 
he  embarked  himself,  together  with  several  noblemen. 

We  set  out  from  Havre  de  Grace  April  7,  1604,  and  Pont 
Grave  April  10,  to  rendezvous  at  Canseau,1  twenty  leagues  2 
from  Cape  Breton.3  But,  after  we  were  in  mid-ocean,  Sieur 
de  Monts  changed  his  plan,  and  directed  his  course  towards 
Port  Mouton,4  it  being  more  southerly  and  also  more  favor- 
able for  landing  than  Canseau. 

On  May  1,  we  sighted  Sable  Island,  where  we  ran  a risk 
of  being  lost  in  consequence  of  the  error  of  our  pilots,  who 
were  deceived  in  their  calculation,  which  they  made  forty 
leagues  ahead  of  where  we  were. 

This  island  is  thirty  leagues  distant  north  and  south  from 
Cape  Breton,  and  in  length  is  about  fifteen  leagues.5  It  con- 
tains a small  lake.  The  island  is  very  sandy,  and  there  are 
no  trees  at  all  of  considerable  size,  only  copse  and  herbage, 
which  serve  as  pasturage  for  the  bullocks  and  cows,  which 
the  Portuguese  carried  there  more  than  sixty  years  ago,  and 
which  were  very  serviceable  to  the  party  of  the  Marquis  de  la 
Roche.  The  latter,  during  their  sojourn  of  several  years 
there,  captured  a large  number  of  very  fine  black  foxes,  whose 


1 The  harbor  of  Canso  on  the  northeast  coast  of  Nova  Scotia.  The  name 

is  also  given  to  an  island  in  the  neighborhood,  and  to  the  strait  separating 
the  island  of  Cape  Breton  from  Nova  Scotia. 

3  The  league  (Fr.  lime)  varied  in  length  in  different  localities  and  at 
different  dates.  In  Champlain  and  Lescarbot  it  is  roughly  equivalent  to  two 
English  miles. 

3 This  cape,  which  later  gave  its  name  to  the  whole  island,  probably 
took  its  name  from  the  fishermen  of  Brittany,  who  frequented  the  region  in 
search  of  cod  since  about  1504.  Others  suppose  it  to  have  been  named  by 
the  Basque  fishermen  in  memory  of  Cape  Breton  on  the  southwest  coast  of 
France,  north  of  Bayonne. 

4 Still  so  called.  It  derives  its  name  from  a sheep  {mouton)  which  on  this 
voyage  fell  overboard  and  was  drowned. 

5 It  is  now  about  twenty  miles  in  length  by  one  in  breadth,  and  owing 
to  the  action  of  wind  and  wave  tends  to  decrease  in  size,  in  spite  of  the  efforts 
of  the  Canadian  government.  Its  long  record  of  disastrous  wrecks  has  won 
it  the  name  of  “ the  graveyard  of  the  Atlantic.” 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


27 


skins  they  carefully  preserved.  There  are  many  sea-wolves  1 
there,  with  the  skins  of  which  they  clothed  themselves  since 
they  had  exhausted  their  own  stock  of  garments.  By  order 
of  the  Parliamentary  Court  of  Rouen,  a vessel  was  sent  there 
to  recover  them.  The  directors  of  the  enterprise  caught  cod- 
fish near  the  island,  the  neighborhood  of  which  abounds  in 
shoals. 

On  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  we  sighted  Cap  de  la  Heve,2 
to  the  east  of  which  is  a bay,  containing  several  islands  cov- 
ered with  fir-trees.  On  the  main  land  are  oaks,  elms,  and 
birches.  It  joins  the  coast  of  La  Cadie  at  the  latitude  of  44°  5', 
and  at  16°  15'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic  needle,3  distant 
east-north-east  eighty-five  leagues  from  Cape  Breton,  of  which 
we  shall  speak  hereafter. 

On  the  12th  of  May,  we  entered  another  port,  five  leagues 
from  Cap  de  la  Heve,  where  we  captured  a vessel  engaged 
in  the  fur-trade  in  violation  of  the  king’s  prohibition.  The 
master’s  name  was  Rossignol,  whose  name  the  port  retained,4 
which  is  in  latitude  44°  15\ 

On  the  13th  of  May,  we  arrived  at  a very  fine  harbor,  where 
there  are  two  little  streams,  called  Port  au  Mouton,  which  is 
seven  leagues  distant  from  that  of  Rossignol.  The  land  is  very 
stony,  and  covered  with  copse  and  heath.  There  are  a great 
many  rabbits,  and  a quantity  of  game  in  consequence  of  the 
ponds  there. 

As  soon  as  we  had  disembarked,  each  one  commenced 
making  huts  after  his  fashion,  on  a point  at  the  entrance  of 

1 1.e.,  seals. 

2 Still  so  called  from  Cap  de  la  Heve  in  Normandy,  a little  north  of  Havre 
de  Grace,  their  point  of  embarkation.  The  harbor  is  that  now  called  Palmer- 
ston Bay  at  the  mouth  of  Petit  River,  in  about  44°  15'.  Many  of  the 
latitudes  and  longitudes  given  by  Champlain  are  only  approximately 
correct. 

3 Before  the  invention  of  the  chronometer,  longitudes  could  not  be 
accurately  determined.  Champlain's  practice  is  to  give  the  declination  of 
the  needle  from  the  true  north,  as  a means  of  obtaining  the  longitude.  His 
explanation  of  his  system  may  be  seen  in  the  Prince  Society's  edition,  III. 
219-224. 

4 Now  Liverpool.  A lake  in  the  interior  still  bears  the  name  of  Rossignol. 


28 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


the  harbor  near  two  fresh-water  ponds.  Sieur  de  Monts  at 
the  same  time  despatched  a shallop,  in  which  he  sent  one  of 
us,  with  some  savages  as  guides,  as  bearers  of  letters,  along  the 
coast  of  La  Cadie,  to  search  for  Pont  Grave,  who  had  a por- 
tion of  the  necessary  supplies  for  our  winter  sojourn.  The 
latter  was  found  at  the  Bay  of  All-Isles,1  very  anxious  about 
us  (for  he  knew  nothing  of  the  change  of  plan) ; and  the  letters 
were  handed  to  him.  As  soon  as  he  had  read  them,  he  returned 
to  his  ship  at  Canseau,  where  he  seized  some  Basque  vessels 
engaged  in  the  fur-trade,  notwithstanding  the  prohibition  of 
his  Majesty,  and  sent  their  masters  to  Sieur  de  Monts,  who 
meanwhile  charged  me  to  reconnoitre  the  coast  and  the  har- 
bors suitable  for  the  secure  reception  of  our  vessel. 

With  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  his  wishes,  I set  out  from 
Port  Mouton  on  the  19th  of  May,  in  a barque  of  eight  tons, 
accompanied  by  Sieur  Ralleau,  his  secretary,  and  ten  men. 
Advancing  along  the  coast,  we  entered  a harbor  very  con- 
venient for  vessels,  at  the  end  of  which  is  a small  river,  ex- 
tending very  far  into  the  main  land.  This  I called  the  Port  of 
Cape  Negro,  from  a rock  whose  distant  view  resembles  a 
negro,  which  rises  out  of  the  water  near  a cape  passed  by  us 
the  same  day,  four  leagues  off  and  ten  from  Port  Mouton. 
This  cape  is  very  dangerous,  on  account  of  the  rocks  run- 
ning out  into  the  sea.  The  shores  which  I saw,  up  to  that  point, 
are  very  low,  and  covered  with  such  wood  as  that  seen  at  the 
Cap  de  la  Heve;  and  the  islands  are  all  filled  with  game. 
Going  farther  on,  we  passed  the  night  at  Sable  Bay,2  where 
vessels  can  anchor  without  any  danger. 

The  next  day  we  went  to  Cape  Sable,  also  very  danger- 
ous, in  consequence  of  certain  rocks  and  reefs  extending 
almost  a league  into  the  sea.  It  is  two  leagues  from  Sable 
Bay,  where  we  had  spent  the  night  before.  Thence  we  went 

1 It  was  the  bay,  or  rather  the  waters,  that  stretch  along  the  shores  of 
Halifax  County,  between  Owl's  Head  and  Liscomb  River.  (Slafter.) 

2 Near  Cape  Sable  Island,  at  what  is  now  known  as  Barrington  Harbor. 
(Laverdiere.)  The  reader  should  be  warned  not  to  confuse  Sable  Island, 
lying  some  one  hundred  miles  off  the  coast,  with  Cape  Sable  Island,  at  the 
southeast  extremity  of  Nova  Scotia. 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


29 


to  Cormorant  Island,1  a league  distant,  so  called  from  the 
infinite  number  of  cormorants  found  there,  of  whose  eggs 
we  collected  a cask  full.  From  this  island,  we  sailed  westerly 
about  six  leagues,  crossing  a bay,  which  makes  up  to  the 
north  two  or  three  leagues.  Then  we  fell  in  with  several 
islands2  distant  two  or  three  leagues  from  the  main  land;  and, 
as  well  as  I could  judge,  some  of  them  were  two  leagues  in 
extent,  others  three,  and  others  were  still  smaller.  Most  of 
them  are  very  dangerous  for  large  vessels  to  approach,  on 
account  of  the  tides  and  the  rocks  on  a level  with  the  water. 
These  islands  are  filled  with  pines,  firs,  birches,  and  aspens. 
A little  farther  out,  there  are  four  more.  In  one,  we  saw  so 
great  a quantity  of  birds,  called  penguins,3  that  we  killed 
them  easily  with  sticks.  On  another,  we  found  the  shore  com- 
pletely covered  with  sea-wolves,  of  which  we  captured  as 
many  as  we  wished.  At  the  two  others  there  is  such  an 
abundance  of  birds  of  different  sorts  that  one  could  not  im- 
agine it,  if  he  had  not  seen  them.  There  are  cormorants, 
three  kinds  of  duck,  geese,  marmettes  ?,  bustards,  sea-parrots, 
snipe,  vultures,  and  other  birds  of  prey;  gulls,  sea-larks  of 
two  or  three  kinds;  herons,  large  sea-gulls,  curlews,  sea-mag- 
pies, divers,  ospreys,  appoils  ?,  ravens,  cranes,  and  other  sorts 
which  I am  not  acquainted  with,  and  which  also  make  their 
nests  here.  We  named  these  Sea-Wolf  Islands.  They  are  in 
latitude  43°  30 distant  from  four  to  five  leagues  from  the 
main  land,  or  Cape  Sable.  After  spending  pleasantly  some 
time  there  in  hunting  (and  not  without  capturing  much 
game),  we  set  out  and  reached  a cape,  which  we  christened 
Port  Fourchu4  from  its  being  fork-shaped,  distant  from  five 
to  six  leagues  from  the  Sea-Wolf  Islands.  This  harbor  is 
very  convenient  for  vessels  at  its  entrance;  but  its  remoter 
part  is  entirely  dry  at  low  tide,  except  the  channel  of  a little 


1 Probably  Hope  Island.  2 The  Tusket  or  Tousquet  Islands. 

3 The  great  auk,  now  extinct.  Champlain  gave  to  the  birds,  beasts, 
and  flowers  of  North  America  the  names  of  the  European  varieties  most 

closely  resembling  them. 

4 Still  so  called. 


30 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


stream,  completely  bordered  by  meadows,  which  make  this 
spot  very  pleasant.  There  is  good  codfishing  near  the  harbor. 
Departing  from  there,  we  sailed  north  ten  or  twelve  leagues 
without  finding  any  harbor  for  our  vessels,  but  a number  of 
very  fine  inlets  or  shores,  where  the  soil  seems  to  be  well 
adapted  for  cultivation.  The  woods  are  exceedingly  fine 
here,  but  there  are  few  pines  and  firs.  This  coast  is  clear, 
without  islands,  rocks,  or  shoals;  so  that,  in  our  judgment, 
vessels  can  securely  go  there.  Being  distant  quarter  of  a 
league  from  the  coast,  we  went  to  an  island  called  Long  Island, 
lying  north-north-east  and  south-south-west,  which  makes 
an  opening  into  the  great  Baye  Frangoise,1  so  named  by  Sieur 
de  Monts. 

This  island  is  six  leagues  long,  and  nearly  a league  broad 
in  some  places,  in  others  only  quarter  of  a league.  It  is  cov- 
ered with  an  abundance  of  wood,  such  as  pines  and  birch. 
All  the  coast  is  bordered  by  very  dangerous  rocks ; and  there 
is  no  place  at  all  favorable  for  vessels,  only  little  inlets  for 
shallops  at  the  extremity  of  the  island,  and  three  or  four 
small  rocky  islands,  where  the  savages  capture  many  sea- 
wolves.  There  are  strong  tides,  especially  at  the  little  passage 
of  the  island,  which  is  very  dangerous  for  vessels  running  the 
risk  of  passing  through  it. 

From  Long  Island  passage,  we  sailed  north-east  two  leagues, 
when  we  found  a cove  where  vessels  can  anchor  in  safety, 
and  which  is  quarter  of  a league  or  thereabouts  in  circuit. 
The  bottom  is  all  mire,  and  the  surrounding  land  is  bordered 
by  very  high  rocks.  In  this  place  there  is  a very  good  silver 
mine,  according  to  the  report  of  the  miner,  Master  Simon, 
who  accompanied  me.  Some  leagues  farther  on,  there  is  a 
little  stream  called  River  Boulay2  where  the  tide  rises  half  a 
league  into  the  land,  at  the  mouth  of  which  vessels  of  a hundred 
tons  can  easily  ride  at  anchor.  Quarter  of  a league  from  here 
there  is  a good  harbor  for  vessels,  where  we  found  an  iron 

1 The  Bay  of  Fundy.  Early  English  maps  call  it  Argali's  Bay,  after  the 
captor  of  Port  Royal  in  1614.  The  origin  of  its  present  name  is  doubtful. 

2 Now  known  as  Sandy  Cove. 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


31 


mine,  which  our  miner  estimated  would  yield  fifty  per  cent.1 
Advancing  three  leagues  farther  on  to  the  north-east,  we  saw 
another  very  good  iron  mine,  near  which  is  a river  surrounded 
by  beautiful  and  attractive  meadows.  The  neighboring  soil 
is  red  as  blood.  Some  leagues  farther  on  there  is  still  another 
river,  dry  at  low  tide,  except  in  its  very  small  channel,  and 
which  extends  near  to  Port  Royal.  At  the  extremity  of  this 
bay  is  a channel,  also  dry  at  low  tide,  surrounding  which  are  a 
number  of  pastures  and  good  pieces  of  land  for  cultivation, 
where  there  are  nevertheless  great  numbers  of  fine  trees  of  all 
the  kinds  previously  mentioned.  The  distance  from  Long 
Island  to  the  end  of  this  bay  may  be  some  six  leagues.  The 
entire  coast  of  the  mines  is  very  high,  intersected  by  capes, 
which  appear  round,  extending  out  a short  distance.  On  the 
other  side  of  the  bay,  on  the  south-east,  the  land  is  low  and 
good,  where  there  is  a very  good  harbor,  having  a bank  at  its 
entrance  over  which  it  is  necessary  to  pass.  On  this  bar  there 
is  a fathom  and  a half  of  water  at  low  tide ; but  after  passing 
it  you  find  three,  with  good  bottoms.  Between  the  two  points 
of  the  harbor  there  is  a pebbly  islet,  covered  at  full  tide.  This 
place  extends  half  a league  inland.  The  tide  falls  here  three 
fathoms,  and  there  are  many  shell-fish,  such  as  muscles,  cockles, 
and  sea-snails.  The  soil  is  as  good  as  any  that  I have  seen. 
I named  this  harbor  Saint  Margaret.2  This  entire  south-east 
coast  is  much  lower  than  that  of  the  mines,  which  is  only  a 
league  and  a half  from  the  coast  of  Saint  Margaret,  being 
separated  by  the  breadth  of  the  bay,  which  is  three  leagues  at 
its  entrance.  I took  the  altitude  at  this  place,  and  found  the 
latitude  45°  30',  and  a little  more,  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle  being  17°  16'. 

After  having  explored  as  particularly  as  I could  the  coasts, 
ports,  and  harbors,  I returned,  without  advancing  any  farther, 
to  Long  Island  passage,  whence  I went  back  outside  of  all  the 
islands  in  order  to  observe  whether  there  was  any  danger  at 

1 This  and  the  above  mentioned  silver-mine  afterwards  proved  of  little 
value.  Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  ch.  hi. 

2 Now  Weymouth  Harbor. 


32 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


all  on  the  water  side.  But  we  found  none  whatever,  except 
there  were  some  rocks  about  half  a league  from  Sea-Wolf 
Islands,  which,  however,  can  be  easily  avoided,  since  the  sea 
breaks  over  them.  Continuing  our  voyage,  we  were  overtaken 
by  a violent  wind,  which  obliged  us  to  run  our  barque  ashore, 
where  we  were  in  danger  of  losing  her,  which  would  have 
caused  us  extreme  perplexity.  The  tempest  having  ceased, 
we  resumed  the  sea,  and  the  next  day  reached  Port  Mouton, 
where  Sieur  de  Monts  was  awaiting  us  from  day  to  day,  think- 
ing only  of  our  long  stay,  and  whether  some  accident  had  not 
befallen  us.  I made  a report  to  him  of  our  voyage  and  where 
our  vessels  might  go  in  safety.  Meanwhile,  I observed  very 
particularly  that  place  which  is  in  latitude  44°. 

The  next  day  Sieur  de  Monts  gave  orders  to  weigh  anchor 
and  proceed  to  the  Bay  of  Saint  Mary,  a place  which  we 
had  found  to  be  suitable  for  our  vessel  to  remain  in,  until  we 
should  be  able  to  find  one  more  advantageous.  Coasting 
along,  we  passed  near  Cape  Sable  and  the  Sea-Wolf  Islands, 
whither  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  go  in  a shallop,  and  see 
some  islands  of  which  we  had  made  a report  to  him,  as  also 
of  the  countless  number  of  birds  found  there.  Accordingly, 
he  set  out,  accompanied  by  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,1  and  several 
other  noblemen,  with  the  intention  of  going  to  Penguin 
Island,  where  we  had  previously  killed  with  sticks  a large 
number  of  these  birds.  Being  somewhat  distant  from  our 
ship,  it  was  not  in  our  power  to  reach  it,  and  still  less  to 
reach  our  vessel;  for  the  tide  was  so  strong  that  we  were 
compelled  to  put  in  at  a little  island  to  pass  the  night,  where 
there  was  much  game.  I killed  there  some  river-birds,  which 
were  very  acceptable  to  us,  especially  as  we  had  taken  only  a 
few  biscuit,  expecting  to  return  the  same  day.  The  next 
day  we  reached  Cape  Fourchu,  distant  half  a league  from  there. 


1 This  nobleman  was  granted  by  de  Monts  the  seigneury  of  Port  Royal 
(see  p.  44)  and  endeavored  to  found  a colony  there.  He  became  embroiled 
with  the  Jesuits,  and  his  attempt  proved  a failure.  He  was  killed  in  France 
in  1615  during  the  civil  war  which  followed  the  death  of  Henry  IV.  See 
Lescarbot,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France , books  iv.  and  v. 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


33 


Coasting  along,  we  found  our  vessel  in  the  Bay  of  Saint  Mary. 
Our  company  were  very  anxious  about  us  for  two  days,  fear- 
ing lest  some  misfortune  had  befallen  us ; but,  when  they  saw 
us  all  safe,  they  were  much  rejoiced. 

Two  or  three  days  after  our  arrival,  one  of  our  priests, 
named  Messire  Aubry  from  Paris,  got  lost  so  completely  in  the 
woods  while  going  after  his  sword,  which  he  had  forgotten, 
that  he  could  not  find  the  vessel.  And  he  was  thus  seventeen 
days  without  anything  to  subsist  upon  except  some  sour  and 
bitter  plants  like  the  sorrel,  and  some  small  fruit  of  little 
substance  large  as  currants,1  which  creep  upon  the  ground. 
Being  at  his  wits’  end,  without  hope  of  ever  seeing  us  again, 
weak  and  feeble,  he  found  himself  on  the  shore  of  Baye  Fran- 
chise, thus  named  by  Sieur  de  Monts,  near  Long  Island,  where 
his  strength  gave  out,  when  one  of  our  shallops  out  fishing 
discovered  him.  Not  being  able  to  shout  to  them,  he  made 
a sign  with  a pole,  on  the  end  of  which  he  had  put  his  hat, 
that  they  should  go  and  get  him.  This  they  did  at  once,  and 
brought  him  off.  Sieur  de  Monts  had  caused  a search  to  be 
made  not  only  by  his  own  men,  but  also  by  the  savages  of 
those  parts,  who  scoured  all  the  woods,  but  brought  back 
no  intelligence  of  him.  Believing  him  to  be  dead,  they  all  saw 
him  coming  back  in  the  shallop  to  their  great  delight.2  A long 
time  was  needed  to  restore  him  to  his  usual  strength. 

1 The  partridge-berry,  with  its  scarlet  berries.  (Slafter.) 

2 De  Monts  was  the  more  glad  to  see  him,  as  a Protestant  with  whom 
he  had  quarrelled  lay  under  suspicion  of  having  murdered  him. 


34 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


Chapter  3 

Description  of  Port  Royal  and  the  peculiarities  of  the  same . Isle 
Haute . Port  of  Mines . Baye  Francoise.  The  River 
St.  John , and  what  we  observed  between  the  Port  of  Mines 
and  the  same.  The  island  called  by  the  savages  Manthane. 
The  river  of  the  Etecheminsy  and  several  fine  islands  there. 
St.  Croix  Island , and  other  noteworthy  objects  on  this 
coast. 

Some  days  after,  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  go  and  exam- 
ine the  coasts  of  Baye  Frangoise.  For  this  purpose,  he  set  out 
from  the  vessel  on  the  16th  of  May,1  and  we  went  through  the 
strait  of  Long  Island.  Not  having  found  in  St.  Mary’s  Bay 
any  place  in  which  to  fortify  ourselves  except  at  the  cost  of 
much  time,  we  accordingly  resolved  to  see  whether  there  might 
not  be  a more  favorable  one  in  the  other  bay.  Heading  north- 
east six  leagues,  there  is  a cove  where  vessels  can  anchor  in 
four,  five,  six,  and  seven  fathoms2  of  water.  The  bottom  is 
sandy.  This  place  is  only  a kind  of  roadstead.3  Continuing 
two  leagues  farther  on  in  the  same  direction,  we  entered  one  of 
the  finest  harbors  I had  seen  along  all  these  coasts,  in  which 
two  thousand  vessels  might  lie  in  security.  The  entrance  is 
eight  hundred  paces  broad ; then  you  enter  a harbor  two  leagues 
long  and  one  broad,  which  I have  named  Port  Royal.4  Three 

1 For  May  read  June.  It  could  not  have  been  in  May,  since  Champlain 
set  out  from  Port  Mouton  on  his  exploring  expedition  on  May  19,  which  must 
have  been  a month  previous  to  this.  (Slafter.)  See  also  p.  37,  note  2. 

2 The  French  fathom  ( brasse ) is  of  five  feet  in  length.  The  modern 
English  fathom  is  six.  In  earlier  times  it  varied  from  five  to  six. 

3 Gulliver’s  Hole,  about  two  leagues  south-west  of  Digby  Strait.  (Slaf- 
ter.) 

4 Now  Annapolis  Basin.  The  first  settlement  was  on  the  north  side  of 
the  bay  in  the  present  hamlet  of  Lower  Granville,  not,  as  often  alleged,  at 
Annapolis.  (Slafter.) 

Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  ch.  hi.,  refers  to  this  passage,  and  accuses  Champlain 
of  unjustly  claiming  credit  for  the  name,  whose  choice  was  really  due  to  de 
Monts.  However,  Champlain  retains  the  passage  unchanged  in  his  edition  of 
1632. 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


35 


rivers  empty  into  it,  one  of  which  is  very  large,  extending  east- 
ward, and  called  Riviere  de  l’Equille,1  from  a little  fish  of  the 
size  of  an  esplan  ?,  which  is  caught  there  in  large  numbers, 
as  is  also  the  herring,  and  several  other  kinds  of  fish  found  in 
abundance  in  their  season.  This  river  is  nearly  a quarter  of  a 
league  broad  at  its  entrance,  where  there  is  an  island  2 per- 
haps half  a league  in  circuit,  and  covered  with  wood  like  all  the 
rest  of  the  country,  as  pines,  firs,  spruces,  birches,  aspens,  and 
some  oaks,  although  the  latter  are  found  in  small  numbers  in 
comparison  with  the  other  kinds.  There  are  two  entrances  to 
the  above  river,  one  on  the  north,  the  other  on  the  south  side 
of  the  island.  That  on  the  north  is  the  better,  and  vessels  can 
there  anchor  under  shelter  of  the  island  in  five,  six,  seven,  eight, 
and  nine  fathoms.  But  it  is  necessary  to  be  on  one’s  guard 
against  some  shallows  near  the  island  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
main  land  on  the  other,  very  dangerous,  if  one  does  not  know 
the  channel. 

We  ascended  the  river  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  leagues, 
where  the  tide  rises,  and  it  is  not  navigable  much  farther. 
It  has  there  a breadth  of  sixty  paces,  and  about  a fathom  and 
a half  of  water.  The  country  bordering  the  river  is  filled  with 
numerous  oaks,  ashes,  and  other  trees.  Between  the  mouth  of 
the  river  and  the  point  to  which  we  ascended  there  are  many 
meadows,  which  are  flooded  at  the  spring  tides,  many  little 
streams  traversing  them  from  one  side  to  the  other,  through 
which  shallops  and  boats  can  go  at  full  tide.  This  place  was 
the  most  favorable  and  agreeable  for  a settlement  that  we  had 
seen.  There  is  another  island  3 within  the  port,  distant  nearly 
two  leagues  from  the  former.  At  this  point  is  another  little 
stream,  extending  a considerable  distance  inland,  which  we 

The  present  Annapolis  occupies  the  site  of  a French  fort  established  later 
by  d’Aulnay  de  Charnis6.  See  Parkman,  The  Old  Regime  in  Canada,  vol.  I. 

1 Its  name  was  soon  after  changed  to  Riviere  du  Dauphin.  It  is  now  the 
Annapolis  River. 

2 Lescarbot  calls  it  Biencourville.  It  is  now  called  Goat  Island.  (La- 
verdiere.) 

3 Bear  Island,  a name  perhaps  derived  from  the  French  name  of  lie 
d’H6bert,  or  dTmbert.  (Laverdiere.) 


36 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


named  Riviere  St.  Antoine.1  Its  mouth  is  distant  from  the 
end  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Mary  some  four  leagues  through  the  woods. 
The  remaining  river  is  only  a small  stream  filled  with  rocks, 
which  cannot  be  ascended  at  all  on  account  of  the  small  amount 
of  water,  and  which  has  been  named  Rocky  Brook.2  This 
place  is  in  latitude  3 45°;  and  17°  S'  of  the  deflection  of  the 
magnetic  needle. 

After  having  explored  this  harbor,  we  set  out  to  advance 
farther  on  in  Baye  Frangoise,  and  see  whether  we  could  not 
find  the  copper  mine,  which  had  been  discovered  the  year 
before.  Heading  north-east,  and  sailing  eight  or  ten  leagues 
along  the  coast  of  Port  Royal,4  we  crossed  a part  of  the  bay 
some  five  or  six  leagues  in  extent,  when  we  arrived  at  a place 
which  we  called  the  Cape  of  Two  Bays ; 5 and  we  passed  by 
an  island  6 a league  distant  therefrom,  a league  also  in  circuit, 
rising  up  forty  or  forty-five  fathoms.7  It  is  wholly  surrounded 
by  great  rocks,  except  in  one  place,  which  is  sloping,  at  the 
foot  of  which  slope  there  is  a pond  of  salt  water,  coming  from 
under  a pebbly  point,  having  the  form  of  a spur.  The  sur- 
face of  the  island  is  flat,  covered  with  trees,  and  containing 
a fine  spring  of  water.  In  this  place  is  a copper  mine.  Thence 
we  proceeded  to  a harbor  a league  and  a half  distant,  where  we 
supposed  the  copper  mine  was,  which  a certain  Prevert8  of 
St.  Malo  had  discovered  by  aid  of  the  savages  of  the  country. 
This  port  is  in  latitude  45°  40',  and  is  dry  at  low  tide.9  In 
order  to  enter  it,  it  is  necessary  to  place  beacons,  and  mark 
out  a sand-bank  at  the  entrance,  which  borders  a channel 
that  extends  along  the  main  land.  Then  you  enter  a bay  nearly 

1 Bear  River. 

2 On  modern  maps  called  Moose  Brook,  and  sometimes  Deep  Brook. 
(Slafter.) 

3 44°  39'  30". 

4 1.e .,  along  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  nearly  parallel  to  the  basin  of  Port  Royal. 
(Slafter.) 

6 Cape  Chignecto.  8 Isle  Haute.  7 Toise  = six  feet. 

8 Captain  of  one  of  the  two  ships  sent  out  by  de  Chastes  in  1603. 

9 Advocate’s  Harbor.  The  tides,  which  here  rise  to  a height  of  forty 
feet,  have  since  Champlain’s  time  carried  away  the  sand  bank  which  he 
mentions,  and  made  other  changes  in  the  topography. 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


37 


a league  in  length,  and  half  a league  in  breadth.  In  some 
places,  the  bottom  is  oozy  and  sandy,  where  vessels  may  get 
aground.  The  sea  falls  and  rises  there  to  the  extent  of  four 
or  five  fathoms.  We  landed  to  see  whether  we  could  find  the 
mines  which  Prevert  had  reported  to  us.  Having  gone  about 
a quarter  of  a league  along  certain  mountains,  we  found  none, 
nor  did  we  recognize  any  resemblance  to  the  description  of  the 
harbor  he  had  given  us.  Accordingly,  he  had  not  himself  been 
there,  but  probably  two  or  three  of  his  men  had  been 
there,  guided  by  some  savages,  partly  by  land  and  partly  by 
little  streams,  while  he  awaited  them  in  his  shallop  at  the 
mouth  of  a little  river  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence.1  These 
men,  upon  their  return,  brought  him  several  small  pieces  of 
copper,  which  he  showed  us  when  he  returned  from  his  voyage. 
Nevertheless,  we  found  in  this  harbor  two  mines  of  what 
seemed  to  be  copper,  according  to  the  report  of  our  miner, 
who  considered  it  very  good,  although  it  was  not  native 
copper. 

The  head  of  the  Baye  Frangoise,  which  we  crossed,  is 
fifteen  leagues  inland.  All  the  land  which  we  have  seen  in 
coasting  along  from  the  little  passage  of  Long  Island  is  rocky, 
and  there  is  no  place  except  Port  Royal  where  vessels  can  lie 
in  safety.  The  land  is  covered  with  pines  and  birches,  and, 
in  my  opinion,  is  not  very  good. 

On  the  20th  of  May,2  we  set  out  from  the  Port  of  Mines 
to  seek  a place  adapted  for  a permanent  stay,  in  order  to  lose 
no  time,  purposing  afterwards  to  return,  and  see  if  we  could 
discover  the  mine  of  pure  copper  which  Prevert’s  men  had 
found  by  aid  of  the  savages.  We  sailed  west  two  leagues  as  far 
as  the  cape  of  the  two  bays,  then  north  five  or  six  leagues; 
and  we  crossed  the  other  bay,3  where  we  thought  the  copper 
mine  was,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken:  inasmuch  as 

1 Most  early  geographers  distinguished  between  the  Bay  and  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence.  The  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence  included  the  southern  portion 
of  the  gulf,  from  Cape  Rosier  to  Canso,  including  Prince  Edward  Island, 
Cape  Breton,  and  the  Magdalen  Islands.  (La verdi ere.) 

2 June,  see  p.  34,  note  1. 

3 Chignecto  Bay,  later  called  Beaubassin  by  the  French. 


38 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


there  are  there  two  rivers,1  the  one  coming  from  the  direction 
of  Cape  Breton,  and  the  other  from  Gasp  6 or  Tregatte,2  near 
the  great  river  St.  Lawrence.  Sailing  west  some  six  leagues, 
we  arrived  at  a little  river,3  at  the  mouth  of  which  is  rather  a 
low  cape,  extending  out  into  the  sea ; and  a short  distance  in- 
land there  is  a mountain,4  having  the  shape  of  a cardinal's  hat. 
In  this  place  we  found  an  iron  mine.  There  is  anchorage  here 
only  for  shallops.  Four  leagues  west-south-west  is  a rocky 
point 5 extending  out  a short  distance  into  the  water,  where 
there  are  strong  tides  which  are  very  dangerous.  Near  the 
point  we  saw  a cove  about  half  a league  in  extent,  in  which 
we  found  another  iron  mine,  also  very  good.  Four  leagues 
farther  on  is  a fine  bay  running  up  into  the  main  land,6  at 
the  extremity  of  which  there  are  three  islands  and  a rock,  two 
of  which  are  a league  from  the  cape  towards  the  west,  and  the 
other  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  largest  and  deepest  river  we  had 
yet  seen,  which  we  named  the  river  St.  John,  because  it  was 
on  this  saint’s  day  that  we  arrived  there.7  By  the  savages  it  is 
called  Ouygoudy.8  This  river  is  dangerous,  if  one  does  not 
observe  carefully  certain  points  and  rocks  on  the  two  sides. 
It  is  narrow  at  its  entrance,  and  then  becomes  broader. 
A certain  point  being  passed,  it  becomes  narrower  again,  and 
forms  a kind  of  fall  between  two  large  cliffs,  where  the  water 
runs  so  rapidly  that  a piece  of  wood  thrown  in  is  drawn  under 
and  not  seen  again.  But  by  waiting  till  high  tide  you  can 
pass  this  fall  very  easily.9  Then  it  expands  again  to  the  ex- 
tent of  about  a league  in  some  places,  where  there  are  three 
islands.  We  did  not  explore  it  farther  up.  But  Ralleau, 
secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  went  there  some  time  after  to  see 

1 Cumberland  Basin,  and  the  Petitcodiac  River,  New  Brunswick. 
(Slafter.) 

2 Tracadie.  3 Quaco  River.  4 Porcupine  Mountain. 

6 McCoy's  Head.  6 The  Bay  of  St.  John,  N.B. 

7 1.e.,  June  24,  the  feast-day  of  St.  John  Baptist.  Another  proof  that 
May,  pp.  34  and  37,  is  a misprint. 

8 In  reality  this  was  the  name  which  the  Indians  applied  to  the  camp- 
ing-ground on  Navy  Island,  rather  than  to  the  river. 

0 The  fall  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John  can  in  fact  only  be  passed  at  about 
half  tide.  The  waters  of  the  river  at  low  tide  are  about  twelve  feet  higher 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


39 


a savage  named  Secondon,1  chief  of  this  river,  who  reported 
that  it  was  beautiful,  large,  and  extensive,  with  many  meadows 
and  fine  trees,  as  oaks,  beeches,  walnut-trees,  and  also  wild 
grape-vines.  The  inhabitants  of  the  country  go  by  this  river 
to  Tadoussac,  on  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  making  but 
a short  portage  on  the  journey.  From  the  river  St.  John  to 
Tadoussac  is  sixty-five  leagues.2  At  its  mouth,  which  is  in 
latitude  45°  40',  there  is  an  iron  mine. 

From  the  river  St.  John  we  went  to  four  islands,3  on  one 
of  which  we  landed,  and  found  great  numbers  of  birds  called 
magpies,  of  which  we  captured  many  small  ones,  which  are 
as  good  as  pigeons.  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  came  near  getting 
lost  here,  but  he  came  back  to  our  barque  at  last,  when  we 
had  already  gone  to  search  for  him  about  the  island,  which  is 
three  leagues  distant  from  the  main  land.  Farther  west 
are  other  islands;  among  them  one  six  leagues  in  length, 
called  by  the  savages  Manthane,4  south  of  which  there  are 
among  the  islands  several  good  harbors  for  vessels.  From 
the  Magpie  Islands  we  proceeded  to  a river  on  the  main  land 
called  the  river  of  the  Etechemins,5  a tribe  of  savages  so 
called  in  their  country.  We  passed  by  so  many  islands  that 
we  could  not  ascertain  their  number,  which  were  very  fine. 
Some  were  two  leagues  in  extent,  others  three,  others  more 
or  less.  All  of  these  islands  are  in  a bay,6  having,  in  my 
estimation,  a circuit  of  more  than  fifteen  leagues.  There 

than  the  waters  of  the  sea.  At  high  tide  the  waters  of  the  sea  are  about  five 
feet  higher  than  the  waters  of  the  river.  Consequently,  at  low  tide  there  is  a 
fall  outward,  and  at  high  tide  there  is  a fall  inward,  at  neither  of  which  times 
can  the  fall  be  passed.  (Slafter.) 

Twice  at  each  tide,  for  about  twenty  minutes,  the  waters  are  level,  and 
ships  can  sail  through  the  gorge. 

1 Lescarbot  spells  it  Chkoudun. 

2 From  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John  to  Tadoussac  is  in  direct  line  about 
two  hundred  and  forty  miles,  but  by  the  winding  course  of  the  St.  John  it 
would  be  much  greater. 

3 These  are  now  called  the  Wolves,  near  the  mouth  of  Passamaquoddy 
Bay.  (Slafter.) 

4 The  Grand  Manan,  or  Menane. 

6 The  St.  Croix  River,  sometimes  called  the  Schoodic. 

6 Passamaquoddy  Bay. 


40 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


are  many  good  places  capable  of  containing  any  number  of 
vessels,  and  abounding  in  fish  in  the  season,  such  as  codfish, 
salmon,  bass,  herring,  halibut,  and  other  kinds  in  great  num- 
bers. Sailing  west-north-west  three  leagues  through  the 
islands,  we  entered  a river  almost  half  a league  in  breadth  at 
its  mouth,  sailing  up  which  a league  or  two  we  found  two 
islands:  one  very  small  near  the  western  bank;  and  the 
other  in  the  middle,  having  a circumference  of  perhaps  eight 
or  nine  hundred  paces,  with  rocky  sides  three  or  four  fathoms 
high  all  around,  except  in  one  small  place,  where  there  is  a 
sandy  point  and  clayey  earth  adapted  for  making  brick  and 
other  useful  articles.  There  is  another  place  affording  a 
shelter  for  vessels  from  eighty  to  a hundred  tons,  but  it  is 
dry  at  low  tide.  The  island  is  covered  with  firs,  birches, 
maples,  and  oaks.  It  is  by  nature  very  well  situated,  except 
in  one  place,  where  for  about  forty  paces  it  is  lower  than 
elsewhere:  this,  however,  is  easily  fortified,  the  banks  of  the 
main  land  being  distant  on  both  sides  some  nine  hundred  to  a 
thousand  paces.  Vessels  could  pass  up  the  river  only  at  the 
mercy  of  the  cannon  on  this  island,  and  we  deemed  the  loca- 
tion the  most  advantageous,  not  only  on  account  of  its  situa- 
tion and  good  soil,  but  also  on  account  of  the  intercourse 
which  we  proposed  with  the  savages  of  these  coasts  and  of 
the  interior,  as  we  should  be  in  the  midst  of  them.  We 
hoped  to  pacify  them  in  the  course  of  time  and  put  an  end 
to  the  wars  which  they  carry  on  with  one  another,  so  as  to 
derive  service  from  them  in  future,  and  convert  them  to  the 
Christian  faith.  This  place  was  named  by  Sieur  de  Monts 
the  Island  of  St.  Croix.1  Farther  on,  there  is  a great  bay,  in 

1 1.e.,  Holy  Cross ; on  account  of  the  physical  configuration  which  he 
goes  on  to  describe. 

The  island  has  of  recent  years  commonly  been  called  Dochet  Island,  but 
at  the  celebration  of  the  three-hundredth  anniversary  of  its  settlement  it  was 
resolved  that  it  be  henceforth  called  St.  Croix  Island.  See  the  Maine  Histori- 
cal Society's  well-illustrated  volume,  Tercentenary  of  De  Monts * Settlement 
at  St.  Croix  Island,  June  25,  1904  (Portland,  1905). 

In  1796  and  1797  the  vexed  question  between  the  British  and  American 
boundary  commissioners,  appointed  in  virtue  of  the  Jay  Treaty  of  1794, 
as  to  which  river  was  really  the  Saint  Croix,  was  set  at  rest  by  the  dis- 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


41 


which  are  two  islands,  one  high  and  the  other  flat ; also  three 
rivers,  two  of  moderate  size,  one  extending  towards  the  east, 
the  other  towards  the  north,  and  the  third  of  large  size,  towards 
the  west.1  The  latter  is  that  of  the  Etechemins,  of  which  we 
spoke  before.  Two  leagues  up  this  there  is  a waterfall,  around 
which  the  savages  carry  their  canoes  some  five  hundred  paces 
by  land,  and  then  re-enter  the  river.  Passing  afterwards  from 
the  river  a short  distance  overland,  one  reaches  the  rivers 
Norumbegue 2 and  St.  John.  But  the  falls  are  impassable 
for  vessels,  as  there  are  only  rocks  and  but  four  or  five  feet  of 
water.  In  May  and  June,  so  great  a number  of  herring  and 
bass  are  caught  there  that  vessels  could  be  loaded  with  them. 
The  soil  is  of  the  finest  sort,  and  there  are  fifteen  or  twenty 
acres  of  cleared  land,  where  Sieur  de  Monts  had  some  wheat 
sown,  which  flourished  finely.  The  savages  come  here  some- 
times five  or  six  weeks  during  the  fishing  season.  All  the  rest 
of  the  country  consists  of  very  dense  forests.  If  the  land  were 
cleared  up,  grain  would  flourish  excellently.  This  place  is  in 
latitude  45°  20',  and  17°  32'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle.3 

covery  of  the  outlines  of  De  Monts’  original  fortifications.  See  Moore’s 
International  Arbitrations,  ch.  i.,  and  Ganong’s  illustrated  monograph  on 
Dochet  Island  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada,  second  series, 
vol.  VIII. 

However  suitable  from  a military  point  of  view,  or  as  a trading  post,  the 
situation  was  extremely  ill-chosen  for  a permanent  and  self-supporting  colony. 
This  was  clearly  seen  by  Lescarbot,  whose  ideas  on  colonization  are  far  in 
advance  of  those  of  his  time.  “ I attach  little  importance  to  mines,”  he  says. 
“The  true  mine  for  the  settler  is  waving  wheat  and  grazing  cattle.” 

1 Warwig  Creek  from  the  east,  Oak  Bay  from  the  north,  and  the  river 
of  the  Etechemins,  now  called  the  St.  Croix,  from  the  west. 

2 The  Penobscot,  reached  by  way  of  the  Mattawamkeag.  La  verdi  &re 
supposes  the  Norumbegue  to  be  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

3 The  true  latitude  is  45°  8'  N.,  the  present  deflection  of  the  needle 
somewhat  more  than  18°  30'.  (Ganong.) 


42 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


Chapter  4 

Sieur  de  Monts , finding  no  other  place  better  adapted  for  a per- 
manent settlement  than  the  island  of  St.  Croix , fortifies 
it  and  builds  dwellings.  Return  of  the  vessels  to  France, 
and  of  Ralleau,  secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  for  the  sake  of 
arranging  some  business  affairs . 

Not  finding  any  more  suitable  place  than  this  island,  we 
commenced  making  a barricade  on  a little  islet  a short  distance 
from  the  main  island,  which  served  as  a station  for  placing  our 
cannon.  All  worked  so  energetically  that  in  a little  while 
it  was  put  in  a state  of  defence,  although  the  mosquitoes 
(which  are  little  flies)  annoyed  us  excessively  in  our  work. 
For  there  were  several  of  our  men  whose  faces  were  so  swol- 
len by  their  bites  that  they  could  scarcely  see.  The  barri- 
cade being  finished,  Sieur  de  Monts  sent  his  barque  to  notify 
the  rest  of  our  party,  who  were  with  our  vessel  in  the  bay  of 
St.  Mary,  to  come  to  St.  Croix.  This  was  promptly  done, 
and  while  awaiting  them  we  spent  our  time  very  pleasantly. 

Some  days  after,  our  vessels  having  arrived  and  anchored, 
all  disembarked.  Then,  without  losing  time,  Sieur  de  Monts 
proceeded  to  employ  the  workmen  in  building  houses  for  our 
abode,  and  allowed  me  to  determine  the  arrangement  of  our 
settlement.1  After  Sieur  de  Monts  had  determined  the  place 

1 The  following  explanation  of  the  accompanying  map  of  the  “Habita- 
tion de  l’lsle  Ste.  Croix”  is  given  by  Champlain : 

“A.  Dwelling  of  Sieur  de  Monts.  B.  Public  building  where  we  spent  our 
time  when  it  rained.  C.  The  storehouse.  D.  Dwelling  of  the  guard.  E.  The 
blacksmith  shop.  F.  Dwelling  of  the  carpenters.  G.  The  well.  H.  The 
oven  where  the  bread  was  made.  I.  Kitchen.  L.  Gardens.  M.  Other  gar- 
dens. N.  Place  in  the  centre  where  a tree  stands.  0.  Palisade.  P.  Dwell- 
ings of  the  Sieurs  d 'Orville,  Champlain,  and  Champdore.  Q.  Dwelling  of 
Sieur  Boulay,  and  other  artisans.  R.  Dwelling  where  the  Sieurs  de  Genestou, 
Sourin,  and  other  artisans  lived.  T.  Dwelling  of  the  Sieurs  de  Beaumont,  la 
Motte  Bourioli,  and  Fougeray.  V.  Dwelling  of  our  curate.  X.  Other  gar- 
dens. Y.  The  river  surrounding  the  island.”  Cf.  the  map  in  Early  English 
and  French  Voyages , p.  412.  In  1904  a commemorative  tablet  was  set  up, 
to  mark  the  site  of  the  settlement. 


/ 


I 

1 

I 


From  a copy  of  the  First  Edition  of  the  Voyages  of  j6ij,  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building). 


1604] 


THE  VOYAGES  OE  1604-1607 


43 


for  the  storehouse,  which  is  nine  fathoms  long,  three  wide, 
and  twelve  feet  high,  he  adopted  the  plan  for  his  own  house, 
which  he  had  promptly  built  by  good  workmen,  and  then 
assigned  to  each  one  his  location.  Straightway,  the  men 
began  to  gather  together  by  fives  and  sixes,  each  according 
to  his  desire.  Then  all  set  to  work  to  clear  up  the  island,  to 
go  to  the  woods,  to  make  the  frame-work,  to  carry  earth  and 
other  things  necessary  for  the  buildings. 

While  we  were  building  our  houses,  Sieur  de  Monts  de- 
spatched Captain  Fouques  in  the  vessel  of  Rossignol,1  to  find 
Pont  Grave  at  Canseau,  in  order  to  obtain  for  our  settlement 
what  supplies  remained. 

Some  time  after  he  had  set  out,  there  arrived  a small  barque 
of  eight  tons,  in  which  was  Du  Glas  of  Honfleur,  pilot  of  Pont 
Grave’s  vessel,  bringing  the  Basque  ship-masters,  who  had 
been  captured  by  the  above  Pont  Grave  while  engaged  in  the 
fur-trade,  as  we  have  stated.  Sieur  de  Monts  received  them 
civilly,  and  sent  them  back  by  the  above  Du  Glas  to  Pont 
Grave,  with  orders  for  him  to  take  the  vessels  he  had  captured 
to  Rochelle,  in  order  that  justice  might  be  done.  Meanwhile, 
work  on  the  houses  went  on  vigorously  and  without  cessation  ; 
the  carpenters  engaged  on  the  storehouse  and  dwelling  of 
Sieur  de  Monts,  and  the  others  each  on  his  own  house,  as 
I was  on  mine,  which  I built  with  the  assistance  of  some  ser- 
vants belonging  to  Sieur  d’Orville  and  myself.  It  was  forth- 
with completed,  and  Sieur  de  Monts  lodged  in  it  until  his 
own  was  finished.  An  oven  was  also  made,  and  a hand- 
mill  for  grinding  our  wheat,  the  working  of  which  involved 
much  trouble  and  labor  to  the  most  of  us,  since  it  was  a toil- 
some operation.  Some  gardens  were  afterwards  laid  out,  on 
the  main  land  as  well  as  on  the  island.  Here  many  kinds  of 
seeds  were  planted,  which  flourished  very  well  on  the  main 
land,  but  not  on  the  island,  since  there  was  only  sand  here, 
and  the  whole  were  burned  up  when  the  sun  shone,  although 
special  pains  were  taken  to  water  them. 

Some  days  after,  Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  ascertain 
1 Vide  supra,  p.  27. 


44 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


where  the  mine  of  pure  copper  was  which  we  had  searched 
for  so  much.  With  this  object  in  view,  he  despatched  me 
together  with  a savage  named  Messamoiiet,  who  asserted  that 
he  knew  the  place  well.  I set  out  in  a small  barque  of  five 
or  six  tons,  with  nine  sailors.  Some  eight  leagues  from  the 
island,  towards  the  river  St.  John,  we  found  a mine  of  copper 
which  was  not  pure,  yet  good  according  to  the  report  of  the 
miner,  who  said  that  it  would  yield  eighteen  per  cent.  Farther 
on  we  found  others  inferior  to  this.1  When  we  reached  the 
place  where  we  supposed  that  was  which  we  were  hunting  for, 
the  savage  could  not  find  it,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  come 
back,  leaving  the  search  for  another  time. 

Upon  my  return  from  this  trip,  Sieur  de  Monts  resolved  to 
send  his  vessels  back  to  France,  and  also  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt, 
who  had  come  only  for  his  pleasure,  and  to  explore  countries 
and  places  suitable  for  a colony,  which  he  desired  to  found ; for 
which  reason  he  asked  Sieur  de  Monts  for  Port  Royal,  which  he 
gave  him  in  accordance  with  the  power  and  directions  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  king.  He  sent  back  also  Ralleau,his  secretary, 
to  arrange  some  matters  concerning  the  voyage.  They  set 
out  from  the  island  of  St.  Croix  the  last  day  of  August,  1604. 

Chapter  5 

Of  the  coast , inhabitants}  and  river  of  Norumbegue,  and  of  all 
that  occurred  during  the  exploration  of  the  latter . 

After  the  departure  of  the  vessels,  Sieur  de  Monts,  with- 
out losing  time,  decided  to  send  persons  to  make  discoveries 
along  the  coast  of  Norumbegue ; 2 and  he  intrusted  me  with 
this  work,  which  I found  very  agreeable. 

1 The  first  mine  was  no  doubt  at  Beaver  Harbor,  the  others  at  Red 
Head  Harbor. 

2 On  Norumbegue  or  Norumbega  see  Narrative  and  Critical  History , 
III.  169-218.  It  may  be  roughly  identified  with  New  England.  The  river 
of  Norumbega  is  the  Penobscot.  Jean  Alfonse  (see  p.  22)  gives  a wonderful 
description  of  a great  city  of  the  same  name  at  its  mouth.  Lescarbot  makes 
merry  at  the  credulity  of  those  who  believed  in  such  travellers'  tales,  but  it  is 
quite  likely  that  in  the  time  of  Alfonse  (1542)  there  may  have  been  a flourishing 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


45 


In  order  to  execute  this  commission,  I set  out  from  St. 
Croix  on  the  2d  of  September  with  a patache 1 of  seventeen  or 
eighteen  tons,  twelve  sailors,  and  two  savages,  to  serve  us  as 
guides  to  the  places  with  which  they  were  acquainted.  The 
same  day  we  found  the  vessels  where  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
was,  which  were  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix 
in  consequence  of  bad  weather,  which  place  we  could  not  leave 
before  the  5th  of  the  month.  Having  gone  two  or  three  leagues 
seaward,  so  dense  a fog  arose  that  we  at  once  lost  sight  of 
their  vessels.  Continuing  our  course  along  the  coast,  we  made 
the  same  day  some  twenty-five  leagues,  and  passed  by  a 
large  number  of  islands,  banks,  reefs,  and  rocks,  which  in 
places  extend  more  than  four  leagues  out  to  sea.  We  called 
the  islands  the  Ranges,  most  of  which  are  covered  with  pines, 
firs,  and  other  trees  of  an  inferior  sort.  Among  these  islands 
are  many  fine  harbors,  but  undesirable  for  a permanent  settle- 
ment. The  same  day  we  passed  also  near  to  an  island  about 
four  or  five  leagues  long,  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  we  just 
escaped  being  lost  on  a little  rock  on  a level  with  the  water, 
which  made  an  opening  in  our  barque  near  the  keel.  From 
this  island  to  the  main  land  on  the  north,  the  distance  is  less 
than  a hundred  paces.  It  is  very  high,  and  notched  in  places, 
so  that  there  is  the  appearance  to  one  at  sea,  as  of  seven  or 
eight  mountains  extending  along  near  each  other.  The  summit 
of  the  most  of  them  is  destitute  of  trees,  as  there  are  only  rocks 
on  them.  The  woods  consist  of  pines,  firs,  and  birches 
only.  I named  it  Isle  des  Monts  Deserts.2  The  latitude 
is  44°  30'. 

The  next  day,  the  6th  of  the  month,  we  sailed  two  leagues, 
and  perceived  a smoke  in  a cove  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains 
above  mentioned.  We  saw  two  canoes  rowed  by  savages, 
which  came  within  musket  range  to  observe  us.  I sent  our  two 

Indian  village,  which  disappeared  as  completely  as  Hochelaga  did  between 
the  visits  of  Cartier  and  of  Champlain. 

1 A narrow  vessel,  used  as  a despatch  boat. 

2 Still  known  as  Mount  Desert.  In  1613  the  Marchioness  de  Guerche- 
ville  attempted  to  found  here  a colony,  called  St.  Sauveur,  which  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  English  under  Samuel  Argali. 


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[1604 


savages  in  a boat  to  assure  them  of  our  friendship.  Their  fear 
of  us  made  them  turn  back.  On  the  morning  of  the  next  day 
they  came  alongside  of  our  barque  and  talked  with  our  savages. 
I ordered  some  biscuit,  tobacco,  and  other  trifles  to  be  given 
them.  These  savages  had  come  beaver-hunting  and  to  catch 
fish,  some  of  which  they  gave  us.  Having  made  an  alliance 
with  them,  they  guided  us  to  their  river  of  Pentegoiiet,1  so 
called  by  them,  where  they  told  us  was  their  captain,  named 
Bessabez,  chief  of  this  river.  I think  this  river  is  that  which 
several  pilots  and  historians  call  Norumbegue,  and  which  most 
have  described  as  large  and  extensive,  with  very  many  islands, 
its  mouth  being  in  latitude  43°,  43°  30',  according  to  others  in 
44°,  more  or  less.  With  regard  to  the  deflection,  I have  neither 
read,  nor  heard  any  one  say  anything.  It  is  related  also  that 
there  is  a large,  thickly  settled  town  of  savages,  who  are  adroit 
and  skilful,  and  who  have  cotton  yarn.  I am  confident  that 
most  of  those  who  mention  it  have  not  seen  it,  and  speak  of  it 
because  they  have  heard  persons  say  so,  who  knew  no  more 
about  it  than  they  themselves.  I am  ready  to  believe  that 
some  may  have  seen  the  mouth  of  it,  because  there  are  in  reality 
many  islands,  and  it  is,  as  they  say,  in  latitude  44°  at  its  en- 
trance. But  that  any  one  has  ever  entered  it  there  is  no  evi- 
dence, for  then  they  would  have  described  it  in  another  man- 
ner, in  order  to  relieve  the  minds  of  many  of  this  doubt. 

I will  accordingly  relate  truly  what  I explored  and  saw, 
from  the  beginning  as  far  as  I went. 

In  the  first  place,  there  are  at  its  entrance  several  islands 
distant  ten  or  twelve  leagues  from  the  main  land,  which  are 
in  latitude  44°,  and  18°  40'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle.  The  Isle  des  Monts  Deserts  forms  one  of  the  extremi- 
ties of  the  mouth,  on  the  east ; the  other  is  low  land,  called  by 
the  savages  Bedabedec,2  to  the  west  of  the  former,  the  two 

1 The  Penobscot. 

2 An  indefinite  region  about  Rockland  and  Camden,  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  Penobscot  near  its  mouth,  appears  to  have  been  the  domain  of 
the  Indian  chief,  Bessabez,  and  was  denominated  Bedabedec.  The  Camden 
Hills  were  called  the  mountains  of  Bedabedec  and  Owl's  Head  was  called 
Bedabedec  Point.  (Slafter.) 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


47 


being  distant  from  each  other  nine  or  ten  leagues.  Almost 
midway  between  these,  out  in  the  ocean,  there  is  another  island 
very  high  and  conspicuous,  which  on  this  account  I have 
named  Isle  Haute.1  All  around  there  is  a vast  number  of 
varying  extent  and  breadth,  but  the  largest  is  that  of  the  Monts 
Deserts.  Fishing  as  also  hunting  are  very  good  here;  the 
fish  are  of  various  kinds.  Some  two  or  three  leagues  from  the 
point  of  Bedabedec,  as  you  coast  northward  along  the  main 
land  which  extends  up  this  river,  there  are  very  high  eleva- 
tions of  land,  which  in  fair  weather  are  seen  twelve  or  fifteen 
leagues  out  at  sea.2  Passing  to  the  south  of  the  Isle  Haute, 
and  coasting  along  the  same  for  a quarter  of  a league,  where 
there  are  some  reefs  out  of  water,  and  heading  to  the  west  until 
you  open  all  the  mountains  northward  of  this  island,  you  can 
be  sure  that,  by  keeping  in  sight  the  eight  or  nine  peaks  of  the 
Monts  Deserts  and  Bedabedec,  you  will  cross  the  river  Norum- 
begue;  and  in  order  to  enter  it  you  must  keep  to  the  north, 
that  is,  towards  the  highest  mountains  of  Bedabedec,  where  you 
will  see  no  islands  before  you,  and  can  enter,  sure  of  having 
water  enough,  although  you  see  a great  many  breakers,  islands, 
and  rocks  to  the  east  and  west  of  you.  For  greater  security, 
one  should  keep  the  sounding  lead  in  hand.  And  my  observa- 
tions lead  me  to  conclude  that  one  cannot  enter  this  river  in 
any  other  place  except  in  small  vessels  or  shallops.  For,  as  I 
stated  above,  there  are  numerous  islands,  rocks,  shoals,  banks, 
and  breakers  on  all  sides,  so  that  it  is  marvellous  to  behold. 

Now  to  resume  our  course : as  one  enters  the  river,  there 
are  beautiful  islands,  which  are  very  pleasant  and  contain  fine 
meadows.  We  proceeded  to  a place  to  which  the  savages 
guided  us,  where  the  river  is  not  more  than  an  eighth  of  a league 
broad,  and  at  a distance  of  some  two  hundred  paces  from  the 
western  shore  there  is  a rock  on  a level  with  the  water,  of  a 
dangerous  character.3  From  here  to  the  Isle  Haute,  it  is 
fifteen  leagues.  From  this  narrow  place,  where  there  is  the 

1 Meaning  high  island ; it  is  now  called  Isle  au  Haiit. 

2 The  Camden  Hills. 

3 This  narrow  place  is  just  above  Castine. 


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[1604 


least  breadth  that  we  had  found,  after  sailing  some  seven  or 
eight  leagues,  we  came  to  a little  river  1 near  which  it  was  nec- 
essary to  anchor,  as  we  saw  before  us  a great  many  rocks 
which  are  uncovered  at  low  tide,  and  since  also,  if  we  had  de- 
sired to  sail  farther,  we  could  have  gone  scarcely  half  a league, 
in  consequence  of  a fall  of  water  there  coming  down  a slope  of 
seven  or  eight  feet,  which  I saw  as  I went  there  in  a canoe  with 
our  savages ; and  we  found  only  water  enough  for  a canoe.  But 
excepting  the  fall,  which  is  some  two  hundred  paces  broad, 
the  river  is  beautiful,  and  unobstructed  up  to  the  place  where 
we  had  anchored.  I landed  to  view  the  country,  and,  going 
on  a hunting  excursion,  found  it  very  pleasant  so  far  as  I went. 
The  oaks  here  appear  as  if  they  were  planted  for  ornament. 
I saw  only  a few  firs,  but  numerous  pines  on  one  side  of  the 
river;  on  the  other  only  oaks,  and  some  copse  wood  which 
extends  far  into  the  interior.  And  I will  state  that  from  the 
entrance  to  where  we  went,  about  twenty-five  leagues,  we  saw 
no  town,  nor  village,  nor  the  appearance  of  there  having  been 
one,  but  one  or  two  cabins  of  the  savages  without  inhabitants. 
These  were  made  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  the  Souriquois,2 
being  covered  with  the  bark  of  trees.  So  far  as  we  could  judge, 
the  savages  on  this  river  are  few  in  number,  and  are  called 
Etechemins.  Moreover,  they  only  come  to  the  islands,  and 
that  only  during  some  months  in  summer  for  fish  and  game,  of 
which  there  is  a great  quantity.  They  are  a people  who  have 
no  fixed  abode,  so  far  as  I could  observe  and  learn  from  them. 
For  they  spend  the  winter  now  in  one  place  and  now  in  another, 
according  as  they  find  the  best  hunting,  by  which  they  live 
when  urged  by  their  daily  needs,  without  laying  up  anything 
for  times  of  scarcity,  which  are  sometimes  severe. 

Now  this  river  must  of  necessity  be  the  Norumbegue ; for, 
having  coasted  along  past  it  as  far  as  the  41°  of  latitude,  we 
have  found  no  other  on  the  parallel  above  mentioned,  except 

1 The  Kenduskeag,  near  the  city  of  Bangor. 

2 The  Souriquois  are  the  Mic-Macs  of  Nova  Scotia.  Closely  akin  to  them 
were  the  Etechemins,  who  extended  from  St.  John,  N.B.,  to  the  neighborhood 
of  Mount  Desert.  South  of  these  were  the  Almouchiquois  or  Armouchi- 
quois  (see  pp.  61  et  seqq.). 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


49 


that  of  the  Quinibequy,1  which  is  almost  in  the  same  latitude, 
but  not  of  great  extent.  Moreover,  there  cannot  be  in  any 
other  place  a river  extending  far  into  the  interior  of  the  coun- 
try, since  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence  washes  the  coast  of  La 
Cadie  and  Norumbegue,  and  the  distance  from  one  to  the  other 
by  land  is  not  more  than  forty-five  leagues,  or  sixty  at  the 
widest  point,  as  can  be  seen  on  my  geographical  map. 

Now  I will  drop  this  discussion  to  return  to  the  savages 
who  had  conducted  me  to  the  falls  of  the  river  Norumbegue, 
who  went  to  notify  Bessabez,  their  chief,  and  other  savages, 
who  in  turn  proceeded  to  another  little  river  to  inform  their 
own,  named  Cabahis,  and  give  him  notice  of  our  arrival. 

The  16th  of  the  month  there  came  to  us  some  thirty  savages 
on  assurances  given  them  by  those  who  had  served  us  as 
guides.  There  came  also  to  us  the  same  day  the  above- 
named  Bessabez  with  six  canoes.  As  soon  as  the  savages 
who  were  on  land  saw  him  coming,  they  all  began  to  sing, 
dance,  and  jump,  until  he  had  landed.  Afterwards,  they  all 
seated  themselves  in  a circle  on  the  ground,  as  is  their  custom, 
when  they  wish  to  celebrate  a festivity,  or  an  harangue  is  to 
be  made.  Cabahis,  the  other  chief,  arrived  also  a little  later 
with  twenty  or  thirty  of  his  companions,  who  withdrew  one 
side  and  greatly  enjoyed  seeing  us,  as  it  was  the  first  time 
they  had  seen  Christians.  A little  while  after,  I went  on 
shore  with  two  of  my  companions  and  two  of  our  savages  who 
served  as  interpreters.  I directed  the  men  in  our  barque  to 
approach  near  the  savages,  and  hold  their  arms  in  readiness 
to  do  their  duty  in  case  they  noticed  any  movement  of  these 
people  against  us.  Bessabez,  seeing  us  on  land,  bade  us  sit 
down,  and  began  to  smoke  with  his  companions,  as  they  usually 
do  before  an  address.  They  presented  us  with  venison  and 
game. 

I directed  our  interpreter  to  say  to  our  savages  that  they 
should  cause  Bessabez,  Cabahis,  and  their  companions  to  under- 
stand that  Sieur  de  Monts  had  sent  me  to  them  to  see  them, 
and  also  their  country,  and  that  he  desired  to  preserve  friend- 

1 The  Kennebec. 


E 


50 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1604 


ship  with  them  and  to  reconcile  them  with  their  enemies, 
the  Souriquois  and  Canadians,  and  moreover  that  he  desired 
to  inhabit  their  country  and  show  them  how  to  cultivate  it, 
in  order  that  they  might  not  continue  to  lead  so  miserable  a 
life  as  they  were  doing,  and  some  other  words  on  the  same  sub- 
ject. This  our  savages  interpreted  to  them,  at  which  they 
signified  their  great  satisfaction,  saying  that  no  greater  good 
could  come  to  them  than  to  have  our  friendship,  and  that  they 
desired  to  live  in  peace  with  their  enemies,  and  that  we  should 
dwell  in  their  land,  in  order  that  they  might  in  future  more 
than  ever  before  engage  in  hunting  beavers,  and  give  us  a part 
of  them  in  return  for  our  providing  them  with  things  which  they 
wanted.  After  he  had  finished  his  discourse,  I presented  them 
with  hatchets,  paternosters,  caps,  knives,  and  other  little  knick- 
knacks,  when  we  separated  from  each  other.  All  the  rest  of 
this  day  and  the  following  night,  until  break  of  day,  they  did 
nothing  but  dance,  sing,  and  make  merry,  after  which  we  traded 
for  a certain  number  of  beavers.  Then  each  party  returned, 
Bessabez  with  his  companions  on  the  one  side,  and  we  on  the 
other,  highly  pleased  at  having  made  the  acquaintance  of  this 
people. 

The  17th  of  the  month  I took  the  altitude,  and  found  the 
latitude  45°  25'.1  This  done,  we  set  out  for  another  river 
called  Quinibequy,  distant  from  this  place  thirty-five  leagues, 
and  nearly  twenty  from  Bedabedec.  This  nation  of  savages  of 
Quinibequy  are  called  Etechemins,  as  well  as  those  of  Norum- 
begue. 

The  18th  of  the  month  we  passed  near  a small  river  where 
Cabahis  was,  who  came  with  us  in  our  barque  some  twelve 
leagues ; and  having  asked  him  whence  came  the  river  Norum- 
begue,  he  told  me  that  it  passes  the  fall  which  I mentioned 
above,  and  that  one  journeying  some  distance  on  it  enters 
a lake  by  way  of  which  they  come  to  the  river  of  St.  Croix, 
by  going  some  distance  over  land,  and  then  entering  the  river 
of  the  Etechemins.  Moreover,  another  river  enters  the  lake, 
along  which  they  proceed  some  days,  and  afterwards  enter 

1 Really  44°  46'. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


51 


another  lake  and  pass  through  the  midst  of  it.  Reaching  the 
end  of  it,  they  make  again  a land  journey  of  some  distance, 
and  then  enter  another  little  river,1  which  has  its  mouth  a 
league  from  Quebec,  which  is  on  the  great  river  St.  Law- 
rence. All  these  people  of  Norumbegue  are  very  swarthy, 
dressed  in  beaver-skins  and  other  furs,  like  the  Canadian 
and  Souriquois  savages,  and  they  have  the  same  mode  of 
life. 

The  20th  of  the  month  we  sailed  along  the  western  coast, 
and  passed  the  mountains  of  Bedabedec,  when  we  anchored. 
The  same  day  we  explored  the  entrance  to  the  river,  where 
large  vessels  can  approach ; but  there  are  inside  some  reefs,  to 
avoid  which  one  must  advance  with  sounding  lead  in  hand. 
Our  savages  left  us,  as  they  did  not  wish  to  go  to  Quini- 
bequy,  for  the  savages  of  that  place  are  great  enemies  to 
them.  We  sailed  some  eight  leagues  along  the  western  coast 
to  an  island  ten  leagues  distant  from  Quinibequy,  where 
we  were  obliged  to  put  in  on  account  of  bad  weather  and 
contrary  wind.  At  one  point  in  our  course,  we  passed  a large 
number  of  islands  and  breakers  extending  some  leagues  out 
to  sea,  and  very  dangerous.  And  in  view  of  the  bad  weather, 
which  was  so  unfavorable  to  us,  we  did  not  sail  more  than 
three  or  four  leagues  farther.  All  these  islands  and  coasts 
are  covered  with  extensive  woods,  of  the  same  sort  as  that 
which  I have  reported  above  as  existing  on  the  other  coasts. 
And  in  consideration  of  the  small  quantity  of  provisions  which 
we  had,  we  resolved  to  return  to  our  settlement  and  wait 
until  the  following  year,  when  we  hoped  to  return  and  ex- 
plore more  extensively.  We  accordingly  set  out  on  our 
return  on  the  23d  of  September,  and  arrived  at  our  settle- 
ment on  the  2d  of  October  following. 

The  above  is  an  exact  statement  of  all  that  I have  ob- 
served respecting  not  only  the  coasts  and  people,  but  also  the 
river  of  Norumbegue;  and  there  are  none  of  the  marvels 

1 The  Chaudiere.  Champlain’s  account,  derived  from  the  Indians, 
whose  language  he  but  imperfectly  understood,  is  not  quite  correct,  as  may 
be  seen  by  consulting  a map. 


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[1604 


there  which  some  persons  have  described.1  I am  of  opinion 
that  this  region  is  as  disagreeable  in  winter  as  that  of  our 
settlement,  in  which  we  were  greatly  deceived. 

Chapter  6 

Of  the  Mai  de  la  Terre , a very  desperate  malady . How  the  savages , 
men  and  women , spend  their  time  in  winter.  And  all 
that  occurred  at  the  settlement  while  we  were  passing  the 
winter. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  Island  of  St.  Croix,  each  one  had 
finished  his  place  of  abode.  Winter  came  upon  us  sooner  than 
we  expected,  and  prevented  us  from  doing  many  things  which 
we  had  proposed.  Nevertheless,  Sieur  de  Monts  did  not  fail 
to  have  some  gardens  made  on  the  island.  Many  began 
to  clear  up  the  ground,  each  his  own.  I also  did  so  with  mine, 
which  was  very  large,  where  I planted  a quantity  of  seeds,  as 
also  did  the  others  who  had  any,  and  they  came  up  very  well. 
But  since  the  island  was  all  sandy,  everything  dried  up  almost 
as  soon  as  the  sun  shone  upon  it,  and  we  had  no  water  for 
irrigation  except  from  the  rain,  which  was  infrequent. 

Sieur  de  Monts  caused  also  clearings  to  be  made  on  the 
main  land  for  making  gardens,  and  at  the  falls  three  leagues 
from  our  settlement  he  had  work  done  and  some  wheat  sown, 
which  came  up  very  well  and  ripened.  Around  our  habita- 
tion there  is,  at  low  tide,  a large  number  of  shell-fish,  such  as 
cockles,2  muscles,  sea-urchins,  and  sea-snails,  which  were 
very  acceptable  to  all. 

The  snows  began  on  the  6th  of  October.  On  the  3d  of 
December,  we  saw  ice  pass  which  came  from  some  frozen 
river.  The  cold  was  sharp,  more  severe  than  in  France,  and 

1 Two  noteworthy  points  are  that  Champlain  received  no  intelligence  of 
any  Europeans  on  the  coast,  and  found  no  fixed  settlements  of  natives.  The 
savages  lived  on  the  headwaters  of  the  rivers,  and  along  the  great  carrying- 
places  which  constituted  a thoroughfare  from  one  end  of  the  Acadian  penin- 
sula to  the  other.  (Gen.  Brown.) 

2 Doubtless  clams.  (Ganong.) 


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53 


of  much  longer  duration;  and  it  scarcely  rained  at  all  the 
entire  winter.  I suppose  that  is  owing  to  the  north  and 
north-west  winds  passing  over  high  mountains  always  covered 
with  snow.  The  latter  was  from  three  to  four  feet  deep  up 
to  the  end  of  the  month  of  April ; lasting  much  longer,  I sup- 
pose, than  it  would  if  the  country  were  cultivated. 

During  the  winter,  many  of  our  company  were  attacked  by 
a certain  malady  called  the  mal  de  la  terre;1  otherwise  scurvy, 
as  I have  since  heard  from  learned  men.  There  were  pro- 
duced, in  the  mouths  of  those  who  had  it,  great  pieces  of  super- 
fluous and  drivelling  flesh  (causing  extensive  putrefaction), 
which  got  the  upperhand  to  such  an  extent  that  scarcely  any 
thing  but  liquid  could  be  taken.  Their  teeth  became  very 
loose,  and  could  be  pulled  out  with  the  fingers  without  its 
causing  them  pain.  The  superfluous  flesh  was  often  cut  out, 
which  caused  them  to  eject  much  blood  through  the  mouth. 
Afterwards,  a violent  pain  seized  their  arms  and  legs,  which 
remained  swollen  and  very  hard,  all  spotted  as  if  with  flea- 
bites  ; and  they  could  not  walk  on  account  of  the  contraction 
of  the  muscles,  so  that  they  were  almost  without  strength,  and 
suffered  intolerable  pains.  They  experienced  pain  also  in 
the  loins,  stomach,  and  bowels,  had  a very  bad  cough,  and 
short  breath.  In  a word,  they  were  in  such  a condition  that 
the  majority  of  them  could  not  rise  nor  move,  and  could  not 
even  be  raised  up  on  their  feet  without  falling  down  in  a 
swoon.  So  that  out  of  seventy-nine,  who  composed  our 
party,  thirty-five  died,  and  more  than  twenty  were  on  the 
point  of  death.  The  majority  of  those  who  remained  well 
also  complained  of  slight  pains  and  short  breath.  We  were 
unable  to  find  any  remedy  for  these  maladies.  A post  mortem 
examination  of  several  was  made  to  investigate  the  cause  of 
their  disease. 

In  the  case  of  many,  the  interior  parts  were  found  morti- 

1 Cartier’s  men  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  same  complaint  during 
their  stay  at  Quebec  in  the  winter  of  1535-1536,  but  had  found  a remedy 
in  a decoction  made  of  the  leaves  of  an  evergreen,  called  by  the  savages 
aneda,  or  anneda  (see  p.  60),  apparently  the  white  pine.  See  Cartier’s 
account  in  Early  English  and  French  Voyages,  of  this  series,  pp.  73-77. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1605 


fled,  such  as  the  lungs,  which  were  so  changed  that  no  natural 
fluid  could  be  perceived  in  them.  The  spleen  was  serous 
and  swollen.  The  liver  was  legueux  ? 1 and  spotted,  without 
its  natural  color.  The  vena  cava , superior  and  inferior,  was 
filled  with  thick  coagulated  and  black  blood.  The  gall  was 
tainted.  Nevertheless,  many  arteries,  in  the  middle  as  well 
as  lower  bowels,  were  found  in  very  good  condition.  In  the 
case  of  some,  incisions  with  a razor  were  made  on  the  thighs 
where  they  had  purple  spots,  whence  there  issued  a very  .black 
clotted  blood.  This  is  what  was  observed  on  the  bodies  of 
those  infected  with  this  malady. 

Our  surgeons  could  not  help  suffering  themselves  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  rest.  Those  who  continued  sick  were 
healed  by  spring,  which  commences  in  this  country  in  May. 
That  led  us  to  believe  that  the  change  of  season  restored  their 
health  rather  than  the  remedies  prescribed. 

During  this  winter,  all  our  liquors  froze,  except  the  Span- 
ish wine.2  Cider  was  dispensed  by  the  pound.  The  cause  of 
this  loss  was  that  there  were  no  cellars  to  our  storehouse,  and 
that  the  air  which  entered  by  the  cracks  was  sharper  than 
that  outside.  We  were  obliged  to  use  very  bad  water,  and 
drink  melted  snow,  as  there  were  no  springs  nor  brooks;  for 
it  was  not  possible  to  go  to  the  main  land  in  consequence  of 
the  great  pieces  of  ice  drifted  by  the  tide,  which  varies  three 
fathoms  between  low  and  high  water.  Work  on  the  hand- 
mill  was  very  fatiguing,  since  the  most  of  us,  having  slept 
poorly,  and  suffering  from  insufficiency  of  fuel,  which  we 
could  not  obtain  on  account  of  the  ice,  had  scarcely  any 
strength,  and  also  because  we  ate  only  salt  meat  and  vegetables 
during  the  winter,  which  produce  bad  blood.  The  latter 
circumstance  was,  in  my  opinion,  a partial  cause  of  these  dread- 
ful maladies.  All  this  produced  discontent  in  Sieur  de  Monts 
and  others  of  the  settlement.3 

1 Watery;  or  perhaps  for  ligneux,  fibrous. 

2 1.e.,  sherry. 

8 Father  Biard  says,  Jesuit  Relations,  ed.  Thwaites,  III.  52,  “Of  all  Sieur 
de  Monts’  people  who  wintered  first  at  St.  Croix,  only  eleven  remained  well.” 


1605] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


56 


It  would  be  very  difficult  to  ascertain  the  character  of  this 
region  without  spending  a winter  in  it;  for,  on  arriving  here 
in  summer,  every  thing  is  very  agreeable,  in  consequence  of 
the  woods,  fine  country,  and  the  many  varieties  of  good  fish 
which  are  found  there.  There  are  six  months  of  winter  in 
this  country. 

The  savages  who  dwell  here  are  few  in  number.  During 
the  winter,  in  the  deepest  snows,  they  hunt  elks  and  other 
animals,  on  which  they  live  most  of  the  time.  And,  unless 
the  snow  is  deep,  they  scarcely  get  rewarded  for  their  pains, 
since  they  cannot  capture  anything  except  by  a very  great 
effort,  which  is  the  reason  for  their  enduring  and  suffering 
much.  When  they  do  not  hunt,  they  live  on  a shell-fish, 
called  the  cockle.  They  clothe  themselves  in  winter  with 
good  furs  of  beaver  and  elk.  The  women  make  all  the  gar- 
ments, but  not  so  exactly  but  that  you  can  see  the  flesh  under 
the  arm-pits,  because  they  have  not  ingenuity  enough  to  fit 
them  better.  When  they  go  a hunting,  they  use  a kind  of 
snow-shoe  twice  as  large  as  those  hereabouts,  which  they  attach 
to  the  soles  of  their  feet,  and  walk  thus  over  the  snow  with- 
out sinking  in,  the  women  and  children  as  well  as  the  men. 
They  search  for  the  track  of  animals,  which,  having  found, 
they  follow  until  they  get  sight  of  the  creature,  when  they 
shoot  at  it  with  their  bows,  or  kill  it  by  means  of  daggers 
attached  to  the  end  of  a short  pike,  which  is  very  easily  done, 
as  the  animals  cannot  walk  on  the  snow  without  sinking  in. 
Then  the  women  and  children  come  up,  erect  a hut,  and 
they  give  themselves  to  feasting.  Afterwards,  they  return 
in  search  of  other  animals,  and  thus  they  pass  the  winter. 
In  the  month  of  March  following,  some  savages  came  and 
gave  us  a portion  of  their  game  in  exchange  for  bread  and 
other  things  which  we  gave  them.  This  is  the  mode  of  life 
in  winter  of  these  people,  which  seems  to  me  a very  miserable 
one. 

We  looked  for  our  vessels  at  the  end  of  April ; but,  as  this 
passed  without  their  arriving,  all  began  to  have  an  ill-boding, 
fearing  that  some  accident  had  befallen  them.  For  this  rea- 


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[1605 


son,  on  the  15th  of  May,  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  have  a 
barque  of  fifteen  tons  and  another  of  seven  fitted  up,  so  that  we 
might  go  at  the  end  of  the  month  of  June  to  Gaspe  in  quest 
of  vessels1  in  which  to  return  to  France,  in  case  our  own  should 
not  meanwhile  arrive.  But  God  helped  us  betterN  than  we 
hoped;  for,  on  the  15th  of  June  ensuing,  while  on  guard 
about  11  o’clock  at  night,  Pont  Grave,  captain  of  one  of  the 
vessels  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  arriving  in  a shallop,  informed  us 
that  his  ship  was  anchored  six  leagues  from  our  settlement, 
and  he  was  welcomed  amid  the  great  joy  of  all. 

The  next  day  the  vessel  arrived,  and  anchored  near  our 
habitation.  Pont  Grave  informed  us  that  a vessel  from  St. 
Malo,  called  the  St.  Estienne,  was  following  him,  bringing 
us  provisions  and  supplies. 

On  the  17th  of  the  month,  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  go 
in  quest  of  a place  better  adapted  for  an  abode,  and  with  a 
better  temperature  than  our  own.  With  this  view,  he  had 
the  barque  made  ready,  in  which  he  had  purposed  to  go  to 
Gaspe. 

Chapter  7 

Discovery  of  the  coast  of  the  Almouchiquois  as  far  as  the  forty- 
second  degree  of  latitude}  and  details  of  this  voyage . 

On  the  18th  of  June,  1605,  Sieur  de  Monts  set  out  from  the 
Island  of  St.  Croix  with  some  gentlemen,  twenty  sailors,  and  a 
savage  named  Panounias,2  together  with  his  wife,  whom  he 
was  unwilling  to  leave  behind.  These  we  took,  in  order  to 
serve  us  as  guides  to  the  country  of  the  Almouchiquois,3 
in  the  hope  of  exploring  and  learning  more  particularly  by 
their  aid  what  the  character  of  this  country  was,  especially 
since  she  was  a native  of  it. 

1 These  were  the  ships  which  came  yearly  in  search  of  cod. 

2 He  was  killed  by  the  Almouchiquois,  which  led  to  a war  (see  pp.  Ill, 
113-114). 

3 The  Almouchiquois,  or  Armouchiquois,  lived  in  what  is  now  Massa- 
chusetts. 


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57 


Coasting  along  inside  of  Manan,  an  island  three  leagues 
from  the  main  land,  we  came  to  the  Ranges  on  the  seaward 
side,  at  one  of  which  we  anchored,  where  there  was  a large 
number  of  crows,  of  which  our  men  captured  a great  many, 
and  we  called  it  the  Isle  aux  Corneilles.  Thence  we  went  to 
the  Island  of  Monts  Deserts,  at  the  entrance  of  the  river 
Norumbegue,  as  I have  before  stated,  and  sailed  five  or  six 
leagues  among  many  islands.  Here  there  came  to  us  three 
savages  in  a canoe  from  Bedabedec  Point,  where  their  captain 
was;  and,  after  we  had  had  some  conversation  with  them, 
they  returned  the  same  day. 

On  Friday,  the  1st  of  July,  we  set  out  from  one  of  the 
islands  1 at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  there  is  a very  good 
harbor  for  vessels  of  a hundred  or  a hundred  and  fifty  tons. 
This  day  we  made  some  twenty-five  leagues  between  Beda- 
bedec Point  and  many  islands  and  rocks,  which  we  observed 
as  far  as  the  river  Quinibequy,  at  the  mouth  of  which  is  a very 
high  island,  which  we  called  the  Tortoise.2  Between  the 
latter  and  the  main  land  there  are  some  scattering  rocks 
which  are  covered  at  full  tide,  although  the  sea  is  then  seen 
to  break  over  them.3  Tortoise  Island  and  the  river  lie  south- 
south-east  and  north-north-west.  As  you  enter,  there  are  two 
medium-sized  islands  forming  the  entrance,  one  on  one  side, 
the  other  on  the  other ; 4 and  some  three  hundred  paces  far- 
ther in  are  two  rocks,  where  there  is  no  wood,  but  some  little 
grass.  We  anchored  three  hundred  paces  from  the  entrance 
in  five  and  six  fathoms  of  water.  While  in  this  place,  we  were 
overtaken  by  fogs,  on  account  of  which  we  resolved  to  enter, 
in  order  to  see  the  upper  part  of  the  river  and  the  savages 
who  live  there;  and  we  set  out  for  this  purpose  on  the  5th 
of  the  month.  Having  made  some  leagues,  our  barque 
came  near  being  lost  on  a rock  which  we  grazed  in  passing.5 

1 The  Fox  Islands.  2 Seguin  Island. 

3 Ellingwood  Rock,  Seguin  Ledges,  and  White  Ledge.  (Slafter.) 

4 Pond  Island  on  the  west,  and  Stage  Island  on  the  east ; the  two  rocks 
referred  to  in  the  same  sentence  are  now  called  the  Sugar  Loaves.  (Slafter.) 

6 It  seems  nearly  certain  that  the  route  traversed  by  the  navigators  was 
as  follows.  Entering  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  they  went  on  a flood-tide 


58 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1605 


Further  on,  we  met  two  canoes  which  had  come  to  hunt  birds, 
which  for  the  most  part  are  moulting  at  this  season,  and  cannot 
fly.  We  addressed  these  savages  by  aid  of  our  own,  who  went 
to  them  with  his  wife,  who  made  them  understand  the  reason 
of  our  coming.  We  made  friends  with  them  and  with  the 
savages  of  this  river,  who  served  us  as  guides.  Proceeding 
farther,  in  order  to  see  their  captain,  named  Manthoumermer, 
we  passed,  after  we  had  gone  seven  or  eight  leagues,  by  some 
islands,  straits,  and  brooks,  which  extend  along  the  river,  where 
we  saw  some  fine  meadows.  After  we  had  coasted  along  an 
island1  some  four  leagues  in  length,  they  conducted  us  to  where 
their  chief  was 2 with  twenty-five  or  thirty  savages,  who,  as  soon 
as  we  had  anchored,  came  to  us  in  a canoe,  separated  a short 
distance  from  ten  others,  in  which  were  those  who  accom- 
panied him.  Coming  near  our  barque,  he  made  an  harangue, 
in  which  he  expressed  the  pleasure  it  gave  him  to  see  us,  and 
said  that  he  desired  to  form  an  alliance  with  us  and  to  make 
peace  with  his  enemies  through  our  mediation.  He  said  that, 
on  the  next  day,  he  would  send  to  two  other  captains  of  sav- 
ages, who  were  in  the  interior,  one  called  Marchin,  and  the 
other  Sasinou,  chief  of  the  river  Quinibequy.  Sieur  de  Monts 
gave  them  some  cakes  and  peas,  with  which  they  were  greatly 
pleased.  The  next  day  they  guided  us  down  the  river  another 
way  than  that  by  which  we  had  come,  in  order  to  go  to  a lake ; 
and,  passing  by  some  islands,  they  left,  each  one  of  them,  an 
arrow  near  a cape 3 where  all  the  savages  pass,  and  they  believe 
that  if  they  should  not  do  this  some  misfortune  would  befall 
them,  according  to  the  persuasions  of  the  devil.  They  live 
in  such  superstitions,  and  practise  many  others  of  the  same 
sort.  Beyond  this  cape  we  passed  a very  narrow  waterfall, 
but  only  with  great  difficulty;  for,  although  we  had  a favor- 
able and  fresh  wind,  and  trimmed  our  sails  to  receive  it  as 


up  Back  River  and  into  Hockomock  Bay,  then  southward  around  the  south 
end  of  Westport  Island,  up  its  east  side  to  Wiscasset,  down  its  west  side, 
around  Hockomock  Point,  and  so  through  the  Sasanoa  River,  Upper  Hell 
Gate  and  the  Kennebec,  and  into  Merrymeeting  Bay. 

1 Westport  Island.  2 Wiscasset  Harbor.  3 Hockomock  Point. 


1605] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


59 


well  as  possible,  in  order  to  see  whether  we  could  not  pass  it 
in  that  way,  we  were  obliged  to  attach  a hawser  to  some  trees 
on  shore  and  all  pull  on  it.  In  this  way,  by  means  of  our  arms 
together  with  the  help  of  the  wind,  which  was  favorable  to 
us,  we  succeeded  in  passing  it.  The  savages  accompanying 
us  carried  their  canoes  by  land,  being  unable  to  row  them. 
After  going  over  this  fall,  we  saw  some  fine  meadows.  I 
was  greatly  surprised  by  this  fall,  since  as  we  descended  with 
the  tide  we  found  it  in  our  favor,  but  contrary  to  us  when  we 
came  to  the  fall.  But,  after  we  had  passed  it,  it  descended  as 
before,  which  gave  us  great  satisfaction.  Pursuing  our  route, 
we  came  to  the  lake,1  which  is  from  three  to  four  leagues  in 
length.  Here  are  some  islands,  and  two  rivers  enter  it,  the 
Quinibequy  coming  from  the  north-north-east,  and  the  other 
from  the  north-west,  whence  were  to  come  Marchin  and 
Sasinou.  Having  awaited  them  all  this  day,  and  as  they  did 
not  come,  we  resolved  to  improve  our  time.  We  weighed 
anchor  accordingly,  and  there  accompanied  us  two  savages 
from  this  lake  to  serve  as  guides.  The  same  day  we  anchored 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  we  caught  a large  number  of 
excellent  fish  of  various  sorts.  Meanwhile,  our  savages  went 
hunting,  but  did  not  return.  The  route  by  which  we  descended 
this  river  is  much  safer  and  better  than  that  by  which  we  had 
gone.  Tortoise  Island  before  the  mouth  of  this  river  is  in 
latitude  44°;  and  19°  12'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle.  They  go  by  this  river  across  the  country  to  Quebec 
some  fifty  leagues,  making  only  one  portage  of  two  leagues. 
After  the  portage,  you  enter  another  little  stream  which  flows 
into  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence.2  This  river  Quinibequy 
is  very  dangerous  for  vessels  half  a league  from  its  mouth,  on 
account  of  the  small  amount  of  water,  great  tides,  rocks  and 
shoals  outside  as  well  as  within.  But  it  has  a good  channel, 
if  it  were  well  marked  out.  The  land,  so  far  as  I have  seen  it 

1 Merrymeeting  Bay,  so  called  from  the  junction  of  the  Kennebec  and  the 
Androscoggin. 

2 The  Chaudiere,  flowing  into  the  St.  Lawrence  nearly  opposite  Quebec, 
about  three  miles  above  Levis, 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1605 


along  the  shores  of  the  river,  is  very  poor,  for  there  are  only 
rocks  on  all  sides.  There  are  a great  many  small  oaks,  and 
very  little  arable  land.  Fish  abound  here,  as  in  the  other 
rivers  which  I have  mentioned.  The  people  live  like  those  in 
the  neighborhood  of  our  settlement ; and  they  told  us  that  the 
savages,  who  plant  the  Indian  corn,  dwelt  very  far  in  the  in- 
terior, and  that  they  had  given  up  planting  it  on  the  coasts 
on  account  of  the  war  they  had  with  others,  who  came  and 
took  it  away.  This  is  what  I have  been  able  to  learn  about 
this  region,  which  I think  is  no  better  than  the  others. 

On  the  8th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  the  mouth  of 
this  river,  not  being  able  to  do  so  sooner  on  account  of  the 
fogs.  We  made  that  day  some  four  leagues,  and  passed 
a bay,1  where  there  are  a great  many  islands.  From  here 
large  mountains  2 are  seen  to  the  west,  in  which  is  the  dwell- 
ing-place of  a savage  captain  called  Aneda,  who  encamps 
near  the  river  Quinibequy.  I was  satisfied  from  this  name 
that  it  was  one  of  his  tribe  that  had  discovered  the  plant 
called  Aneda,  which  Jacques  Cartier  said  was  so  powerful 
against  the  malady  called  scurvy,  of  which  we  have  already 
spoken,  which  harassed  his  company  as  well  as  our  own, 
when  they  wintered  in  Canada.  The  savages  have  no  knowl- 
edge at  all  of  this  plant,  and  are  not  aware  of  its  existence, 
although  the  above-mentioned  savage  has  the  same  name. 
The  following  day  we  made  eight  leagues.  As  we  passed 
along  the  coast,  we  perceived  two  columns  of  smoke  which 
some  savages  made  to  attract  our  attention.  We  went  and 
anchored  in  the  direction  of  them  behind  a small  island  near 
the  main  land,3  where  we  saw  more  than  eighty  savages 
running  along  the  shore  to  see  us,  dancing  and  giving  ex- 
pression to  their  joy.  Sieur  de  Monts  sent  two  men  together 
with  our  savage  to  visit  them.  After  they  had  spoken  some 
time  with  them,  and  assured  them  of  our  friendship,  we  left 

1 Casco  Bay. 

2 The  White  Mountains  of  New  Hampshire,  indicated  on  numerous  early 
maps,  and  visible  from  the  sea  at  this  point. 

3 Old  Orchard  Beach.  They  anchored  inside  of  Stratton  Island. 


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61 


with  them  one  of  our  number,  and  they  delivered  to  us  one 
of  their  companions  as  a hostage.  Meanwhile,  Sieur  de 
Monts  visited  an  island,  which  is  very  beautiful  in  view  of 
what  it  produces ; for  it  has  fine  oaks  and  nut-trees,  the  soil 
cleared  up,  and  many  vineyards  bearing  beautiful  grapes  in 
their  season,  which  were  the  first  we  had  seen  on  all  these  coasts 
from  the  Cap  de  la  Heve.  We  named  it  Isle  de  Bacchus.1 
It  being  full  tide,  we  weighed  anchor  and  entered  a little  river, 
which  we  could  not  sooner  do ; for  there  is  a bar,  there  being  at 
low  tide  only  half  a fathom  of  water,  at  full  tide  a fathom  and  a 
half,  and  at  the  highest  water  two  fathoms.  On  the  other  side 
of  the  bar  there  are  three,  four,  five,  and  six  fathoms.  When 
we  had  anchored,  a large  number  of  savages  came  to  the  bank 
of  the  river,  and  began  to  dance.  Their  captain  at  the  time, 
whom  they  called  Honemechin,  was  not  with  them.  He  arrived 
about  two  or  three  hours  later  with  two  canoes,  when  he  came 
sweeping  entirely  round  our  barque.  Our  savage  could  under- 
stand only  a few  words,  as  the  language  of  the  Almouchiquois 
(for  that  is  the  name  of  this  nation)  differs  entirely  from  that 
of  the  Souriquois  and  Etechemins.  These  people  gave  signs 
of  being  greatly  pleased.  Their  chief  had  a good  figure,  was 
young  and  agile.  We  sent  some  articles  of  merchandise  on 
shore  to  barter  with  them;  but  they  had  nothing  but  their 
robes  to  give  in  exchange,  for  they  preserve  only  such  furs 
as  they  need  for  their  garments.  Sieur  de  Monts  ordered 
some  provisions  to  be  given  to  their  chief,  with  which  he  was 
greatly  pleased,  and  came  several  times  to  the  side  of  our 
boat  to  see  us.  These  savages  shave  off  the  hair  far  up  on 
the  head,  and  wear  what  remains  very  long,  which  they  comb 
and  twist  behind  in  various  ways  very  neatly,  intertwined 
with  feathers  which  they  attach  to  the  head.  They  paint 
their  faces  black  and  red,  like  the  other  savages  which  we 
have  seen.  They  are  an  agile  people,  with  well-formed  bod- 
ies. Their  weapons  are  pikes,  clubs,  bows  and  arrows,  at 
the  end  of  which  some  attach  the  tail  of  a fish  called  the 
signoc,  others  bones,  while  the  arrows  of  others  are  entirely 

1 Richmond  Island.  The  oaks,  walnuts,  and  vines  have  disappeared. 


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[1605 


of  wood.  They  till  and  cultivate  the  soil,  something  which 
we  have  not  hitherto  observed.  In  the  place  of  ploughs,  they 
use  an  instrument  of  very  hard  wood,  shaped  like  a spade. 
This  river  is  called  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  Choii- 
acoet.1 

The  next  day  Sieur  de  Monts  and  I landed  to  observe 
their  tillage  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  We  saw  their  Indian 
corn,  which  they  raise  in  gardens.  Planting  three  or  four 
kernels  in  one  place,  they  then  heap  up  about  it  a quantity 
of  earth  with  shells  of  the  signoc  before  mentioned.  Then 
three  feet  distant  they  plant  as  much  more,  and  thus  in  suc- 
cession. With  this  corn  they  put  in  each  hill  three  or  four 
Brazilian  beans,2  which  are  of  different  colors.  When  they 
grow  up,  they  interlace  with  the  corn,  which  reaches  to  the 
height  of  from  five  to  six  feet;  and  they  keep  the  ground 
very  free  from  weeds.  We  saw  there  many  squashes,  and 
pumpkins,  and  tobacco,  which  they  likewise  cultivate. 

The  Indian  corn  which  we  saw  was  at  that  time  about  two 
feet  high,  some  of  it  as  high  as  three.  The  beans  were  be- 
ginning to  flower,  as  also  the  pumpkins  and  squashes.  They 
plant  their  corn  in  May,  and  gather  it  in  September.  We 
saw  also  a great  many  nuts,  which  are  small  and  have  several 
divisions.  There  were  as  yet  none  on  the  trees,  but  we  found 
plenty  under  them,  from  the  preceding  year.  We  saw  also 
many  grape-vines,  on  which  there  was  a remarkably  fine 
berry,  from  which  we  made  some  very  good  verjuice.  We 
had  heretofore  seen  grapes  only  on  the  Island  of  Bacchus, 
distant  nearly  two  leagues  from  this  river.  Their  permanent 
abode,  the  tillage,  and  the  fine  trees  led  us  to  conclude  that 

1 From  this  comes  the  modern  Saco. 

2 Phaseolus  vulgaris,  the  kidney-bean.  All  the  plants  here  named  are 
indigenous  to  America,  though  probably  brought  to  New  England  from 
farther  south.  Cartier  found  tobacco  growing  as  far  north  as  Quebec  in 
1535.  “They  fill  their  bodies  full  of  smoke,  till  that  it  commeth  out  of  their 
mouth  and  nostrils,  even  as  out  of  the  Tonnell  of  a chimney.  They  say 
that  this  doth  keepe  them  warme  and  in  health ; they  never  goe  without  some 
of  it  about  them.  We  ourselves  have  tryed  the  same  smoke,  and  having  put 
it  in  our  mouthes,  it  seemed  almost  as  hot  as  pepper,”  is  his  account.  Early 
English  and  French  Voyages,  p.  68. 


1605] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


63 


the  air  here  is  milder  and  better  than  that  where  we  passed 
the  winter,  and  at  the  other  places  we  visited  on  the  coast. 
But  I cannot  believe  that  there  is  not  here  a considerable 
degree  of  cold,  although  it  is  in  latitude  43°  45'.1  The  for- 
ests in  the  interior  are  very  thin,  although  abounding  in  oaks, 
beeches,  ashes,  and  elms;  in  wet  places  there  are  many  wil- 
lows. The  savages  dwell  permanently  in  this  place,  and  have 
a large  cabin  surrounded  by  palisades  made  of  rather  large 
trees  placed  by  the  side  of  each  other,  in  which  they  take 
refuge  when  their  enemies  make  war  upon  them.  They 
cover  their  cabins  with  oak  bark.  This  place  is  very  pleas- 
ant, and  as  agreeable  as  any  to  be  seen.  The  river  is  very 
abundant  in  fish,  and  is  bordered  by  meadows.  At  the 
mouth  there  is  a small  island  2 adapted  for  the  construction  of 
a good  fortress,  where  one  could  be  in  security. 

On  Sunday,3  the  12th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  the 
river  Choiiacoet.  After  coasting  along  some  six  or  seven 
leagues,  a contrary  wind  arose,  which  obliged  us  to  anchor 
and  go  ashore,4  where  we  saw  two  meadows,  each  a league 
in  length  and  half  a league  in  breadth.  We  saw  there  two 
savages,  whom  at  first  we  took  to  be  the  great  birds  called 
bustards,  to  be  found  in  this  country;  who,  as  soon  as  they 
caught  sight  of  us,  took  flight  into  the  woods,  and  were  not 
seen  again.  From  Choiiacoet  to  this  place,  where  we  saw 
some  little  birds,  which  sing  like  blackbirds,  and  are  black 
excepting  the  ends  of  the  wings,  which  are  orange-colored,5 
there  is  a large  number  of  grape-vines  and  nut-trees.  This 
coast  is  sandy,  for  the  most  part,  all  the  way  from  Quinibe- 
quy.  This  day  we  returned  two  or  three  leagues  towards 
Choiiacoet,  as  far  as  a cape  which  we  called  Island  Harbor,6 
favorable  for  vessels  of  a hundred  tons,  about  which  are  three 
islands.  Heading  north-east  a quarter  north,  one  can  enter 

1 Champlain’s  expression  is  more  colloquial  and  energetic  than  that  of 
the  translation : “Mais  que  je  croye  qu’il  n’y  face  un  peu  de  froit,  bien  que 
ce  soit  par  la  hauteur  de  43  degrez  3 quarts  de  latitude,  non.” 

2 Ram  Island.  3 July  12,  1605,  fell  on  a Tuesday. 

4 Near  Wells  Neck.  6 The  red-wing  blackbird. 

6 Cape  Porpoise  Harbor. 


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[1605 


another  harbor  1 near  this  place,  to  which  there  is  no  ap- 
proach, although  there  are  islands,  except  the  one  where  you 
enter.  At  the  entrance  there  are  some  dangerous  reefs.  There 
are  in  these  islands  so  many  red  currants  that  one  sees  for 
the  most  part  nothing  else,  and  an  infinite  number  of  pigeons, 
of  which  we  took  a great  quantity.  This  Island  Harbor 
is  in  latitude  43°  25'. 

On  the  15th  of  the  month  we  made  twelve  leagues.  Coast- 
ing along,  we  perceived  a smoke  on  the  shore,  which  we 
approached  as  near  as  possible,  but  saw  no  savage,  which  led 
us  to  believe  that  they  had  fled.  The  sun  set,  and  we  could 
find  no  harbor  for  that  night,  since  the  coast  was  flat  and 
sandy.  Keeping  off,  and  heading  south,  in  order  to  find  an 
anchorage,  after  proceeding  about  two  leagues,  we  observed 
a cape2  on  the  main  land  south  a quarter  south-east  of  us, 
some  six  leagues  distant.  Two  leagues  to  the  east  we  saw 
three  or  four  rather  high  islands,3  and  on  the  west  a large  bay.4 
The  coast  of  this  bay,  reaching  as  far  as  the  cape,  extends 
inland  from  where  we  were  perhaps  four  leagues.  It  has  a 
breadth  of  two  leagues  from  north  to  south,  and  three  at  its 
entrance.  Not  observing  any  place  favorable  for  putting 
in,  we  resolved  to  go  to  the  cape  above  mentioned  with  short 
sail,  which  occupied  a portion  of  the  night.  Approaching 
to  where  there  were  sixteen  fathoms  of  water,  we  anchored 
until  daybreak. 

On  the  next  day  we  went  to  the  above-mentioned  cape, 
where  there  are  three  islands  5 near  the  main  land,  full  of 
wood  of  different  kinds,  as  at  Chouacoet  and  all  along  the  coast ; 
and  still  another  flat  one,  where  there  are  breakers,  and  which 

1 Goose  Fair  Bay.  2 Cape  Ann. 

3 The  Isles  of  Shoals.  Nine  years  later  Captain  John  Smith  visited 
these  islands,  and  called  them  Smith’s  Isles. 

4 This  bay  is  nameless  on  modern  maps.  It  receives  the  waters  of  the 

Merrimac  River.  N 

5 Straitsmouth,  Thatcher  and  Milk  Islands,  off  Cape  Ann.  They  were 
named  by  Captain  John  Smith  the  “ Three  Turks’  Heads”  in  memory  of  three 
Turks’  heads  cut  off  by  him  at  the  siege  of  Caniza,  by  which  he  acquired  from 
Sigismundus,  prince  of  Transylvania,  their  effigies  in  his  shield  for  his  arms. 
See  his  True  Travels , Adventures , and  Observations  (London,  1629).  (Slafter.) 


1605]  THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607  65 

extends  a little  farther  out  to  sea  than  the  others,  on  which 
there  is  no  wood  at  all.  We  named  this  place  Island  Cape,1 
near  which  we  saw  a canoe  containing  five  or  six  savages,  who 
came  out  near  our  barque,  and  then  went  back  and  danced  on 
the  beach.  Sieur  de  Monts  sent  me  on  shore  to  observe  them, 
and  to  give  each  one  of  them  a knife  and  some  biscuit,  which 
caused  them  to  dance  again  better  than  before.  This  over, 
I made  them  understand,  as  well  as  I could,  that  I desired  them 
to  show  me  the  course  of  the  shore.  After  I had  drawn  with 
a crayon  the  bay,  and  the  Island  Cape,  where  we  were,  with  the 
same  crayon  they  drew  the  outline  of  another  bay,2  which  they 
represented  as  very  large;  here  they  placed  six  pebbles  at 
equal  distances  apart,  giving  me  to  understand  by  this  that 
these  signs  represented  as  many  chiefs  and  tribes.  Then  they 
drew  within  the  first-mentioned  bay  a river  which  we  had  passed, 
which  has  shoals  and  is  very  long.3  We  found  in  this  place  a 
great  many  vines,  the  green  grapes  on  which  were  a little 
larger  than  peas,  also  many  nut-trees,  the  nuts  on  which  were 
no  larger  than  musket-balls.  The  savages  told  us  that  all 
those  inhabiting  this  country  cultivated  the  land  and  sowed 
seeds  like  the  others,  whom  we  had  before  seen.  The  latitude 
of  this  place  is  43°  and  some  minutes.  Sailing  half  a league 
farther,  we  observed  several  savages  on  a rocky  point,4  who 
ran  along  the  shore,  dancing  as  they  went,  to  their  companions 
to  inform  them  of  our  coming.  After  pointing  out  to  us  the 
direction  of  their  abode,  they  made  a signal  with  smoke  to 
show  us  the  place  of  their  settlement.  We  anchored  near  a 
little  island,5  and  sent  our  canoe  with  knives  and  cakes  for 
the  savages.  From  the  large  number  of  those  we  saw,  we 
concluded  that  [these  places  were  better  inhabited  than  the 
others  we  had  seen. 

1 Cape  Ann,  so  called,  later,  in  memory  of  the  queen  of  James  I.  of  Eng- 
land. 

2 Massachusetts  Bay. 

* The  Merrimac,  which  Champlain  had  passed  unperceived. 

4 Emerson  Point,  the  eastern  extremity  of  Cape  Ann. 

1 Thatcher’s  Island.  The  next  anchorage  was  almost  certainly  in  Bos- 
ton Harbor. 


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[1605 


After  a stay  of  some  two  hours  for  the  sake  of  observing 
these  people,  whose  canoes  are  made  of  birch  bark,  like  those 
of  the  Canadians,  Souriquois,  and  Etechemins,  we  weighed 
anchor  and  set  sail  with  a promise  of  fine  weather.  Continu- 
ing our  course  to  the  west-south-west,  we  saw  numerous 
islands  on  one  side  and  the  other.  Having  sailed  seven  or 
eight  leagues,  we  anchored  near  an  island,  whence  we  ob- 
served many  smokes  along  the  shore,  and  many  savages  run- 
ning up  to  see  us.  Sieur  de  Monts  sent  two  or  three  men 
in  a canoe  to  them,  to  whom  he  gave  some  knives  and  pater- 
nosters to  present  to  them;  with  which  they  were  greatly 
pleased,  and  danced  several  times  in  acknowledgment.  We 
could  not  ascertain  the  name  of  their  chief,  as  we  did  not 
know  their  language.  All  along  the  shore  there  is  a great  deal 
of  land  cleared  up  and  planted  with  Indian  corn.  The  country 
is  very  pleasant  and  agreeable,  and  there  is  no  lack  of  fine 
trees.  The  canoes  of  those  who  live  there  are  made  of  a single 
piece,  and  are  very  liable  to  turn  over  if  one  is  not  skilful  in 
managing  them.  We  had  not  before  seen  any  of  this  kind. 
They  are  made  in  the  following  manner.  After  cutting  down, 
at  a cost  of  much  labor  and  time,  the  largest  and  tallest  tree 
they  can  find,  by  means  of  stone  hatchets  (for  they  have  no 
others  except  some  few  which  they  received  from  the  savages 
on  the  coasts  of  La  Cadie,1  who  obtained  them  in  exchange 
for  furs),  they  remove  the  bark,  and  round  off  the  tree  except 
on  one  side,  where  they  apply  fire  gradually  along  its  entire 
length;  and  sometimes  they  put  red-hot  pebble-stones  on  top. 
When  the  fire  is  too  fierce,  they  extinguish  it  with  a little  water, 
not  entirely,  but  so  that  the  edge  of  the  boat  may  not  be  burnt. 
It  being  hollowed  out  as  much  as  they  wish,  they  scrape  it  all 
over  with  stones,  which  they  use  instead  of  knives.  These 
stones  resemble  our  musket  flints. 

1 This  is  the  spelling  given  in  de  Monts’  commission  from  Henry  IV.  in 
1603.  (Lescarbot,  book  iv.)  Champlain  spells  it  in  different  ways  in  differ- 
ent places.  Arcadie,  Accadie,  Acadie,  L’Accadie,  L Arcadie,  LAcadie  are 
found  in  writers  of  the  time,  and  several  Latinized  forms  terminating  in  ia. 
It  is  a common  Indian  termination  probably  meaning  “place”;  e.g.,  Shu- 
benacadie,  Tracadie,  Passamaquoddy,  etc. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


67 


On  the  next  day,  the  17th  of  the  month,  we  weighed 
anchor  to  go  to  a cape  we  had  seen  the  day  before,  which 
seemed  to  lie  on  our  south-sou th-west.  This  day  we  were 
able  to  make  only  five  leagues,  and  we  passed  by  some  islands  1 
covered  with  wood.  I observed  in  the  bay  all  that  the  savages 
had  described  to  me  at  Island  Cape.  As  we  continued  our 
course,  large  numbers  came  to  us  in  canoes  from  the  islands  and 
main  land.  We  anchored  a league  from  a cape,  which  we 
named  St.  Louis,2  where  we  noticed  smoke  in  several  places. 
While  in  the  act  of  going  there,  our  barque  grounded  on  a rock, 
where  we  were  in  great  danger,  for,  if  we  had  not  speedily  got 
it  off,  it  would  have  overturned  in  the  sea,  since  the  tide  was 
falling  all  around,  and  there  were  five  or  six  fathoms  of  water. 
But  God  preserved  us,  and  we  anchored  near  the  above-named 
cape,  when  there  came  to  us  fifteen  or  sixteen  canoes  of  savages. 
In  some  of  them  there  were  fifteen  or  sixteen,  who  began  to 
manifest  great  signs  of  joy,  and  made  various  harangues, 
which  we  could  not  in  the  least  understand.  Sieur  de  Monts 
sent  three  or  four  men  on  shore  in  our  canoe,  not  only  to  get 
water,  but  to  see  their  chief,  whose  name  was  Honabetha.  The 
latter  had  a number  of  knives  and  other  trifles,  which  Sieur  de 
Monts  gave  him,  when  he  came  alongside  to  see  us,  together 
with  some  of  his  companions,  who  were  present  both  along 
the  shore  and  in  their  canoes.  We  received  the  chief  very  cor- 
dially, and  made  him  welcome;  who,  after  remaining  some 
time,  went  back.  Those  whom  we  had  sent  to  them  brought 
us  some  little  squashes  as  big  as  the  fist,  which  we  ate  as  a 
salad,  like  cucumbers,  and  which  we  found  very  good.  They 
brought  also  some  purslane,  which  grows  in  large  quantities 
among  the  Indian  corn,  and  of  which  they  make  no  more 
account  than  of  weeds.  We  saw  here  a great  many  little 
houses,  scattered  over  the  fields  where  they  plant  their  Indian 
corn. 

There  is,  moreover,  in  this  bay  a very  broad  river,  which 
we  named  River  du  Guast.3  It  stretches,  as  it  seemed  to  me, 

1 The  islands  in  Boston  Bay.  2 Brant  Point. 

3 Charles  River.  They  named  it  in  honor  of  Pierre  du  Guast,  Sieur  de 


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[1605 


towards  the  Iroquois,  a nation  in  open  warfare  with  the 
Montagnais,  who  live  on  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence. 

Chapter  8 

Continuation  of  the  discoveries  along  the  coast  of  the  Almou - 
chiquois , and  what  we  observed  in  detail . 

The  next  day  we  doubled  Cap  St.  Louis,  so  named  by  Sieur 
de  Monts,  a land  rather  low,  and  in  latitude  42°  45'.  The  same 
day  we  sailed  two  leagues  along  a sandy  coast,  as  we  passed 
along  which  we  saw  a great  many  cabins  and  gardens.  The 
wind  being  contrary,  we  entered  a little  bay  to  await  a time 
favorable  for  proceeding.  There  came  to  us  two  or  three 
canoes,  which  had  just  been  fishing  for  cod  and  other  fish, 
which  are  found  there  in  large  numbers.  These  they  catch 
with  hooks  made  of  a piece  of  wood,  to  which  they  attach  a bone 
in  the  shape  of  a spear,  and  fasten  it  very  securely.  The  whole 
has  a fang-shape,  and  the  line  attached  to  it  is  made  out  of  the 
bark  of  a tree.  They  gave  me  one  of  their  hooks,  which  I took 
as  a curiosity.  In  it  the  bone  was  fastened  on  by  hemp, 
like  that  in  France,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  and  they  told  me  that 
they  gathered  this  plant  without  being  obliged  to  cultivate  it ; 
and  indicated  that  it  grew  to  the  height  of  four  or  five  feet. 
This  canoe  went  back  on  shore  to  give  notice  to  their  fellow 
inhabitants,  who  caused  columns  of  smoke  to  arise  on  our  ac- 
count. We  saw  eighteen  or  twenty  savages,  who  came  to  the 
shore  and  began  to  dance.  Our  canoe  landed  in  order  to  give 
them  some  bagatelles,  at  which  they  were  greatly  pleased. 
Some  of  them  came  to  us  and  begged  us  to  go  to  their  river. 
We  weighed  anchor  to  do  so,  but  were  unable  to  enter  on  account 
of  the  small  amount  of  water,  it  being  low  tide,  and  were  ac- 
cordingly obliged  to  anchor  at  the  mouth.  I went  ashore, 
where  I saw  many  others,  who  received  us  very  cordially.  I 
made  also  an  examination  of  the  river,  but  saw  only  an  arm 

Monts.  Champlain  spells  it  du  Gas;  Lescarbot  sometimes  da  Gua,  and 
sometimes  de  Guast ; Charlevoix  du  Guast. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


69 


of  water  extending  a short  distance  inland,  where  the  land  is 
only  in  part  cleared  up.  Running  into  this  is  merely  a brook 
not  deep  enough  for  boats  except  at  full  tide.  The  circuit 
of  the  bay  is  about  a league.  On  one  side  of  the  entrance 
to  this  bay  there  is  a point  which  is  almost  an  island,  covered 
with  wood,  principally  pines,  and  adjoins  sand-banks,  which 
are  very  extensive.  On  the  other  side,  the  land  is  high. 
There  are  two  islets  in  this  bay,  which  are  not  seen  until  one 
has  entered,  and  around  which  it  is  almost  entirely  dry  at  low 
tide.  This  place  is  very  conspicuous  from  the  sea,  for  the 
coast  is  very  low,  excepting  the  cape  at  the  entrance  to  the 
bay.  We  named  it  the  Port  du  Cap  St.  Louis,1  distant 
two  leagues  from  the  above  cape,  and  ten  from  the 
Island  Cape.  It  is  in  about  the  same  latitude  as  Cap  St. 
Louis. 

On  the  19th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  this  place. 
Coasting  along  in  a southerly  direction,  we  sailed  four  or  five 
leagues,  and  passed  near  a rock  on  a level  with  the  surface  of 
the  water.  As  we  continued  our  course,  we  saw  some  land 
which  seemed  to  us  to  be  islands,  but  as  we  came  nearer  we 
found  it  to  be  the  main  land,  lying  to  the  north-north-west  of 
us,  and  that  it  was  the  cape  of  a large  bay,2  containing  more 
than  eighteen  or  nineteen  leagues  in  circuit,  into  which  we 
had  run  so  far  that  we  had  to  wear  off  on  the  other  tack  in 
order  to  double  the  cape  which  we  had  seen.  The  latter  we 
named  Cap  Blanc,3  since  it  contained  sands  and  downs 
which  had  a white  appearance.  A favorable  wind  was  of 
great  assistance  to  us  here,  for  otherwise  we  should  have  been 
in  danger  of  being  driven  upon  the  coast.  This  bay  is  very 
safe,  provided  the  land  be  not  approached  nearer  than  a good 
league,  there  being  no  islands  nor  rocks  except  that  just 

1 Plymouth  Harbor,  where  in  1620  the  Mayflower  cast  anchor  with  the 
Pilgrims.  It  was  visited  and  named  by  Captain  John  Smith  in  1614.  Of  the 
two  islets  mentioned  above  and  in  other  seventeenth-century  narratives, 
one  has  since  disappeared. 

2 Cape  Cod  Bay. 

3 Cape  Cod,  so  named  by  Bartholomew  Gosnold  in  1602.  See  Early 
English  and  French  Voyages,  p.  331,  note  1. 


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[1605 


mentioned,  which  is  near  a river  that  extends  some  distance 
inland,  which  we  named  St.  Suzanne  du  Cap  Blanc,1  whence 
across  to  Cap  St.  Louis  the  distance  is  ten  leagues.  Cap 
Blanc  is  a point  of  sand,  which  bends  around  towards  the 
south  some  six  leagues.  This  coast  is  rather  high,  and  con- 
sists of  sand,  which  is  very  conspicuous  as  one  comes  from 
the  sea.  At  a distance  of  some  fifteen  or  eighteen  leagues 
from  land,  the  depth  of  the  water  is  thirty,  forty,  and  fifty 
fathoms,  but  only  ten  on  nearing  the  shore,  which  is  unob- 
structed. There  is  a large  extent  of  open  country  along  the 
shore  before  reaching  the  woods,  which  are  very  attractive 
and  beautiful.  We  anchored  off  the  coast,  and  saw  some 
savages,  towards  whom  four  of  our  company  proceeded. 
Making  their  way  upon  a sand-bank,  they  observed  something 
like  a, bay,  and  cabins  bordering  it  on  all  sides.  When  they 
were  about  a league  and  a half  from  us,  there  came  to  them 
a savage  dancing  all  over,  as  they  expressed  it.  He  had  come 
down  from  the  high  shore,  but  turned  about  shortly  after  to 
inform  his  fellow  inhabitants  of  our  arrival. 

The  next  day,  the  20th  of  the  month,  we  went  to  the  place 
which  our  men  had  seen,  and  which  we  found  a very  danger- 
ous harbor  in  consequence  of  the  shoals  and  banks,  where  we 
saw  breakers  in  all  directions.  It  was  almost  low  tide  when 
we  entered,  and  there  were  only  four  feet  of  water  in  the 
northern  passage ; at  high  tide,  there  are  two  fathoms.  After 
we  had  entered,  we  found  the  place  very  spacious,  being  per- 
haps three  or  four  leagues  in  circuit,  entirely  surrounded  by 
little  houses,  around  each  one  of  which  there  was  as  much 
land  as  the  occupant  needed  for  his  support.  A small  river 
enters  here,  which  is  very  pretty,  and  in  which  at  low  tide 
there  are  some  three  and  a half  feet  of  water.  There  are  also 
two  or  three  brooks  bordered  by  meadows.  It  would  be  a 
very  fine  place,  if  the  harbor  were  good.  I took  the  altitude, 
and  found  the  latitude  42°,  and  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle  18°  40'.  Many  savages,  men  and  women,  visited  us, 


Wellfleet  Harbor  or  Herring  River.  (Slafter.) 


1605] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


71 


and  ran  up  on  all  sides  dancing.  We  named  this  place  Port 
de  Mallebarre.1 

The  next  day,  the  21st  of  the  month,  Sieur  de  Monts  de- 
termined to  go  and  see  their  habitation.  Nine  or  ten  of 
us  accompanied  him  with  our  arms;  the  rest  remained  to 
guard  the  barque.  We  went  about  a league  along  the  coast. 
Before  reaching  their  cabins,  we  entered  a field  planted  with 
Indian  corn  in  the  manner  before  described.  The  corn  was 
in  flower,  and  five  and  a half  feet  high.  There  was  some  less 
advanced,  which  they  plant  later.  We  saw  many  Brazilian 
beans,  and  many  squashes  of  various  sizes,  very  good  for  eat- 
ing; some  tobacco,  and  roots  which  they  cultivate,  the  latter 
having  the  taste  of  an  artichoke.  The  woods  are  filled  with 
oaks,  nut-trees,  and  beautiful  cypresses,2  which  are  of  a red- 
dish color  and  have  a very  pleasant  odor.  There  were  also 
several  fields  entirely  uncultivated,  the  land  being  allowed  to 
remain  fallow.  When  they  wish  to  plant  it,  they  set  fire  to 
the  weeds,  and  then  work  it  over  with  their  wooden  spades. 
Their  cabins  are  round,  and  covered  with  heavy  thatch  made 
of  reeds.  In  the  roof  there  is  an  opening  of  about  a foot  and 
a half,  whence  the  smoke  from  the  fire  passes  out.  We  asked 
them  if  they  had  their  permanent  abode  in  this  place,  and 
whether  there  was  much  snow.  But  we  were  unable  to  ascer- 
tain this  fully  from  them,  not  understanding  their  language, 
although  they  made  an  attempt  to  inform  us  by  signs,  by 
taking  some  sand  in  their  hands,  spreading  it  out  over  the 
ground,  and  indicating  that  it  was  of  the  color  of  our  collars, 
and  that  it  reached  the  depth  of  a foot.  Others  made  signs 
that  there  was  less,  and  gave  us  to  understand  also  that  the 
harbor  never  froze ; but  we  were  unable  to  ascertain  whether 
the  snow  lasted  long.  I conclude,  however,  that  this  region 
is  of  moderate  temperature,  and  the  winter  not  severe.  While 
we  were  there,  there  was  a north-east  storm,  which  lasted  four 
days;  the  sky  being  so  overcast  that  the  sun  hardly  shone  at 
all.  . It  was  very  cold,  and  we  were  obliged  to  put  on  our  great- 

1 Nauset  Harbor,  though  its  outline  has  changed  greatly  since  1605. 

2 The  red  cedar  ( Juniperus  Virginiana). 


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[1605 


coats,  which  we  had  entirely  left  off.  Yet  I think  the  cold  was 
accidental,  as  it  is  often  experienced  elsewhere  out  of  season. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  four  or  five  seamen  having  gone  on 
shore  with  some  kettles  to  get  fresh  water,  which  was  to  be 
found  in  one  of  the  sand-banks  a short  distance  from  our 
barque,  some  of  the  savages,  coveting  them,  watched  the  time 
when  our  men  went  to  the  spring,  and  then  seized  one  out  of 
the  hands  of  a sailor,  who  was  the  first  to  dip,  and  who  had 
no  weapons.  One  of  his  companions,  starting  to  run  after 
him,  soon  returned,  as  he  could  not  catch  him,  since  he  ran 
much  faster  than  himself.  The  other  savages,  of  whom  there 
were  a large  number,  seeing  our  sailors  running  to  our  barque, 
and  at  the  same  time  shouting  to  us  to  fire  at  them,  took  to 
flight.  At  the  time  there  were  some  of  them  in  our  barque, 
who  threw  themselves  into  the  sea,  only  one  of  whom  we 
were  able  to  seize.  Those  on  the  land  who  had  taken  to 
flight,  seeing  them  swimming,  returned  straight  to  the  sailor 
from  whom  they  had  taken  away  the  kettle,  hurled  sev- 
eral arrows  at  him  from  behind,  and  brought  him  down. 
Seeing  this,  they  ran  at  once  to  him,  and  despatched  him 
with  their  knives.  Meanwhile,  haste  was  made  to  go  on 
shore,  and  muskets  were  fired  from  our  barque : mine,  burst- 
ing in  my  hands,  came  near  killing  me.  The  savages,  hearing 
this  discharge  of  fire-arms,  took  to  flight,  and  with  redoubled 
speed  when  they  saw  that  we  had  landed,  for  they  were  afraid 
when  they  saw  us  running  after  them.  There  was  no  likeli- 
hood of  our  catching  them,  for  they  are  as  swift  as  horses. 
We  brought  in  the  murdered  man,  and  he  was  buried  some 
hours  later.1  Meanwhile,  we  kept  the  prisoner  bound  by  the 
feet  and  hands  on  board  of  our  barque,  fearing  that  he  might 
escape.  But  Sieur  de  Monts  resolved  to  let  him  go,  being 
persuaded  that  he  was  not  to  blame,  and  that  he  had  no  pre- 
vious knowledge  of  what  had  transpired,  as  also  those  who,  at 

1 This  sailor  was  the  first  white  man  to  be  buried  on  New  England  soil, 
save  perhaps  Thorwald,  son  of  Eric  the  Red.  See  The  Northmen,  Columbus 
and  Cabot,  in  this  series,  p.  56. 

In  spite  of  this  encounter,  the  relations  of  the  French  to  the  Indians 
were,  in  general,  much  more  friendly  than  those  of  the  more  surly  British. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


73 


the  time,  were  in  and  about  our  barque.  Some  hours  later 
there  came  some  savages  to  us,  to  excuse  themselves,  indi- 
cating by  signs  and  demonstrations  that  it  was  not  they  who 
had  committed  this  malicious  act,  but  others  farther  off  in 
the  interior.  We  did  not  wish  to  harm  them,  although  it 
was  in  our  power  to  avenge  ourselves. 

All  these  savages  from  the  Island  Cape  wear  neither  robes 
nor  furs,  except  very  rarely : moreover,  their  robes  are  made 
of  grasses  and  hemp,  scarcely  covering  the  body,  and  com- 
ing down  only  to  their  thighs.  They  have  only  the  sexual 
parts  concealed  with  a small  piece  of  leather;  so  likewise  the 
women,  with  whom  it  comes  down  a little  lower  behind  than 
with  the  men,  all  the  rest  of  the  body  being  naked.  When- 
ever the  women  came  to  see  us,  they  wore  robes  which  were 
open  in  front.  The  men  cut  off  the  hair  on  the  top  of  the 
head  like  those  at  the  river  Choiiacoet.  I saw,  among  other 
things,  a girl  with  her  hair  very  neatly  dressed,  with  a skin 
colored  red,  and  bordered  on  the  upper  part  with  little  shell- 
beads.  A part  of  her  hair  hung  down  behind,  the  rest  being 
braided  in  various  ways.  These  people  paint  the  face  red, 
black,  and  yellow.  They  have  scarcely  any  beard,  and  tear  it 
out  as  fast  as  it  grows.  Their  bodies  are  well-proportioned. 
I cannot  tell  what  government  they  have,  but  I think  that  in 
this  respect  they  resemble  their  neighbors,  who  have  none  at 
all.  They  know  not  how  to  worship  or  pray;  yet,  like  the 
other  savages,  they  have  some  superstitions,  which  I shall 
describe  in  their  place.  As  for  weapons,  they  have  only  pikes, 
clubs,  bows  and  arrows.  It  would  seem  from  their  appearance 
that  they  have  a good  disposition,  better  than  those  of  the 
north,  but  they  are  all  in  fact  of  no  great  worth.1  Even  a 
slight  intercourse  with  them  gives  you  at  once  a knowledge  of 
them.  They  are  great  thieves  and,  if  they  cannot  lay  hold  of 
any  thing  with  their  hands,  they  try  to  do  so  with  their  feet, 
as  we  have  oftentimes  learned  by  experience.  I am  of  opinion 
that,  if  they  had  any  thing  to  exchange  with  us,  they  would  not 

1 Lescarbot,  while  admitting  their  penchant  for  theft,  speaks  in  much 
more  kindly  terms  of  the  Indians. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1605 


give  themselves  to  thieving.  They  bartered  away  to  us  their 
bows,  arrows,  and  quivers,  for  pins  and  buttons ; and  if  they 
had  had  any  thing  else  better  they  would  have  done  the  same 
with  it.  It  is  necessary  to  be  on  one’s  guard  against  this  peo- 
ple, and  live  in  a state  of  distrust  of  them,  yet  without  letting 
them  perceive  it.  They  gave  us  a large  quantity  of  tobacco, 
which  they  dry  and  then  reduce  to  powder.  When  they  eat 
Indian  corn,  they  boil  it  in  earthen  pots,  which  they  make  in 
a way  different  from  ours.1  They  bray  it  also  in  wooden  mor- 
tars and  reduce  it  to  flour,  of  which  they  then  make  cakes, 
like  the  Indians  of  Peru. 

In  this  place  and  along  the  whole  coast  from  Quinibequy, 
there  are  a great  many  siguenocs,2  which  is  a fish  with  a shell 
on  its  back  like  the  tortoise,  yet  different,  there  being  in 
the  middle  a row  of  little  prickles,  of  the  color  of  a dead  leaf, 
like  the  rest  of  the  fish.  At  the  end  of  this  shell,  there  is 
another  still  smaller,  bordered  by  very  sharp  points.  The 
length  of  the  tail  varies  according  to  their  size.  With  the 
end  of  it,  these  people  point  their  arrows,  and  it  contains 
also  a row  of  prickles  like  the  large  shell  in  which  are  the 
eyes.  There  are  eight  small  feet  like  those  of  the  crab,  and 
two  behind  longer  and  flatter,  which  they  use  in  swimming. 
There  are  also  in  front  two  other  very  small  ones  with  which 
they  eat.  When  walking,  all  the  feet  are  concealed  except- 
ing the  two  hindermost,  which  are  slightly  visible.  Under  the 
small  shell  there  are  membranes  which  swell  up,  and  beat  like 
the  throat  of  a frog,  and  rest  upon  each  other  like  the  folds  of 
a waistcoat.  The  largest  specimen  of  this  fish  that  I saw  was 
a foot  broad,  and  a foot  and  a half  long. 

We  saw  also  a sea-bird  3 with  a black  beak,  the  upper  part 
slightly  aquiline,  four  inches  long  and  in  the  form  of  a lancet ; 

1 A description  of  this  savage  pottery,  the  manufacture  of  which  was 
carried  on  exclusively  by  the  women,  is  given  in  Sagard,  Histoire  du  Canada 
(1636,  reprinted  1866),  book  ii.,  ch.  xiii. 

2 Limulus  Polyphemus,  the  horse-shoe,  or  king-crab. 

3 Rhynchops  nigra.  It  has  a variety  of  local  names : black  skinner, 
cut-water,  razor-bill,  etc.  It  is  frequent  in  South  Carolina  and  the  Gulf 
States,  but  is  only  occasionally  seen  in  New  England. 


1605] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


75 


namely,  the  lower  part  representing  the  handle  and  the  upper 
the  blade,  which  is  thin,  sharp  on  both  sides,  and  shorter  by 
a third  than  the  other,  which  circumstance  is  a matter  of 
astonishment  to  many  persons,  who  cannot  comprehend  how 
it  is  possible  for  this  bird  to  eat  with  such  a beak.  It  is  of 
the  size  of  a pigeon,  the  wings  being  very  long  in  proportion 
to  the  body,  the  tail  short,  as  also  the  legs,  which  are  red ; the 
feet  being  small  and  flat.  The  plumage  on  the  upper  part  is 
gray-brown,  and  on  the  under  part  pure  white.  They  go 
always  in  flocks  along  the  sea-shore,  like  the  pigeons  with  us. 

The  savages,  along  all  these  coasts  where  we  have  been,  say 
that  other  birds,  which  are  very  large,  come  along  when  their 
corn  is  ripe.  They  imitated  for  us  their  cry,  which  resembles 
that  of  the  turkey.1  They  showed  us  their  feathers  in  several 
places,  with  which  they  feather  their  arrows,  and  which  they 
put  on  their  heads  for  decoration;  and  also  a kind  of  hair 
which  they  have  under  the  throat  like  those  we  have  in  France, 
and  they  say  that  a red  crest  falls  over  upon  the  beak.  Accord- 
ing to  their  description,  they  are  as  large  as  a bustard,  which  is 
a kind  of  goose,  having  the  neck  longer  and  twice  as  large  as 
those  with  us.  All  these  indications  led  us  to  conclude  that 
they  were  turkeys.  We  should  have  been  very  glad  to  see 
some  of  these  birds,  as  well  as  their  feathers,  for  the  sake  of 
greater  certainty.  Before  seeing  their  feathers,  and  the  little 
bunch  of  hair  which  they  have  under  the  throat,  and  hearing 
their  cry  imitated,  I should  have  thought  that  they  were  cer- 
tain birds  like  turkeys,  which  are  found  in  some  places  in  Peru, 
along  the  sea-shore,  eating  carrion  and  other  dead  things  like 
crows.  But  these  are  not  so  large ; nor  do  they  have  so  long  a 
bill,  or  a cry  like  that  of  real  turkeys ; nor  are  they  good  to  eat 
like  those  which  the  Indians  say  come  in  flocks  in  summer,  and 
at  the  beginning  of  winter  go  away  to  warmer  countries,  their 
natural  dwelling-place. 

1 The  wild  turkey,  long  since  extirpated  in  New  England,  though  still 
found  occasionally  in  Canada,  and  frequently  in  the  Southern  States. 


76 


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[1605 


Chapter  9 

Return  from  the  discoveries  along  the  coast  of  the  Almouchiquois. 

We  had  spent  more  than  five  weeks  in  going  over  three  de- 
grees of  latitude,  and  our  voyage  was  limited  to  six,  since  we 
had  not  taken  provisions  for  a longer  time.  In  consequence 
of  fogs  and  storms,  we  had  not  been  able  to  go  farther  than 
Mallebarre,  where  we  waited  several  days  for  fair  weather,  in 
order  to  sail.  Finding  ourselves  accordingly  pressed  by  the 
scantiness  of  provisions,  Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  return 
to  the  Island  of  St.  Croix,  in  order  to  find  another  place  more 
favorable  for  our  settlement,  as  we  had  not  been  able  to  do  on 
any  of  the  coasts  which  we  had  explored  on  this  voyage. 

Accordingly,  on  the  25th  of  July,  we  set  out  from  this 
harbor,  in  order  to  make  observations  elsewhere.  In  going 
out,  we  came  near  being  lost  on  the  bar  at  the  entrance,  from 
the  mistake  of  our  pilots,  Cramolet  and  Champdore,  masters 
of  the  barque,  who  had  imperfectly  marked  out  the  entrance 
of  the  channel  on  the  southern  side,  where  we  were  to  go. 
Having  escaped  this  danger,  we  headed  north-east  for  six 
leagues,  until  we  reached  Cap  Blanc,  sailing  on  from  there 
to  Island  Cape,  a distance  of  fifteen  leagues,  with  the  same 
wind.  Then  we  headed  east-north-east  sixteen  leagues,  as 
far  as  Choiiacoet,  where  we  saw  the  savage  chief,  Marchin, 
whom  we  had  expected  to  see  at  the  Lake  Quinibequy.  He 
had  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  valiant  ones  of  his 
people.  He  had  a fine  appearance : all  his  motions  were  dig- 
nified, savage  as  he  was.  Sieur  de  Monts  gave  him  many 
presents,  with  which  he  was  greatly  pleased;  and,  in  return, 
Marchin  gave  him  a young  Etechemin  boy,  whom  he  had 
captured  in  war,  and  whom  we  took  away  with  us ; and  thus 
we  set  out,  mutually  good  friends.  We  headed  north-east  a 
quarter  east  for  fifteen  leagues,  as  far  as  Quinibequy,  where 
we  arrived  on  the  29th  of  the  month,  and  where  we  were 
expecting  to  find  a savage,  named  Sasinou,  of  whom  I spoke 


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77 


before.  Thinking  that  he  would  come,  we  waited  some  time 
for  him,  in  order  to  recover  from  him  an  Etechemin  young 
man  and  girl,  whom  he  was  holding  as  prisoners.  While 
waiting,  there  came  to  us  a captain  called  Anassou,  who  traf- 
ficked a little  in  furs,  and  with  whom  we  made  an  alliance. 
He  told  us  that  there  was  a ship,1  ten  leagues  off  the  harbor, 
which  was  engaged  in  fishing,  and  that  those  on  her  had  killed 
five  savages  of  this  river,  under  cover  of  friendship.  From  his 
description  of  the  men  on  the  vessel,  we  concluded  that  they 
were  English,  and  we  named  the  island  where  they  were  La 
Nef ; 2 for,  at  a distance,  it  had  the  appearance  of  a ship.  Find- 
ing that  the  above-mentioned  Sasinou  did  not  come,  we  headed 
east-south-east,  for  twenty  leagues,  to  Isle  Haute,  where  we 
anchored  for  the  night. 

On  the  next  day,  the  1st  of  August,  we  sailed  east  some 
twenty  leagues  to  Cap  Corneille,3  where  we  spent  the  night. 
On  the  2d  of  the  month,  we  sailed  north-east  seven  leagues 
to  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  on  the  western  shore. 
Having  anchored  between  the  two  first  islands,4  Sieur  de 
Monts  embarked  in  a canoe,  at  a distance  of  six  leagues  from 
the  settlement  of  St.  Croix,  where  we  arrived  the  next  day 
with  our  barque.  We  found  there  Sieur  des  Antons  of  St. 
Malo,  who  had  come  in  one  of  the  vessels  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
to  bring  provisions  and  also  other  supplies  for  those  who  were 
to  winter  in  this  country. 

1 This  was  doubtless  the  Archangel , commanded  by  Captain  George 
Waymouth,  though  the  latter  had  sailed  for  England  on  June  26,  new  style. 
See  Rosier ?s  True  Relation,  in  Early  English  and  French  Voyages,  and  espe- 
cially p.  378.  The  five  savages  spoken  of  were  not  killed,  but  kindly  treated, 
and  carried  off  to  England,  where  they  gave  much  information  to  the  cele- 
brated Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. 

2 Monhegan. 

3 Meaning  Crow  Cape ; probably  a point  near  Machias,  Maine. 

4 Between  Campobello  and  Moose  Island,  on  which  is  situated  the  town 
of  Eastport.  (Slafter.) 


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[1605 


Chapter  10 

The  dwelling-place  on  the  island  of  St,  Croix  transferred  to  Port 
Royal , and  the  reason  why. 

Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  change  his  location,  and 
make  another  settlement,  in  order  to  avoid  the  severe  cold  and 
the  bad  winter  which  we  had  had  in  the  Island  of  St.  Croix. 
As  we  had  not,  up  to  that  time,  found  any  suitable  harbor, 
and,  in  view  of  the  short  time  we  had  for  building  houses  in 
which  to  establish  ourselves,  we  fitted  out  two  barques,  and 
loaded  them  with  the  frame-work  taken  from  the  houses  of  St. 
Croix,  in  order  to  transport  it  to  Port  Royal,  twenty-five 
leagues  distant,  where  we  thought  the  climate  was  much  more 
temperate  and  agreeable.  Pont  Grave  and  I set  out  for  that 
place ; and,  having  arrived,  we  looked  for  a site  favorable  for 
our  residence,  under  shelter  from  the  north-west  wind,  which 
we  dreaded,  having  been  very  much  harassed  by  it. 

After  searching  carefully  in  all  directions,  we  found  no 
place  more  suitable  and  better  situated  than  one  slightly 
elevated,  about  which  there  are  some  marshes  and  good  springs 
of  water.  This  place  is  opposite  the  island  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Equille.  To  the  north  of  us  about  a league,  there  is  a 
range  of  mountains,  extending  nearly  ten  leagues  in  a north- 
east and  south-west  direction.  The  whole  country  is  filled 
with  thick  forests,  as  I mentioned  above,  except  at  a point 
a league  and  a half  up  the  river,  where  there  are  some  oaks, 
although  scattering,  and  many  wild  vines,  which  one  could 
easily  remove  and  put  the  soil  under  cultivation,  notwith- 
standing it  is  light  and  sandy.  We  had  almost  resolved  to 
build  there;  but  the  consideration  that  we  should  have  been 
too  far  up  the  harbor  and  river  led  us  to  change  our  mind. 

Recognizing  accordingly  the  site  of  our  habitation1  as  a 
good  one,  we  began  to  clear  up  the  ground,  which  was  full 
of  trees,  and  to  erect  houses  as  soon  as  possible.  Each  one 


1 See  p.  34,  note  4. 


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79 


was  busy  in  this  work.  After  everything  had  been  arranged, 
and  the  majority  of  the  dwellings  built,  Sieur  de  Monts  de- 
termined to  return  to  France,  in  order  to  petition  his  Majesty 
to  grant  him  all  that  might  be  necessary  for  his  undertaking. 
He  had  desired  to  leave  Sieur  d’Orville  to  command  in  this 
place  in  his  absence.  But  the  climatic  malady,  mal  de  la  terre, 
with  which  he  was  afflicted  would  not  allow  him  to  gratify 
the  wish  of  Sieur  de  Monts.  On  this  account,  a conference 
was  held  with  Pont  Grave  on  the  subject,  to  whom  this  charge 
was  offered,  which  he  was  happy  to  accept;  and  he  finished 
what  little  of  the  habitation  remained  to  be  built.  I,  at  the 
same  time,  hoping  to  have  an  opportunity  to  make  some  new 
explorations  towards  Florida,  determined  to  stay  there  also, 
of  which  Sieur  de  Monts  approved. 


Chapter  11 

What  took  place  after  the  departure  of  Sieur  de  Monts , until , 
no  tidings  of  what  he  had  promised  being  received , we 
departed  from  Port  Royal  to  return  to  France. 

As  soon  as  Sieur  de  Monts  had  departed,  a portion  of  the 
forty  or  forty-five  who  remained  began  to  make  gardens. 
I,  also,  for  the  sake  of  occupying  my  time,  made  one,  which  was 
surrounded  with  ditches  full  of  water,  in  which  I placed  some 
fine  trout,  and  into  which  flowed  three  brooks  of  very  fine  run- 
ning water,  from  which  the  greater  part  of  our  settlement 
was  supplied.  I made  also  a little  sluice-way  towards  the 
shore,  in  order  to  draw  off  the  water  when  I wished.  This  spot 
was  entirely  surrounded  by  meadows,  where  I constructed  a 
summer-house,  with  some  fine  trees,  as  a resort  for  enjoying 
the  fresh  air.  I made  there,  also,  a little  reservoir  for  holding 
salt-water  fish,  which  we  took  out  as  we  wanted  them.  I 
took  especial  pleasure  in  it,  and  planted  there  some  seeds  which 
turned  out  well.  But  much  work  had  to  be  laid  out  in  prepara- 
tion. We  resorted  often  to  this  place  as  a pastime;  and  it 


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[1605 


seemed  as  if  the  little  birds  round  about  took  pleasure  in  it, 
for  they  gathered  there  in  large  numbers,  warbling  and  chirping 
so  pleasantly  that  I think  I never  heard  the  like. 

The  plan  of  the  settlement  was  ten  fathoms  long  and  eight 
wide,  making  the  distance  round  thirty-six.  On  the  eastern 
side  is  a store-house,  occupying  the  width  of  it,  and  a very 
fine  cellar  from  five  to  six  feet  deep.  On  the  northern  side 
are  the  quarters  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  handsomely  finished. 
About  the  back  yard  are  the  dwellings  of  the  workmen. 
At  a corner  of  the  western  side  is  a platform,  where  four  can- 
non were  placed ; and  at  the  other  corner,  towards  the  east, 
is  a palisade  shaped  like  a platform,  as  can  be  seen  from  the 
accompanying  illustration. 

Some  days  after  the  buildings  were  completed,  I went  to 
the  river  St.  John  to  find  the  savage  named  Secondon,  the 
same  that  conducted  Prevert’s  party  to  the  copper-mine, 
which  I had  already  gone  in  search  of  with  Sieur  de  Monts, 
when  we  were  at  the  Port  of  Mines,  though  without  success. 
Having  found  him,  I begged  him  to  go  there  with  us,  which 
he  very  readily  consented  to  do,  and  proceeded  to  show  it  to  us. 
We  found  there  some  little  pieces  of  copper  of  the  thickness 
of  a sou,  and  others  still  thicker  imbedded  in  grayish  and 
red  rocks.  The  miner  accompanying  us,  whose  name  was 
Master  Jacques,  a native  of  Sclavonia,  a man  very  skilful  in 
searching  for  minerals,  made  the  entire  circuit  of  the  hills 
to  see  if  he  could  find  any  gangue,1  but  without  success.  Yet 
he  found,  some  steps  from  where  we  had  taken  the  pieces  of 
copper  before  mentioned,  something  like  a mine,  which,  how- 
ever, was  far  from  being  one.  He  said  that,  from  the  appear- 
ance of  the  soil,  it  might  prove  to  be  good,  if  it  were  worked; 
and  that  it  was  not  probable  that  there  could  be  pure  copper 
on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  without  there  being  a large  quan- 
tity of  it  underneath.  The  truth  is  that,  if  the  water  did  not 

1 The  matrix  in  which  an  ore  is  found.  Professor  Ganong,  Acadiensis, 
IV.  202,  thinks  the  mines  alluded  to  in  the  next  sentences  must  have  been 
on  the  New  Brunswick  shore  of  the  bay,  where  the  map  of  1632  has  the  legend 
“C.  des  Mines.” 


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81 


cover  the  mines  twice  a day,  and  if  they  did  not  lie  in  such 
hard  rocks,  something  might  be  expected  from  them. 

After  making  this  observation,  we  returned  to  our  settle- 
ment, where  we  found  some  of  our  company  sick  with  the 
mal  de  la  terre,  but  not  so  seriously  as  at  the  Island  of  St. 
Croix ; although,  out  of  our  number  of  forty-five,  twelve  died, 
including  the  miner,  and  five  were  sick,  who  recovered  the 
following  spring.  Our  surgeon,  named  Des  Champs,  from 
Honfleur,  skilful  in  his  profession,  opened  some  of  the  bodies, 
to  see  whether  he  might  be  more  successful  in  discovering  the 
cause  of  the  maladies  than  our  surgeons  had  been  the  year 
before.  He  found  the  parts  of  the  body  affected  in  the  same 
manner  as  those  opened  at  the  Island  of  St.  Croix,  but  could 
discover  no  means  of  curing  them,  any  more  than  the  other 
surgeons. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  it  began  to  snow,  and  some  ice 
passed  along  before  our  settlement.  The  winter  was  not  so 
sharp  as  the  year  before,  nor  the  snow  so  deep,  or  of  so  long 
duration.  Among  other  incidents,  the  wind  was  so  violent 
on  the  20th  of  February,  1605/  that  it  blew  over  a large 
number  of  trees,  roots  and  all,  and  broke  off  many  others. 
It  was  a remarkable  sight.  The  rains  were  very  frequent, 
which  was  the  cause  of  the  mild  winter  in  comparison  with 
the  past  one,  although  it  is  only  twenty-five  leagues  from 
Port  Royal  to  St.  Croix. 

On  the  first  day  of  March,  Pont  Grave  ordered  a barque  of 
seventeen  or  eighteen  tons  to  be  fitted  up,  which  was  ready 
on  the  15th,  in  order  to  go  on  a voyage  of  discovery  along 
the  coast  of  Florida.2  With  this  view,  we  set  out  on  the  16th 
following,  but  were  obliged  to  put  in  at  an  island  to  the  south 
of  Manan,  having  gone  that  day  eighteen  leagues.  We  an- 
chored in  a sandy  cove,  exposed  to  the  sea  and  the  south 

1 1606.  This  is  probably  a slip,  rather  than  an  instance  of  the  old  cus- 
tom of  commencing  the  year  at  Easter;  for  in  ch.  xvi.,  and  thencefor- 
ward, Champlain  counts  as  do  we.  (Laverdiere.)  Up  to  1564  in  France 
the  civil  year  began  at  Easter. 

2 Florida,  as  the  term  was  then  used,  extended  from  the  peninsula  in- 
definitely to  the  north. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


wind.1  The  latter  increased,  during  the  night,  to  such  an 
impetuosity  that  we  could  not  stand  by  our  anchor,  and  were 
compelled,  without  choice,  to  go  ashore,  at  the  mercy  of  God 
and  the  waves.  The  latter  were  so  heavy  and  furious  that 
while  we  were  attaching  the  buoy  to  the  anchor,  so  as  to  cut 
the  cable  at  the  hawse-hole,  it  did  not  give  us  time,  but  broke 
straightway  of  itself.  The  wind  and  the  sea  cast  us  as  the 
wave  receded  upon  a little  rock,  and  we  awaited  only  the 
moment  to  see  our  barque  break  up,  and  to  save  ourselves, 
if  possible,  upon  its  fragments.  In  these  desperate  straits, 
after  we  had  received  several  waves,  there  came  one  so  large 
and  fortunate  for  us  that  it  carried  us  over  the  rock,  and  threw 
us  on  to  a little  sandy  beach,  which  insured  us  for  this  time 
from  shipwreck. 

The  barque  being  on  shore,  we  began  at  once  to  unload 
what  there  was  in  her,  in  order  to  ascertain  where  the  dam- 
age was,  which  was  not  so  great  as  we  expected.  She  was 
speedily  repaired  by  the  diligence  of  Champdore,  her  master. 
Having  been  put  in  order,  she  was  reloaded ; and  we  waited 
for  fair  weather  and  until  the  fury  of  the  sea  should  abate, 
which  was  not  until  the  end  of  four  days,  namely,  the  21st  of 
March,  when  we  set  out  from  this  miserable  place,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Port  aux  Coquilles,2  seven  or  eight  leagues  distant. 
The  latter  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  where  there 
was  a large  quantity  of  snow.  We  stayed  there  until  the  29th 
of  the  month,  in  consequence  of  the  fogs  and  contrary  winds, 
which  are  usual  at  this  season,  when  Pont  Grave  determined 
to  put  back  to  Port  Royal,  to  see  in  what  condition  our  com- 
panions were,  whom  we  had  left  there  sick.  Having  arrived 
there,  Pont  Grave  was  attacked  with  illness,  which  delayed 
us  until  the  8th  of  April. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month  he  embarked,  although  still  in- 
disposed, from  his  desire  to  see  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  in  the 
belief  that  a change  of  air  would  restore  his  health.  The 

1 Seal  Cove,  between  the  southwest  end  of  Grand  Manan  and  Wood 
Island.  The  barque  was  thrown  upon  the  latter. 

2 1.e.,  Shell  Harbor,  probably  the  modern  Head  Harbor. 


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83 


same  day  we  anchored  and  passed  the  night  at  the  mouth  of 
the  harbor,  two  leagues  distant  from  our  settlement. 

The  next  morning  before  day,  Champdore  came  to  ask 
Pont  Grave  if  he  wished  to  have  the  anchor  raised,  who  re- 
plied in  the  affirmative,  if  he  deemed  the  weather  favorable 
for  setting  out.  Upon  this,  Champdore  had  the  anchor 
raised  at  once,  and  the  sail  spread  to  the  wind,  which  was 
north-north-east,  according  to  his  report.  The  weather  was 
thick  and  rainy,  and  the  air  full  of  fog,  with  indications  of 
foul  rather  than  fair  weather. 

While  going  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  we  were 
suddenly  carried  by  the  tide  out  of  the  passage,  and,  before 
perceiving  them,  were  driven  upon  the  rocks  on  the  east- 
north-east  coast.1  Pont  Grave  and  I,  who  were  asleep,  were 
awaked  by  hearing  the  sailors  shouting  and  exclaiming,  “We 
are  lost !”  which  brought  me  quickly  to  my  feet,  to  see  what 
was  the  matter.  Pont  Grave  was  still  ill,  which  prevented 
him  from  rising  as  quickly  as  he  wished.  I was  scarcely  on 
deck,  when  the  barque  was  thrown  upon  the  coast;  and  the 
wind,  which  was  north,  drove  us  upon  a point.  We  unfurled 
the  mainsail,  turned  it  to  the  wind,  and  hauled  it  up  as  high 
as  we  could,  that  it  might  drive  us  up  as  far  as  possible  on 
the  rocks,  for  fear  that  the  reflux  of  the  sea,  which  fortunately 
was  falling,  would  draw  us  in,  when  it  would  have  been  im- 
possible to  save  ourselves.  At  the  first  blow  of  our  boat  upon 
the  rocks,  the  rudder  broke,  a part  of  the  keel  and  three  or 
four  planks  were  smashed,  and  some  ribs  stove  in,  which 
frightened  us,  for  our  barque  filled  immediately ; and  all  that 
we  could  do  was  to  wait  until  the  sea  fell,  so  that  we  might  get 
ashore.  For,  otherwise,  we  were  in  danger  of  our  lives,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  swell,  which  was  very  high  and  furious  about 
us.  The  sea  having  fallen,  we  went  on  shore  amid  the  storm, 
when  the  barque  was  speedily  unloaded,  and  we  saved  a large 
portion  of  the  provisions  in  her,  'with  the  help  of  the  savage, 
Captain  Secondon  and  his  companions,  who  came  to  us  with 

1 On  the  Granville  side  of  Digby  Strait.  The  French  text  reads  east- 
north-west,  an  evident  misprint.  (Slafter.) 


84 


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[1606 


their  canoes,  to  carry  to  our  habitation  what  we  had  saved 
from  our  barque,  which,  all  shattered  as  she  was,  went  to  pieces 
at  the  return  of  the  tide.  But  we,  most  happy  at  having  saved 
our  lives,  returned  to  our  settlement  with  our  poor  savages, 
who  stayed  there  a large  part  of  the  winter;  and  we  praised 
God  for  having  rescued  us  from  this  shipwreck,  from  which  we 
had  not  expected  to  escape  so  easily. 

The  loss  of  our  barque  caused  us  great  regret,  since  we 
found  ourselves,  through  want  of  a vessel,  deprived  of  the  pros- 
pect of  being  able  to  accomplish  the  voyage  we  had  under- 
taken. And  we  were  unable  to  build  another;  for  time 
was  pressing,  and  although  there  was  another  barque  on  the 
stocks,  yet  it  would  have  required  too  long  to  get  it  ready, 
and  we  could  scarcely  have  made  use  of  it  before  the  return 
from  France  of  the  vessels  we  were  daily  expecting. 

This  was  a great  misfortune,  and  owing  to  the  lack  of 
foresight  on  the  part  of  the  master,  who  was  obstinate,  but 
little  acquainted  with  seamanship,  and  trusting  only  his  own 
head.  He  was  a good  carpenter,  skilful  in  building  vessels, 
and  careful  in  provisioning  them  with  all  necessaries,  but  in 
no  wise  adapted  to  sailing  them. 

Pont  Grav6,  having  arrived  at  the  settlement,  received  the 
evidence  against  Champdore,  who  was  accused  of  having  run 
the  barque  on  shore  with  evil  intent.  Upon  such  informa- 
tion, he  was  imprisoned  and  handcuffed,  with  the  intention 
of  taking  him  to  France  and  handing  him  over  to  Sieur  de 
Monts,  to  be  treated  as  justice  might  direct. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  Pont  Grave,  finding  that  the  ves- 
sels did  not  return  from  France,  had  the  handcuffs  taken  off 
from  Champdore,  that  he  might  finish  the  barque  which  was 
on  the  stocks,  which  service  he  discharged  very  well. 

On  the  16th  of  July,  the  time  when  we  were  to  leave,  in 
case  the  vessels  had  not  returned,  as  was  provided  in  the  com- 
mission which  Sieur  de  Monts  had  given  to  Pont  Grave,  we 
set  out  from  our  settlement  to  go  to  Cape  Breton  or  to  Gaspe 
in  search  of  means  of  returning  to  France,  since  we  had  re- 
ceived no  intelligence  from  there. 


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85 


Two  of  our  men  remained,  of  their  own  accord,  to  take 
care  of  the  provisions  which  were  left  at  the  settlement,  to 
each  of  whom  Pont  Grave  promised  fifty  crowns  in  money, 
and  fifty  more  at  which  he  agreed  to  estimate  their  pay  when 
he  should  come  to  get  them  the  following  year.1 

There  was  a captain  of  the  savages  named  Mabretou,2 
who  promised  to  take  care  of  them,  and  that  they  should  be 
treated  as  kindly  as  his  own  children.  We  found  him  a 
friendly  savage  all  the  time  we  were  there,  although  he  had 
the  name  of  being  the  worst  and  most  traitorous  man  of  his 
tribe. 

Chapter  12 

Departure  from  Port  Royal  to  return  to  France.  Meeting  Ral- 
leau  at  Cape  Sable,  which  caused  us  to  turn  back. 

On  the  17th  of  the  month,  in  accordance  with  the  resolu- 
tion we  had  formed,  we  set  out  from  the  mouth  of  Port 
Royal  with  two  barques,  one  of  eighteen  tons,  the  other  of  seven 
or  eight,  with  the  view  of  pursuing  the  voyage  to  Cape  Breton 
or  Canseau.  We  anchored  in  the  strait  of  Long  Island, 
where  during  the  night  our  cable  broke,  and  we  came  near 
being  lost,  owing  to  the  violent  tides  which  strike  upon  several 
rocky  points  in  and  about  this  place.  But,  through  the  dili- 
gent exertions  of  all,  we  were  saved,  and  escaped  once  more. 

On  the  21st  of  the  month  there  was  a violent  wind,  which 
broke  the  irons  of  our  rudder  between  Long  Island  and  Cape 
Fourchu,  and  reduced  us  to  such  extremities  that  we  were  at 
a loss  what  to  do.  For  the  fury  of  the  sea  did  not  permit  us 
to  land,  since  the  breakers  ran  mountain  high  along  the  coast, 
so  that  we  resolved  to  perish  in  the  sea  rather  than  to  land, 
hoping  that  the  wind  and  tempest  would  abate,  so  that,  with 

1 Lescarbot  has  preserved  their  names : La  Taille  and  Miquelet. 

2 The  spelling  of  Lescarbot  and  of  Father  Biard,  Membertou,  is  adopted 
by  Parkman.  Membertou  claimed  to  be  more  than  one  hundred  years  old, 
and  to  have  been  a married  man  at  the  time  of  the  visit  of  Jacques  Cartier. 
He  was  converted  by  the  Jesuits,  and  made  a most  edifying  end. 


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[1606 


the  wind  astern,  we  might  go  ashore  on  some  sandy  beach. 
As  each  one  thought  by  himself  what  might  be  done  for  our 
preservation,  a sailor  said  that  a quantity  of  cordage  attached 
to  the  stern  of  our  barque,  and  dragging  in  the  water,  might 
serve  in  some  measure  to  steer  our  vessel.  But  this  was  of  no 
avail;  and  we  saw  that,  unless  God  should  aid  us  by  other 
means,  this  would  not  preserve  us  from  shipwreck.  As  we  were 
thinking  what  could  be  done  for  our  safety,  Champdore, 
who  had  been  again  handcuffed,  said  to  some  of  us  that,  if 
Pont  Grave  desired  it,  he  would  find  means  to  steer  our  barque. 
This  we  reported  to  Pont  Grave,  who  did  not  refuse  this  offer, 
and  the  rest  of  us  still  less.  He  accordingly  had  his  handcuffs 
taken  off  the  second  time,  and  at  once  taking  a rope,  he  cut 
it  and  fastened  the  rudder  with  it  in  such  a skilful  manner  that 
it  would  steer  the  ship  as  well  as  ever.  In  this  way,  he  made 
amends  for  the  mistakes  he  had  made  leading  to  the  loss  of  the 
previous  barque,  and  was  discharged  from  his  accusation 
through  our  entreaties  to  Pont  Grave  who,  although  somewhat 
reluctantly,  acceded  to  it. 

The  same  day  we  anchored  near  La  Baye  Courante,1  two 
leagues  from  Cape  Fourchu,  and  there  our  barque  was  re- 
paired. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  we  proceeded  near  to  Cape  Sable. 

On  the  24th  of  the  month,  at  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon, 
we  perceived  a shallop,  near  Cormorant  Island,  coming  from 
Cape  Sable.  Some  thought  it  was  savages  going  away  from 
Cape  Breton  or  the  Island  of  Canseau.  Others  said  it  might 
be  shallops  sent  from  Canseau  to  get  news  of  us.  Finally,  as 
we  approached  nearer,  we  saw  that  they  were  Frenchmen, 
which  delighted  us  greatly.  When  it  had  almost  reached  us, 
we  recognized  Ralleau,  the  secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
which  redoubled  our  joy.  He  informed  us  that  Sieur  de 
Monts  had  despatched  a vessel  of  a hundred  and  twenty  tons, 
commanded  by  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who  had  come  with 
fifty  men  to  act  as  Lieutenant-General,  and  live  in  the  coun- 

1 The  bay  at  the  mouth  of  Argyll  River,  sometimes  called  Lobster  Bay. 
(Slafter.) 


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87 


try;  that  he  had  landed  at  Canseau,  whence  the  above- 
mentioned  vessel  had  gone  out  to  sea,  in  order,  if  possible,  to 
find  us,  while  he,  meanwhile,  was  proceeding  along  the  coast 
in  a shallop,  in  order  to  meet  us  in  case  we  should  have  set 
out,  supposing  we  had  departed  from  Port  Royal,  as  was  in 
fact  the  case : in  so  doing,  they  acted  very  wisely.  All  this 
intelligence  caused  us  to  turn  back ; and  we  arrived  at  Port 
Royal  on  the  25th  of  the  month,  where  we  found  the  above- 
mentioned  vessel  and  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  and  were  greatly 
delighted  to  see  realized  what  we  had  given  up  in  despair.1 
He  told  us  that  his  delay  had  been  caused  by  an  accident 
which  happened  to  the  ship  in  leaving  the  boom  at  Rochelle, 
where  he  had  taken  his  departure,  and  that  he  had  been  hin- 
dered by  bad  weather  on  his  voyage. 

The  next  day,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  proceeded  to  set  forth 
his  views  as  to  what  should  be  done ; and,  in  accordance  with 
the  opinion  of  all,  he  resolved  to  stay  at  Port  Royal  this 
year,  inasmuch  as  no  discovery  had  been  made  since  the  de- 
parture of  Sieur  de  Monts,  and  the  period  of  four  months 
before  winter  was  not  long  enough  to  search  out  a site  and 
construct  another  settlement,  especially  in  a large  vessel, 
unlike  a barque  which  draws  little  water,  searches  everywhere, 
and  finds  places  to  one’s  mind  for  effecting  settlements. 
But  he  decided  that,  during  this  period,  nothing  more  should 
be  done  than  to  try  to  find  some  place  better  adapted  for  our 
abode. 

Thus  deciding,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  despatched  at  once 
some  laborers  to  work  on  the  land  in  a spot 2 which  he  deemed 
suitable,  up  the  river,  a league  and  a half  from  the  settlement 
of  Port  Royal,  and  where  we  had  thought  of  making  our 
abode.  Here  he  ordered  wheat,  rye,  hemp,  and  several  other 
kinds  of  seeds,  to  be  sown,  in  order  to  ascertain  how  they 
would  flourish. 

1 Lescarbot,  who  was  on  board  this  vessel,  the  J onas,  has  given  a long 
account  of  their  voyage,  and  of  their  reception.  He  fixes  the  date  of  Poutrin- 
court’s  arrival  on  July  27,  and  that  of  Pontgrav6  and  Champlain  on  the  31st, 
which  is  probably  correct.  See  Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  chs.  ix.-xiii. 

2 Where  the  village  of  Annapolis  now  stands. 


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[1606 


On  the  22d  of  August,  a small  barque  was  seen  approach- 
ing our  settlement.  It  was  that  of  Des  Antons,  of  St.  Malo, 
who  had  come  from  Canseau,  where  his  vessel  was  engaged 
in  fishing,  to  inform  us  that  there  were  some  vessels1  about 
Cape  Breton  engaged  in  the  fur-trade;  and  that,  if  we  would 
send  our  ship,  we  might  capture  them  on  the  point  of  return- 
ing to  France.  It  was  determined  to  do  so  as  soon  as  some 
supplies,  which  were  in  the  ship,  could  be  unloaded. 

This  being  done,  Pont  Grave  embarked,  together  with  his 
companions,  who  had  wintered  with  him  at  Port  Royal, 
excepting  Champdore  and  Foulgere  de  Vitre.  I also  stayed 
with  De  Poutrincourt,  in  order,  with  God’s  help,  to  complete 
the  map  of  the  coasts  and  countries  which  I had  commenced. 
Every  thing  being  put  in  order  in  the  settlement,  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt  ordered  provisions  to  be  taken  on  board  for  our 
voyage  along  the  coast  of  Florida. 

On  the  29th  of  August,  we  set  out  from  Port  Royal,  as  did 
also  Pont  Grave  and  Des  Antons,  who  were  bound  for  Cape 
Breton  and  Canseau,  to  seize  the  vessels  which  were  engaging 
in  the  fur-trade,  as  I have  before  stated.  After  getting  out 
to  sea,  we  were  obliged  to  put  back  on  account  of  bad  weather. 
But  the  large  vessel  kept  on  her  course,  and  we  soon  lost  sight 
of  her. 

Chapter  13 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  sets  out  from  Port  Royal  to  make  discover- 
ies. All  that  was  seen , and  what  took  place  as  far  as 
Mallebarre. 

On  the  5th  of  September,  we  set  out  again  from  Port  Royal.2 
On  the  7th,  we  reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix, 
where  we  found  a large  number  of  savages,  among  others 

1 See  Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  ch.  xm.  This  was  an  old  offender,  named 
Boyer,  who  succeeded  on  this  occasion  in  making  his  escape. 

2 Lescarbot,  who  remained  in  charge  at  Port  Royal,  busied  himself  with 
gardening,  and  with  digging  drains. 


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Secondon  and  Messamouet.  We  came  near  being  lost  there 
on  a rocky  islet,  on  account  of  Champdore’s  usual  obstinacy.1 

The  next  day  we  proceeded  in  a shallop  to  the  Island  of 
St.  Croix,  where  Sieur  de  Monts  had  wintered,  to  see  if  we 
could  find  any  spikes  of  wheat  and  other  seeds  which  we  had 
planted  there.  We  found  some  wheat  which  had  fallen  on  the 
ground,  and  come  up  as  finely  as  one  could  wish ; also  a large 
number  of  garden  vegetables,  which  also  had  come  up  fair 
and  large.  It  gave  us  great  satisfaction  to  see  that  the  soil 
there  was  good  and  fertile. 

After  visiting  the  island,  we  returned  to  our  barque,  which 
was  one  of  eighteen  tons,  on  the  way  catching  a large  num- 
ber of  mackerel,  which  are  abundant  there  at  this  season.  It 
was  decided  to  continue  the  voyage  along  the  coast,  which 
was  not  a very  well-considered  conclusion,  since  we  lost  much 
time  in  passing  over  again  the  discoveries  made  by  Sieur  de 
Monts  as  far  as  the  harbor  of  Mallebarre.  It  would  have  been 
much  better,  in  my  opinion,  to  cross  from  where  we  were  di- 
rectly to  Mallebarre,  the  route  being  already  known,  and  then 
use  our  time  in  exploring  as  far  as  the  fortieth  degree,  or  still 
farther  south,  revisiting,  upon  our  homeward  voyage,  the 
entire  coast  at  pleasure. 

After  this  decision,  we  took  with  us  Secondon  and  Messa- 
mouet, who  went  as  far  as  Choiiacoet  in  a shallop,  where  they 
wished  to  make  an  alliance  with  the  people  of  the  country, 
by  offering  them  some  presents. 

On  the  12th  of  September,  we  set  out  from  the  river  St. 
Croix. 

On  the  21st,  we  arrived  at  Choiiacoet,  where  we  saw  One- 
mechin,  chief  of  the  river,  and  Marchin,  who  had  harvested 
their  corn.  We  saw  at  the  Island  of  Bacchus  2 some  grapes 
which  were  ripe  and  very  good,  and  some  others  not  yet  ripe, 
as  fine  as  those  in  France ; and  I am  sure  that,  if  they  were 
cultivated,  they  would  produce  good  wine. 

1 Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  ch  xiv.,  gives  numerous  piquant  details  as  to 
this  voyage. 

2 Richmond  Island. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


In  this  place,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  secured  a prisoner  that 
Onemechin  had,  to  whom  Messamouet  made  presents  of 
kettles,  hatchets,  knives,  and  other  things.  Onemechin 
reciprocated  the  same  with  Indian  corn,  squashes,  and  Bra- 
zilian beans ; which  was  not  very  satisfactory  to  Messamouet, 
who  went  away  very  ill-disposed  towards  them  for  not  prop- 
erly recognizing  his  presents,  and  with  the  intention  of  mak- 
ing war  upon  them  in  a short  time.  For  these  nations  give 
only  in  exchange  for  something  in  return,  except  to  those 
who  have  done  them  a special  service,  as  by  assisting  them  in 
their  wars. 

Continuing  our  course,  we  proceeded  to  the  Island  Cape,1 
where  we  encountered  rather  bad  weather  and  fogs,  and  saw 
little  prospect  of  being  able  to  spend  the  night  under  shelter, 
since  the  locality  was  not  favorable  for  this.  While  we  were 
thus  in  perplexity,  it  occurred  to  me  that,  while  coasting  along 
with  Sieur  de  Monts,  I had  noted  on  my  map,  at  a distance 
of  a league  from  here,  a place  which  seemed  suitable  for  ves- 
sels, but  which  we  did  not  enter,  because,  when  we  passed 
it,  the  wind  was  favorable  for  continuing  on  our  course. 
This  place  we  had  already  passed,  which  led  me  to  suggest  to 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  that  we  should  stand  in  for  a point  in 
sight,  where  the  place  in  question  was,  which  seemed  to  me 
favorable  for  passing  the  night.  We  proceeded  to  anchor  at 
the  mouth,  and  went  in  the  next  day.2 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  landed  with  eight  or  ten  of  our 
company.  We  saw  some  very  fine  grapes  just  ripe,  Brazilian 
peas,  pumpkins,  squashes,  and  very  good  roots,3  which  the 
savages  cultivate,  having  a taste  similar  to  that  of  chards. 
They  made  us  presents  of  some  of  these,  in  exchange  for  little 
trifles  which  we  gave  them.  They  had  already  finished  their 
harvest.  We  saw  two  hundred  savages  in  this  very  pleasant 
place;  and  there  are  here  a large  number  of  very  fine  wal- 
nut-trees,4 cypresses,  sassafras,  oaks,  ashes,  and  beeches.  The 

1 Cape  Ann.  2 Gloucester  Harbor. 

3 The  Jerusalem  artichoke,  indigenous  to  North  America. 

4 Probably  the  hickory  and  the  butter-nut.  Champlain  often  gives  to 
these  indigenous  trees  the  names  of  their  nearest  European  relatives. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


91 


chief  of  this  place  is  named  Quiouhamenec,  who  came  to  see 
us  with  a neighbor  of  his,  named  Cohoiiepech,  whom  we 
entertained  sumptuously.  Onemechin,  chief  of  Chouacoet, 
came  also  to  see  us,  to  whom  we  gave  a coat,  which  he, 
however,  did  not  keep  a long  time,  but  made  a present  of  it 
to  another,  since  he  was  uneasy  in  it,  and  could  not  adapt 
himself  to  it.  We  saw  also  a savage  here,  who  had  so  wounded 
himself  in  the  foot,  and  lost  so  much  blood,  that  he  fell  down 
in  a swoon.  Many  others  surrounded  him,  and  sang  some 
time  before  touching  him.  Afterwards,  they  made  some  mo- 
tions with  their  feet  and  hands,  shook  his  head  and  breathed 
upon  him,  when  he  came  to  himself.  Our  surgeon  dressed  his 
wounds,  when  he  went  off  in  good  spirits.1 

The  next  day,  as  we  were  calking  our  shallop,  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt  in  the  woods  noticed  a number  of  savages  who 
were  going,  with  the  intention  of  doing  us  some  mischief, 
to  a little  stream,  where  a neck  connects  with  the  main  land, 
at  which  our  party  were  doing  their  washing.  As  I was 
walking  along  this  neck,  these  savages  noticed  me;  and,  in 
order  to  put  a good  face  upon  it,  since  they  saw  that  I had 
discovered  them  thus  seasonably,  they  began  to  shout  and 
dance,  and  then  came  towards  me  with  their  bows,  arrows, 
quivers,  and  other  arms.  And,  inasmuch  as  there  was  a 
meadow  between  them  and  myself,  I made  a sign  to  them  to 
dance  again.  This  they  did  in  a circle,  putting  all  their 
arms  in  the  middle.  But  they  had  hardly  commenced,  when 
they  observed  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  in  the  wood  with  eight 
musketeers,  which  frightened  them.  Yet  they  did  not  stop 
until  they  had  finished  their  dance,  when  they  withdrew  in 
all  directions,  fearing  lest  some  unpleasant  turn  might  be 
served  them.  We  said  nothing  to  them,  however,  and  showed 
them  only  demonstrations  of  gladness.  Then  we  returned  to 
launch  our  shallop,  and  take  our  departure.  They  entreated 
us  to  wait  a day,  saying  that  more  than  two  thousand  of  them 

1 Lescarbot  adds  that  an  hour  or  two  later  they  found  that  he  had  tied 
around  his  head  the  rag  with  which  the  wound  had  been  dressed,  and  was 
dancing  with  delight  at  his  new  adornment. 


92 


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[1600 


would  come  to  see  us.  But,  unable  to  lose  any  time,  we  were 
unwilling  to  stay  here  longer.  I am  of  opinion  that  their 
object  was  to  surprise  us.  Some  of  the  land  was  already 
cleared  up,  and  they  were  constantly  making  clearings.  Their 
mode  of  doing  it  is  as  follows:  after  cutting  down  the  trees 
at  the  distance  of  three  feet  from  the  ground,  they  burn  the 
branches  upon  the  trunk,  and  then  plant  their  corn  between 
these  stumps,  in  course  of  time  tearing  up  also  the  roots. 
There  are  likewise  fine  meadows  here,  capable  of  supporting 
a large  number  of  cattle.  This  harbor  is  very  fine,  contain- 
ing water  enough  for  vessels,  and  affording  a shelter  from  the 
weather  behind  the  islands.  It  is  in  latitude  43°,  and  we 
gave  it  the  name  of  Le  Beauport.1 

The  last  day  of  September  we  set  out  from  Beauport, 
and,  passing  Cap  St.  Louis,  stood  on  our  course  all  night  for 
Cap  Blanc.  In  the  morning,  an  hour  before  daylight,  we 
found  ourselves  to  the  leeward  of  Cap  Blanc,  in  Baye  Blanche, 
with  eight  feet  of  water,  and  at  a distance  of  a league  from  the 
shore.  Here  we  anchored,  in  order  not  to  approach  too  near 
before  daylight,  and  to  see  how  the  tide  was.  Meanwhile, 
we  sent  our  shallop  to  make  soundings.  Only  eight  feet  of 
water  were  found,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  determine  before 
daylight  what  we  would  do.  The  water  sank  as  low  as  five 
feet,  and  our  barque  sometimes  touched  on  the  sand,  yet  with- 
out any  injury,  for  the  water  was  calm,  and  we  had  not  less 
than  three  feet  of  water  under  us.  Then  the  tide  began  to  rise, 
which  gave  us  encouragement. 

When  it  was  day,  we  saw  a very  low,  sandy  shore,  off  which 
we  were,  and  more  to  the  leeward.  A shallop  was  sent  to 
make  soundings  in  the  direction  of  land  somewhat  high,  where 
we  thought  there  would  be  deep  water ; and,  in  fact,  we  found 
seven  fathoms.  Here  we  anchored,  and  at  once  got  ready 
the  shallop,  with  nine  or  ten  men  to  land  and  examine  a place 
where  we  thought  there  was  a good  harbor  to  shelter  ourselves 
in,  if  the  wind  should  increase.  An  examination  having  been 
made,  we  entered  in  two,  three,  and  four  fathoms  of  water. 

1 Gloucester  Harbor. 


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93 


When  we  were  inside,  we  found  five  and  six.  There  were 
many  very  good  oysters  here,  which  we  had  not  seen  before, 
and  we  named  the  place  Port  aux  Huistres.1  It  is  in  lati- 
tude 42°.  Three  canoes  of  savages  came  out  to  us.  On 
this  day,  the  wind  coming  round  in  our  favor,  we  weighed 
anchor  to  go  to  Cap  Blanc,  distant  from  here  five  leagues 
north  a quarter  north-east,  and  we  doubled  the  cape. 

On  the  next  day,  the  2d  of  October,  we  arrived  off  Malle- 
barre,  where  we  stayed  some  time  on  account  of  the  bad 
weather.  During  this  time,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  with  the 
shallop,  accompanied  by  twelve  or  fifteen  men,  visited  the 
harbor,  where  some  hundred  and  fifty  savages,  singing  and 
dancing  according  to  their  custom,  appeared  before  him. 
After  seeing  this  place,  we  returned  to  our  vessel,  and,  the 
wind  coming  favorable,  sailed  along  the  coast  towards  the 
south. 


Chapter  14 

Continuation  of  the  above  discoveries , and  what  was  observed 
of  particular  importance . 

When  we  were  some  six  leagues  from  Mallebarre,  we  an- 
chored near  the  coast,  the  wind  not  being  fair,  along  which  we 
observed  columns  of  smoke  made  by  the  savages,  which  led  us 
to  determine  to  go  to  them,  for  which  purpose  the  shallop 
was  made  ready.  But  when  near  the  coast,  which  is  sandy, 
we  could  not  land,  for  the  swell  was  too  great.  Seeing  this, 
the  savages  launched  a canoe,  and  came  out  to  us,  eight  or 
nine  of  them,  singing  and  making  signs  of  their  joy  at  seeing 
us,  and  they  indicated  to  us  that  lower  down  there  was  a 
harbor  where  we  could  put  our  barque  in  a place  of  security. 
Unable  to  land,  the  shallop  came  back  to  the  barque ; and  the 
savages,  whom  we  had  treated  civilly,  returned  to  the  shore. 

On  the  next  day,  the  wind  being  favorable,  we  continued 

1 Oyster  Harbor,  now  Barnstable  Harbor. 


94 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


our  course  to  the  north  1 five  leagues,  and  hardly  had  we 
gone  this  distance,  when  we  found  three  and  four  fathoms  of 
water  at  a distance  of  a league  and  a half  from  the  shore. 
On  going  a little  farther,  the  depth  suddenly  diminished  to  a 
fathom  and  a half  and  two  fathoms,  which  alarmed  us,  since 
we  saw  the  sea  breaking  all  around,  but  no  passage  by  which 
we  could  retrace  our  course,  for  the  wind  was  directly  contrary. 

Accordingly  being  shut  in  among  the  breakers  and  sand- 
banks, we  had  to  go  at  hap-hazard  where  there  seemed  to  be 
the  most  water  for  our  barque,  which  was  at  most  only  four 
feet:  we  continued  among  these  breakers  until  we  found  as 
much  as  four  feet  and  a half.  Finally,  we  succeeded,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  in  going  over  a sandy  point  running  out  nearly 
three  leagues  seaward  to  the  south-south-east,  and  a very  dan- 
gerous place.  Doubling  this  cape,  which  we  named  Cap 
Batturier,2  which  is  twelve  or  thirteen  leagues  from  Malle- 
barre,  we  anchored  in  two  and  a half  fathoms  of  water,  since 
we  saw  ourselves  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  breakers  and 
shoals,  except  in  some  places  where  the  sea  was  breaking  but 
little.  The  shallop  was  sent  to  find  a channel,  in  order  to  go 
to  a place,  which  we  concluded  to  be  that  which  the  savages 
had  indicated.  We  also  thought  there  was  a river  there, 
where  we  could  lie  in  security. 

When  our  shallop  arrived  there,  our  party  landed  and 
examined  the  place,  and,  returning  with  a savage  whom  they 
brought  off,  they  told  us  that  we  could  enter  at  full  tide, 
which  was  resolved  upon.  We  immediately  weighed  anchor, 
and,  under  the  guidance  of  the  savage  who  piloted  us,  pro- 
ceeded to  anchor  at  a roadstead  before  the  harbor,  in  six 
fathoms  of  water  and  a good  bottom ; for  we  could  not  enter, 
as  the  night  overtook  us. 

On  the  next  day,  men  were  sent  to  set  stakes  at  the  end  of 
a sand-bank  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  when,  the  tide  rising, 

1 Obviously  a mistake.  The  whole  context  shows  that  they  were  sailing 
south. 

2/.e.,  Shoal  Cape.  Apparently  the  island  of  Monomoy,  though  the 
aspect  of  the  coast  has  greatly  changed. 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


95 


we  entered  in  two  fathoms  of  water.  When  we  had  arrived, 
we  praised  God  for  being  in  a place  of  safety.  Our  rudder 
had  broken,  which  we  had  mended  with  ropes ; but  we  were 
afraid  that,  amid  these  shallows  and  strong  tides,  it  would  break 
anew,  and  we  should  be  lost.  Within  this  harbor  1 there  is 
only  a fathom  of  water,  and  two  at  full  tide.  On  the  east, 
there  is  a bay  extending  back  on  the  north  some  three  leagues,2 
in  which  there  is  an  island  and  two  other  little  bays  which 
adorn  the  landscape,  where  there  is  a considerable  quantity 
of  land  cleared  up,  and  many  little  hills,  where  they  cultivate 
corn  and  the  various  grains  on  which  they  live.  There  are, 
also,  very  fine  vines,  many  walnut-trees,  oaks,  cypresses,  but 
only  a few  pines.  All  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  are  very 
fond  of  agriculture,  and  provide  themselves  with  Indian 
corn3  for  the  winter,  which  they  store  in  the  following 
manner : 

They  make  trenches  in  the  sand  on  the  slope  of  the  hills, 
some  five  to  six  feet  deep,  more  or  less.  Putting  their  corn 
and  other  grains  into  large  grass  sacks,  they  throw  them  into 
these  trenches,  and  cover  them  with  sand  three  or  four  feet 
above  the  surface  of  the  earth,  taking  it  out  as  their  needs 
require.  In  this  way,  it  is  preserved  as  well  as  it  would  be 
possible  to  do  in  our  granaries. 

We  saw  in  this  place  some  five  to  six  hundred  savages,  all 
naked  except  their  sexual  parts,  which  they  cover  with  a 
small  piece  of  doe  or  seal-skin.  The  women  are  also  naked, 
and,  like  the  men,  cover  theirs  with  skins  or  leaves.  They 
wear  their  hair  carefully  combed  and  twisted  in  various  ways, 
both  men  and  women,  after  the  manner  of  the  savages  of 
Choiiacoet.  Their  bodies  are  well-proportioned,  and  their 
skin  olive-colored.  They  adorn  themselves  with  feathers, 
beads  of  shell,  and  other  gewgaws,  which  they  arrange  very 
neatly  in  embroidery  work.  As  weapons,  they  have  bows, 

1 They  were  now  in  Stage  Harbor,  in  Chatham,  Massachusetts. 

2 The  narrow  bay  stretching  from  Morris  Island  to  the  north. 

3 Indian  corn,  indigenous  to  America,  was  seen  by  Columbus  in  the 
West  Indies;  Champlain  is  the  first  who  has  left  a record  of  its  cultivation 
in  New  England. 


96 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


arrows,  and  clubs.  They  are  not  so  much  great  hunters  as 
good  fishermen  and  tillers  of  the  land. 

In  regard  to  their  police,  government,  and  belief,  we  have 
been  unable  to  form  a judgment ; but  I suppose  that  they  are 
not  different  in  this  respect  from  our  savages,  the  Souriquois 
and  Canadians,  who  worship  neither  the  moon  nor  the  sun, 
nor  any  thing  else,  and  pray  no  more  than  the  beasts.1  There 
are,  however,  among  them  some  persons  who,  as  they  say,  are 
in  concert  with  the  devil,  in  whom  they  have  great  faith. 
They  tell  them  all  that  is  to  happen  to  them,  but  in  so  doing 
lie  for  the  most  part.  Sometimes  they  succeed  in  hitting  the 
mark  very  well,  and  tell  them  things  similar  to  those  which 
actually  happen  to  them.  For  this  reason,  they  have  faith  in 
them,  as  if  they  were  prophets ; while  they  are  only  impostors 
who  delude  them,  as  the  Egyptians  and  Bohemians  do  the 
simple  villagers.  They  have  chiefs,  whom  they  obey  in 
matters  of  war,  but  not  otherwise,  and  who  engage  in  labor 
and  hold  no  higher  rank  than  their  companions.  Each  one 
has  only  so  much  land  as  he  needs  for  his  support. 

Their  dwellings  are  separate  from  each  other,  according  to 
the  land  which  each  one  occupies.  They  are  large,  of  a cir- 
cular shape,  and  covered  with  thatch  made  of  grasses  or  the 
husks  of  Indian  corn.  They  are  furnished  only  with  a bed 
or  two,  raised  a foot  from  the  ground,  made  of  a number  of 
little  pieces  of  wood  pressed  against  each  other,  on  which 
they  arrange  a reed  mat,  after  the  Spanish  style,  which  is  a 
kind  of  matting  two  or  three  fingers  thick:  on  these  they 
sleep.  They  have  a great  many  fleas  in  summer,  even  in 
the  fields.  One  day  as  we  went  out  walking,  we  were  beset 
by  so  many  of  them  that  we  were  obliged  to  change  our 
clothes. 

1 This  conclusion  harmonizes,  as  Dr.  Slafter  points  out,  with  the  opinion 
of  Thomas  Morton,  who  says  that  the  natives  of  New  England  are  “ sine  fide, 
sine  lege,  et  sine  rege,”  and  that  they  “have  no  worship  nor  religion  at  all.” 
New  English  Canaan,  1637,  Prince  Society  ed.,  pp.  140,  141. 

Parkman,  Jesuits  in  North  America  (Boston,  1897),  pp.  60-70,  discusses 
the  religion  of  the  Algonquins  in  a more  scientific  spirit,  but  comes  to  much 
the  same  conclusion  so  far  as  worship  is  concerned. 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


97 


All  the  harbors,  bays,  and  coasts  from  Choiiacoet  are  filled 
with  every  variety  of  fish,  like  those  which  we  have  before 
our  habitation,  and  in  such  abundance  that  I can  confidently 
assert  that  there  was  not  a day  or  night  when  we  did  not  see 
and  hear  pass  by  our  barque  more  than  a thousand  porpoises, 
which  were  chasing  the  smaller  fry.  There  are  also  many 
shell-fish  of  various  sorts,  principally  oysters.  Game  birds  are 
very  plenty. 

It  would  be  an  excellent  place  to  erect  buildings  and  lay 
the  foundations  of  a state,  if  the  harbor  were  somewhat  deeper 
and  the  entrance  safer.  Before  leaving  the  harbor,  the  rudder 
was  repaired ; and  we  had  some  bread  made  from  flour,  which 
we  had  brought  for  our  subsistence,  in  case  our  biscuit  should 
give  out.  Meanwhile,  we  sent  the  shallop  with  five  or  six  men 
and  a savage  to  see  whether  a passage  might  be  found  more 
favorable  for  our  departure  than  that  by  which  we  had  en- 
tered. 

After  they  had  gone  five  or  six  leagues  and  were  near  the 
land,  the  savage  made  his  escape,  since  he  was  afraid  of  being 
taken  to  other  savages  farther  south,  the  enemies  of  his  tribe, 
as  he  gave  those  to  understand  who  were  in  the  shallop. 
The  latter,  upon  their  return,  reported  that,  as  far  as  they 
had  advanced,  there  were  at  least  three  fathoms  of  water,  and 
that  farther  on  there  were  neither  shallows  nor  reefs. 

We  accordingly  made  haste  to  repair  our  barque,  and  make 
a supply  of  bread  for  fifteen  days.  Meanwhile,  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt,  accompanied  by  ten  or  twelve  arquebusiers, 
visited  all  the  neighboring  country,  which  is  very  fine,  as  I 
have  said  before,  and  where  we  saw  here  and  there  a large 
number  of  little  houses. 

Some  eight  or  nine  days  after,  while  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
was  walking  out,  as  he  had  previously  done,  we  observed  the 
savages  taking  down  their  cabins  and  sending  their  women, 
children,  provisions,  and  other  necessaries  of  life  into  the 
woods.  This  made  us  suspect  some  evil  intention,  and  that 
they  purposed  to  attack  those  of  our  company  who  were  work- 
ing on  shore,  where  they  stayed  at  night  in  order  to  guard 


98  VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN  [1606 

that  which  could  not  be  embarked  at  evening  except  with 
much  trouble.  This  proved  to  be  true ; for  they  determined 
among  themselves,  after  all  their  effects  had  been  put  in  a 
place  of  security,  to  come  and  surprise  those  on  land,  taking 
advantage  of  them  as  much  as  possible,  and  to  carry  off  all 
they  had.  But,  if  by  chance  they  should  find  them  on  their 
guard,  they  resolved  to  come  with  signs  of  friendship,  as 
they  were  wont  to  do,  leaving  behind  their  bows  and  arrows. 

Now,  in  view  of  what  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  had  seen,  and 
the  order  which  it  had  been  told  him  they  observed  when 
they  wished  to  play  some  bad  trick,  when  we  passed  by  some 
cabins,  where  there  was  a large  number  of  women,  we  gave 
them  some  bracelets  and  rings  to  keep  them  quiet  and  free 
from  fear,  and  to  most  of  the  old  and  distinguished  men 
hatchets,  knives,  and  other  things  which  they  desired.  This 
pleased  them  greatly,  and  they  repaid  it  all  in  dances,  gam- 
bols, and  harangues,  which  we  did  not  understand  at  all.  We 
went  wherever  we  chose  without  their  having  the  assurance 
to  say  anything  to  us.  It  pleased  us  greatly  to  see  them 
show  themselves  so  simple  in  appearance. 

We  returned  very  quietly  to  our  barque,  accompanied  by 
some  of  the  savages.  On  the  way,  we  met  several  small 
troops  of  them,  who  gradually  gathered  together  with  their 
arms,  and  were  greatly  astonished  to  see  us  so  far  in  the  in- 
terior, and  did  not  suppose  that  we  had  just  made  a circuit 
of  nearly  four  or  five  leagues  about  their  territory.  Passing 
near  us,  they  trembled  with  fear,  lest  harm  should  be  done  them, 
as  it  was  in  our  power  to  do.  But  we  did  them  none,  although 
we  knew  their  evil  intentions.  Having  arrived  where  our  men 
were  working,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  inquired  if  everything 
was  in  readiness  to  resist  the  designs  of  this  rabble. 

He  ordered  everything  on  shore  to  be  embarked.  This 
was  done,  except  that  he  who  was  making  the  bread  stayed 
to  finish  a baking,  and  two  others  with  him.  They  were 
told  that  the  savages  had  some  evil  intent,  and  that  they 
should  make  haste  . to  embark  the  coming  evening,  since 
they  carried  their  plans  into  execution  only  at  night,  or  at 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


99 


daybreak,  which  in  their  plots  is  generally  the  hour  for  making 
a surprise. 

Evening  having  come,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  gave  orders 
that  the  shallop  should  be  sent  ashore  to  get  the  men  who 
remained.  This  was  done  as  soon  as  the  tide  would  permit, 
and  those  on  shore  were  told  that  they  must  embark  for  the 
reason  assigned.  This  they  refused  in  spite  of  the  remon- 
strances that  were  made  setting  forth  the  risks  they  ran  and 
the  disobedience  to  their  chief.  They  paid  no  attention  to 
it,  with  the  exception  of  a servant  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt, 
who  embarked.  Two  others  disembarked  from  the  shallop 
and  went  to  the  three  on  shore,  who  had  stayed  to  eat  some 
cakes  made  at  the  same  time  with  the  bread. 

But,  as  they  were  unwilling  to  do  as  they  were  told,  the 
shallop  returned  to  the  vessel.  It  was  not  mentioned  to 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who  had  retired,  thinking  that  all  were 
on  board. 

The  next  day,  in  the  morning,  the  15th  of  October,  the 
savages  did  not  fail  to  come  and  see  in  what  condition  our 
men  were,  whom  they  found  asleep,  except  one,  who  was 
near  the  fire.  When  they  saw  them  in  this  condition,  they 
came,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred,  softly  over  a little  hill, 
and  sent  them  such  a volley  of  arrows  that  to  rise  up  was 
death.  Fleeing  the  best  they  could  towards  our  barque, 
shouting,  “Help  ! they  are  killing  us !”  a part  fell  dead  in  the 
water;  the  others  were  all  pierced  with  arrows,  and  one  died 
in  consequence  a short  time  after.  The  savages  made  a des- 
perate noise  with  roarings,  which  it  was  terrible  to  hear.1 

Upon  the  occurrence  of  this  noise  and  that  of  our  men,  the 
sentinel,  on  our  vessel,  exclaimed,  “To  arms!  They  are  kill- 
ing our  men!”  Consequently,  each  one  immediately  seized 

1 In  the  original  Champlain  has  drawn  a wonderful  picture  of  this  affray. 
Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  ch.  xvi.,  gives  a much  fuller  account.  Of  the  five  culprits 
four  were  killed  or  died  of  their  wounds  (see  p.  110);  the  fifth,  who  was 
wounded,  but  recovered,  was  Du  Val  (see  p.  132),  who  was  afterwards  exe- 
cuted at  Quebec  for  conspiracy  against  Champlain.  Lescarbot  mentions  a 
report  that  two  of  the  five  had  previously  angered  the  Indians  by  firing  upon 
them. 


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[1606 


his  arms;  and  we  embarked  in  the  shallop,  some  fifteen  or 
sixteen  of  us,  in  order  to  go  ashore.  But,  being  unable  to 
get  there  on  account  of  a sand-bank  between  us  and  the  land, 
we  threw  ourselves  into  the  water,  and  waded  from  this  bank 
to  the  shore,  the  distance  of  a musket-shot.  As  soon  as  we 
were  there,  the  savages,  seeing  us  within  arrow  range,  fled 
into  the  interior.  To  pursue  them  was  fruitless,  for  they  are 
marvellously  swift.  All  that  we  could  do  was  to  carry  away 
the  dead  bodies  and  bury  them  near  a cross,  which  had  been 
set  up  the  day  before,  and  then  to  go  here  and  there  to  see 
if  we  could  get  sight  of  any  of  them.  But  it  was  time  wasted, 
therefore  we  came  back.  Three  hours  afterwards,  they  re- 
turned to  us  on  the  sea-shore.  We  discharged  at  them  several 
shots  from  our  little  brass  cannon;  and,  when  they  heard 
the  noise,  they  crouched  down  on  the  ground  to  avoid  the 
fire.  In  mockery  of  us,  they  beat  down  the  cross  and  disin- 
terred the  dead,  which  displeased  us  greatly,  and  caused  us  to 
go  for  them  a second  time;  but  they  fled,  as  they  had  done 
before.  We  set  up  again  the  cross,  and  reinterred  the  dead, 
whom  they  had  thrown  here  and  there  amid  the  heath,  where 
they  kindled  a fire  to  burn  them.  We  returned  without  any 
result,  as  we  had  done  before,  well  aware  that  there  was  scarcely 
hope  of  avenging  ourselves  this  time,  and  that  we  should  have 
to  renew  the  undertaking  when  it  should  please  God. 

On  the  16th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  Port  Fortune, 
to  which  we  had  given  this  name  on  account  of  the  misfor- 
tune which  happened  to  us  there.  This  place  is  in  latitude 
41°  20',  and  some  twelve  or  thirteen  leagues  from  Mallebarre. 

Chapter  15 

The  inclemency  of  the  weather  not  'permitting  us  at  that  time 
to  continue  our  discoveries , we  resolved  to  return  to  our 
settlement . What  happened  to  us  until  we  reached  it. 

After  having  gone  some  six  or  seven  leagues,  we  sighted 
an  island,  which  we  named  La  Soupgonneuse,1  because  in  the 
1 1.e.,  the  Doubtful ; now  Martha’s  Vineyard. 


1606] 


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101 


distance  we  had  several  times  thought  it  was  not  an  island. 
Then  the  wind  became  contrary,  which  caused  us  to  put  back 
to  the  place  whence  we  had  set  out,  where  we  stayed  two  or 
three  days,  no  savage  during  this  time  presenting  himself  to  us. 

On  the  20th,  we  set  out  anew  and  coasted  along  to  the 
south-west  nearly  twelve  leagues,1  where  we  passed  near  a 
river  which  is  small  and  difficult  of  access  in  consequence  of 
the  shoals  and  rocks  at  its  mouth,  and  which  I called  after 
my  own  name.2  This  coast  is,  so  far  as  we  saw,  low  and 
sandy.  The  wind  again  grew  contrary  and  very  strong,  which 
caused  us  to  put  out  to  sea,  as  we  were  unable  to  advance  on 
one  tack  or  the  other ; it,  however,  finally  abated  a little  and 
grew  favorable.  But  all  we  could  do  was  to  return  again  to 
Port  Fortune,  where  the  coast,  though  low,  is  fine  and  good, 
yet  difficult  of  access,  there  being  no  harbors,  many  reefs, 
and  shallow  water  for  the  distance  of  nearly  two  leagues 
from  land.  The  most  that  we  found  was  seven  or  eight 
fathoms  in  some  channels,  which,  however,  continued  only 
a cable’s  length,  when  there  were  suddenly  only  two  or  three 
fathoms;  but  one  should  not  trust  the  water  who  has  not 
well  examined  the  depth  with  the  lead  in  hand. 

Some  hours  after  we  had  returned  to  port,  a son  of  Pont 
Grav6,  named  Robert,  lost  a hand  in  firing  a musket,  which 
burst  in  several  pieces,  but  without  injuring  any  one  near 
him. 

Seeing  now  the  wind  continuing  contrary,  and  being  un- 
able to  put  to  sea,  we  resolved  meanwhile  to  get  possession  of 
some  savages  of  this  place,  and,  taking  them  to  our  settlement, 
put  them  to  grinding  corn  at  the  hand-mill,  as  punishment 
for  the  deadly  assault  which  they  had  committed  on  five  or 
six  of  our  company.  But  it  was  very  difficult  to  do  this  when 

1 Nearly  twelve  leagues  in  a southwesterly  direction  from  their  anchor- 
age at  Stage  Harbor  in  Chatham  would  bring  them  to  the  entrance  of  Vine- 
yard Sound.  This  was  the  limit  of  Champlain's  explorations  towards  the 
south. 

2 This  river  appears  on  Champlain's  map,  but  cannot  with  security 
be  identified.  Very  likely  it  is  the  tidal  passage  between  Wood’s  Hole  and 
Nonamesset. 


102 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


we  were  armed,  since,  if  we  went  to  them  prepared  to  fight, 
they  would  turn  and  flee  into  the  woods,  where  they  were  not 
to  be  caught.  It  was  necessary,  accordingly,  to  have  recourse 
to  artifice,  and  this  is  what  we  planned:  when  they  should 
come  to  seek  friendship  with  us,  to  coax  them  by  showing 
them  beads  and  other  gewgaws,1  and  assure  them  repeatedly 
of  our  good  faith;  then  to  take  the  shallop  well  armed,  and 
conduct  on  shore  the  most  robust  and  strong  men  we  had, 
each  one  having  a chain  of  beads  and  a fathom  of  match  on 
his  arm;  and  there,  while  pretending  to  smoke  with  them 
(each  one  having  an  end  of  his  match  lighted  so  as  not  to 
excite  suspicion,  it  being  customary  to  have  fire  at  the  end 
of  a cord  in  order  to  light  the  tobacco),  coax  them  with  pleas- 
ing words  so  as  to  draw  them  into  the  shallop ; and,  if  they 
should  be  unwilling  to  enter,  each  one  approaching  should 
choose  his  man,  and,  putting  the  beads  about  his  neck,  should 
at  the  same  time  put  the  rope  on  him  to  draw  him  by  force. 
But,  if  they  should  be  too  boisterous,  and  it  should  not  be 
possible  to  succeed,  they  should  be  stabbed,  the  rope  being 
firmly  held ; and,  if  by  chance  any  of  them  should  get  away, 
there  should  be  men  on  land  to  charge  upon  them  with  swords. 
Meanwhile,  the  little  cannon  on  our  barque  were  to  be  kept 
ready  to  fire  upon  their  companions  in  case  they  should  come  to 
assist  them,  under  cover  of  which  firearms  the  shallop  could 
withdraw  in  security.  The  plan  above-mentioned  was  well 
carried  out  as  it  had  been  arranged. 

Some  days  after  these  events  had  occurred,  there  came 
savages  by  threes  and  fours  to  the  shore,  making  signs  to  us 
to  go  to  them.  But  we  saw  their  main  body  in  ambuscade 
under  a hillock  behind  some  bushes,  and  I suppose  that  they 
were  only  desirous  of  beguiling  us  into  the  shallop  in  order  to 
discharge  a shower  of  arrows  upon  us,  and  then  take  to  flight. 
Nevertheless,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  did  not  hesitate  to  go  to 
them  with  ten  of  us,  well  equipped  and  determined  to  fight 
them,  if  occasion  offered.  We  landed  at  a place  beyond 
their  ambuscade,  as  we  thought,  and  where  they  could  not 

1 Patinostres. 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


103 


surprise  us.  There  three  or  four  of  us  went  ashore  together 
with  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt : the  others  did  not  leave  the 
shallop,  in  order  to  protect  it  and  be  ready  for  an  emergency. 
We  ascended  a knoll  and  went  about  the  woods  to  see  if  we  could 
not  discover  more  plainly  the  ambuscade.  When  they  saw  us 
going  so  unconcernedly  to  them,  they  left  and  went  to  other 
places,  which  we  could  not  see,  and  of  the  four  savages  we  saw 
only  two,  who  went  away  very  slowly.  As  they  withdrew, 
they  made  signs  to  us  to  take  our  shallop  to  another  place, 
thinking  that  it  was  not  favorable  for  the  carrying  out  of  their 
plan.  And,  when  we  also  saw  that  they  had  no  desire  to  come 
to  us,  we  re-embarked  and  went  to  the  place  they  indicated, 
which  was  the  second  ambuscade  they  had  made,  in  their  en- 
deavor to  draw  us  unarmed  to  themselves  by  signs  of  friendship. 
But  this  we  were  not  permitted  to  do  at  that  time,  yet  we  ap- 
proached very  near  them  without  seeing  this  ambuscade,  which 
we  supposed  was  not  far  off.  As  our  shallop  approached  the 
shore,  they  took  to  flight,  as  also  those  in  ambush,  after  whom 
we  fired  some  musket-shots,  since  we  saw  that  their  intention 
was  only  to  deceive  us  by  flattery,  in  which  they  were  disap- 
pointed; for  we  recognized  clearly  what  their  purpose  was, 
which  had  only  mischief  in  view.  We  retired  to  our  barque 
after  having  done  all  we  could.1 

On  the  same  day,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  resolved  to  return 
to  our  settlement  on  account  of  four  or  five  sick  and  wounded 
men,  whose  wounds  were  growing  worse  through  lack  of 
salves,  of  which  our  surgeon,  by  a great  mistake  on  his  part, 
had  brought  but  a small  provision,  to  the  detriment  of  the 
sick  and  our  own  discomfort,  as  the  stench  from  their  wounds 
was  so  great,  in  a little  vessel  like  our  own,  that  one  could 

1 See  p.  105.  This  same  tribe  of  Nausets  “sent  a shower  of  arrows  upon 
the  Pilgrims  in  1620,  at  a place  called  by  them  the  ‘ First  Encounter/  and  not 
more  than  three  miles  from  the  spot  where  the  same  tribe,  in  1605,  had  at- 
tacked the  French,  and  slain  one  of  de  Monts's  men.”  (Slafter.)  See  Brad- 
ford's History  of  Plimoth  Plantation , ch.  x.  For  an  account  of  the  massacre 
of  the  Indians,  which  Champlain  here  passes  over,  though  he  refers  to  it  on 
p.  106,  see  Lescarbot,  book  iv.,  ch.  xvi.  It  is  a blot  on  Champlain's  record, 
but  the  provocation  had  been  great,  and  the  chief  responsibility  rests  with  the 
leader  of  the  expedition,  the  hot-tempered  Poutrincourt. 


104 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


scarcely  endure  it.  Moreover,  we  were  afraid  that  they  would 
generate  disease.  Also  we  had  provisions  only  for  going 
eight  or  ten  days  farther,  however  much  economy  might  be 
practised ; and  we  knew  not  whether  the  return  would  last  as 
long  as  the  advance,  which  was  nearly  two  months. 

At  any  rate,  our  resolution  being  formed,  we  withdrew,  but 
with  the  satisfaction  that  God  had  not  left  unpunished  the 
misdeeds  of  these  barbarians.  We  advanced  no  farther  than 
to  latitude  41°  30',  which  was  only  half  a degree  farther  than 
Sieur  de  Monts  had  gone  on  his  voyage  of  discovery.  We 
set  out  accordingly  from  this  harbor. 

On  the  next  day  we  anchored  near  Mallebarre,  where  we 
remained  until  the  28th  of  the  month,  when  we  set  sail.  On 
that  day  the  air  was  very  cold,  and  there  was  a little  snow. 
We  took  a direct  course  for  Norumbegue  or  Isle  Haute.  Head- 
ing east-north-east,  we  were  two  days  at  sea  without  seeing 
land,  being  kept  back  by  bad  weather.  On  the  following 
night,  we  sighted  the  islands,  which  are  between  Quinibequy 
and  Norumbegue.  The  wind  was  so  strong  that  we  were 
obliged  to  put  to  sea  until  daybreak ; but  we  went  so  far  from 
land,  although  we  used  very  little  sail,  that  we  could  not  see 
it  again  until  the  next  day,  when  we  saw  Isle  Haute,  of  which 
we  were  abreast. 

On  the  last  day  of  October,  between  the  Island  of  Monts 
Deserts  and  Cap  Corneille,  our  rudder  broke  in  several  pieces, 
without  our  knowing  the  reason.  Each  one  expressed  his 
opinion  about  it.  On  the  following  night,  with  a fresh  breeze, 
we  came  among  a large  number  of  islands  and  rocks,  whither 
the  wind  drove  us ; and  we  resolved  to  take  refuge,  if  possible, 
on  the  first  land  we  should  find. 

We  were  for  some  time  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind  and  sea, 
with  only  the  foresail  set.  But  the  worst  of  it  was  that  the 
night  was  dark,  and  we  did  not  know  where  we  were  going; 
for  our  barque  could  not  be  steered  at  all,  although  we  did 
all  that  was  possible,  holding  in  our  hands  the  sheets  of  the 
foresail,  which  sometimes  enabled  us  to  steer  it  a little.  We 
kept  continually  sounding,  to  see  if  it  were  possible  to  find 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


105 


a bottom  for  anchoring,  and  to  prepare  ourselves  for  what 
might  happen.  But  we  found  none.  Finally,  as  we  were 
going  faster  than  we  wished,  it  was  recommended  to  put  an 
oar  astern  together  with  some  men,  so  as  to  steer  to  an  island 
which  we  saw,  in  order  to  shelter  ourselves  from  the  wind. 
Two  other  oars  also  were  put  over  the  sides  in  the  after  part 
of  the  barque,  to  assist  those  who  were  steering,  in  order  to 
make  the  vessel  bear  up  on  one  tack  and  the  other.  This 
device  served  us  so  well,  that  we  headed  where  we  wished, 
and  ran  in  behind  the  point  of  the  island  we  had  seen,  anchor- 
ing in  twenty-one  fathoms  of  water  until  daybreak,  wdien  we 
proposed  to  reconnoitre  our  position  and  seek  for  a place  to 
make  another  rudder.  The  wind  abated.  At  daybreak,  we 
found  ourselves  near  the  Isles  Rangees,  entirely  surrounded 
by  breakers,  and  we  praised  God  for  having  preserved  us  so 
wonderfully  amid  so  many  perils. 

On  the  1st  of  November,  we  went  to  a place  which  we 
deemed  favorable  for  beaching  our  vessel  and  repairing  our 
helm.  On  this  day,  I landed,  and  saw  some  ice  two  inches 
thick,  it  having  frozen  perhaps  eight  or  ten  days  before.  I 
observed  also  that  the  temperature  of  the  place  differed  very 
much  from  that  of  Mallebarre  and  Port  Fortune,  for  the 
leaves  of  the  trees  were  not  yet  dead  and  had  not  begun  to 
fall  when  we  set  out,  while  here  they  had  all  fallen,  and  it 
was  much  colder  than  at  Port  Fortune. 

On  the  next  day,  as  we  were  beaching  our  barque,  a canoe 
came  containing  Etechemin  savages,  who  told  the  savage 
Secondon  in  our  barque  that  louaniscou,  with  his  companions, 
had  killed  some  other  savages,  and  carried  off  some  women 
as  prisoners,  whom  they  had  executed  near  the  Island  of  Monts 
Deserts. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  near  Cap  Cor- 
neille, and  anchored  the  same  day  in  the  little  passage  of  Sainte 
Croix  River.1 

On  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  we  landed  our  savage  with 
some  supplies  which  we  gave  him.  He  was  well  pleased  and 
1 The  southern  strait  leading  into  Eastport  Harbor.  (Slafter.) 


106 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


satisfied  at  having  made  this  voyage  with  us,  and  took  away 
with  him  some  heads  of  the  savages  that  had  been  killed  at 
Port  Fortune.  The  same  day  we  anchored  in  a very  pretty 
cove  on  the  south  of  the  Island  of  Manan. 

On  the  12th  of  the  month,  we  made  sail ; and,  when  under 
way,  the  shallop,  which  we  were  towing  astern,  struck  against 
our  barque  so  violently  and  roughly  that  it  made  an  opening 
and  stove  in  her  upper  works,  and  again  in  the  recoil  broke 
the  iron  fastenings  of  our  rudder.  At  first,  we  thought  that 
the  first  blow  had  stove  in  some  planks  in  the  lower  part, 
which  would  have  sunk  us ; for  the  wind  was  so  high  that  all 
we  could  do  was  to  carry  our  foresail.  But  finding  that  the 
damage  was  slight,  and  that  there  was  no  danger,  we  managed 
with  ropes  to  repair  the  rudder  as  well  as  we  could,  so  as  to  serve 
us  to  the  end  of  our  voyage.  This  was  not  until  the  14th  of 
November,  when,  at  the  entrance  to  Port  Royal,  we  came  near 
being  lost  on  a point ; but  God  delivered  us  from  this  danger 
as  well  as  from  many  others  to  which  we  had  been  exposed. 


Chapter  16 

Return  from  the  foregoing  discoveries , and  what  transpired  during 

the  winter. 

Upon  our  arrival,1  Lescarbot,  who  had  remained  at  the 
settlement,  assisted  by  the  others  who  had  stayed  there,  wel- 
comed us  with  a humorous  entertainment. 

1 This  is  Champlain’s  first  reference  to  Lescarbot,  who  had  come  out 
with  his  friend  Poutrincourt  in  1606.  Marc  Lescarbot  was  a Paris  lawyer, 
born  at  Vervins  about  1580.  In  1609,  after  his  return  to  France,  he  pub- 
lished a Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  part  of  which  refers  to  his  own  ex- 
periences, and  has  been  already  referred  to  in  these  notes.  New  and  revised 
editions  were  issued  in  1612  and  1618.  The  edition  of  1612  was  republished 
in  1866  by  Tross  of  Paris,  and  the  edition  of  1618  is  now  (1907)  being  repub- 
lished by  the  Champlain  Society  of  Toronto.  The  lively  and  somewhat 
heterodox  lawyer,  who  was  afterwards  imprisoned  for  publishing  a satire 
against  the  Jesuits,  did  not  get  on  well  with  the  sober-sided  Champlain,  and 
some  references  in  this  volume  are  bitterly  commented  on  by  Lescarbot 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


107 


Having  landed  and  had  time  to  take  breath,  each  one  began 
to  make  little  gardens,  I among  the  rest  attending  to  mine,  in 
order  in  the  spring  to  sow  several  kinds  of  seeds  which  had  been 
brought  from  France,  and  which  grew  very  well  in  all  the  gar- 
dens. 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  moreover,  had  a water-mill  built 
nearly  a league  and  a half  from  our  settlement,  near  the  point 
where  grain  had  been  planted.  This  mill  was  built  at  a fall, 
on  a little  river  1 which  is  not  navigable  on  account  of  the 
large  number  of  rocks  in  it,  and  which  falls  into  a small  lake. 
In  this  place,  there  is  such  an  abundance  of  herring  in  their 
season  that  shallops  could  be  loaded  with  them  if  one  were 
to  take  the  trouble  to  bring  the  requisite  apparatus.  The 
savages  also  of  this  region  come  here  sometimes  to  fish.  A 
quantity  of  charcoal  was  made  by  us  for  our  forge.  During 
the  winter,  in  order  not  to  remain  idle,  I undertook  the  build- 
ing of  a road  along  the  wood  to  a little  river  or  brook,  which 
we  named  La  Truitiere,2  there  being  many  trout  there.  I 
asked  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  for  two  or  three  men,  which  he 
gave  me  to  assist  in  making  this  passageway.  I got  along  so 
well  that  in  a little  while  I had  the  road  through.  It  extends 
through  to  the  trout-brook,  and  measures  nearly  two  thousand 
paces.  It  served  us  as  a walk  under  the  shelter  of  the  trees, 
which  I had  left  on  both  sides.  This  led  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
to  determine  to  make  another  through  the  woods,  in  order 
that  we  might  go  straight  to  the  mouth  of  Port  Royal,  it  being 
a distance  of  nearly  three  leagues  and  a half  by  land  from  our 
settlement.  He  had  this  commenced  and  continued  for  about 
half  a league  from  La  Truitiere ; but  he  did  not  finish  it,  as  the 
undertaking  was  too  laborious,  and  he  was  occupied  by  other 
things  at  the  time  more  necessary.  Some  time  after  our  arrival, 
we  saw  a shallop  containing  savages,  who  told  us  that  a sav- 
in his  edition  of  1618.  He  was  also  a poet,  and  published  Les  Muses  de 
la  Nouvelle  France  (1611,  1618).  In  this  are  given  the  words  of  the  play  en- 
titled Le  Theatre  de  Neptune,  which  he  had  composed  for  this  occasion.  On 
Lescarbot  see  Mr.  H.  P.  Biggar’s  article,  “The  French  Hakluyt;  Marc 
Lescarbot  of  Vervins,”  in  the  American  Historical  Review,  VI.  671-692. 

1 Now  Allen  River.  3 1.e.,  Trout  Brook. 


108 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


age,1  who  was  one  of  our  friends,  had  been  killed  by  those  be- 
longing to  the  place  whence  they  came,  which  was  Norumbegue, 
in  revenge  for  the  killing  of  the  men  of  Norumbegue  and  Quini- 
bequy  by  Iouaniscou,  also  a savage,  and  his  followers,  as  I have 
before  related;  and  that  some  Etechemins  had  informed  the 
savage  Secondon,  who  was  with  us  at  that  time. 

The  commander  of  the  shallop  was  the  savage  named 
Ouagimou,  who  was  on  terms  of  friendship  with  Bessabez, 
chief  of  the  river  Norumbegue,  of  whom  he  asked  the  body 
of  Panounias,  who  had  been  killed.  The  latter  granted  it 
to  him,  begging  him  to  tell  his  friends  that  he  was  very  sorry 
for  his  death,  and  assuring  him  that  it  was  without  his  knowl- 
edge that  he  had  been  killed,  and  that,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
not  his  fault,  he  begged  him  to  tell  them  that  he  desired  they 
might  continue  to  live  as  friends.  This  Ouagimou  promised 
to  do  upon  his  return.  He  said  to  us  that  he  was  very  un- 
easy until  he  got  away  from  them,  whatever  friendship  they 
might  show  him,  since  they  were  liable  to  change;  and  he 
feared  that  they  would  treat  him  in  the  same  manner  as  they 
had  the  one  who  had  been  killed.  Accordingly,  he  did  not 
tarry  long  after  being  dismissed.  He  took  the  body  in  his 
shallop  from  Norumbegue  to  our  settlement,  a distance  of 
fifty  leagues. 

As  soon  as  the  body  was  brought  on  shore,  his  relatives 
and  friends  began  to  shout  by  his  side,  having  painted  their 
entire  face  with  black,  which  is  their  mode  of  mourning. 
After  lamenting  much,  they  took  a quantity  of  tobacco  and 
two  or  three  dogs  and  other  things  belonging  to  the  deceased, 
and  burned  them  some  thousand  paces  from  our  settlement 
on  the  sea-shore.  Their  cries  continued  until  they  returned 
to  their  cabin. 

The  next  day  they  took  the  body  of  the  deceased  and 
wrapped  it  in  a red  covering,  which  Mabretou,  chief  of  this 
place,  urgently  implored  me  to  give  him,  since  it  was  handsome 
and  large.  He  gave  it  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased,  who 

1 This  Indian  Panounias  and  his  wife  had  accompanied  de  Monts  on 
his  expedition  of  1605.  See  p.  56. 


1606] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


109 


thanked  me  very  much  for  it.  After  thus  wrapping  up  the 
body,  they  decorated  it  with  several  kinds  of  matachiats; 
that  is,  strings  of  beads  and  bracelets  of  diverse  colors.  They 
painted  the  face,  and  put  on  the  head  many  feathers  and  other 
things,  the  finest  they  had.  Then  they  placed  the  body  on  its 
knees  between  two  sticks,  with  another  under  the  arms  to 
sustain  it.  Around  the  body  were  the  mother,  wife,  and  others 
of  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  deceased,  both  women  and 
girls,  howling  like  dogs. 

While  the  women  and  girls  were  shrieking,  the  savage 
named  Mabretou  made  an  address  to  his  companions  on  the 
death  of  the  deceased,  urging  all  to  take  vengeance  for  the 
wickedness  and  treachery  committed  by  the  subjects  of  Bessa- 
bez,  and  to  make  war  upon  them  as  speedily  as  possible. 
All  agreed  to  do  so  in  the  spring. 

After  the  harangue  was  finished  and  the  cries  had  ceased, 
they  carried  the  body  of  the  deceased  to  another  cabin.  After 
smoking  tobacco  together,  they  wrapped  it  in  an  elk-skin  like- 
wise; and,  binding  it  very  securely,  they  kept  it  until  there 
should  be  a larger  number  of  savages  present,  from  each  one 
of  whom  the  brother  of  the  deceased  expected  to  receive  pres- 
ents, it  being  their  custom  to  give  them  to  those  who  have  lost 
fathers,  wives,  brothers,  or  sisters. 

On  the  night  of  the  26th  of  December,  there  was  a south- 
east wind,  which  blew  down  several  trees.  On  the  last  day 
of  December,  it  began  to  snow,  which  continued  until  the 
morning  of  the  next  day.  On  the  16th  of  January  following, 
1607,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  desiring  to  ascend  the  river 
Equille,  found  it  at  a distance  of  some  two  leagues  from  our 
settlement  sealed  with  ice,  which  caused  him  to  return,  not 
being  able  to  advance  any  farther.  On  the  8th  of  February, 
some  pieces  of  ice  began  to  flow  down  from  the  upper  part  of 
the  river  into  the  harbor,  which  only  freezes  along  the  shore. 
On  the  10th  of  May  following,  it  snowed  all  night ; and,  tow- 
ards the  end  of  the  month,  there  were  heavy  hoar-frosts, 
which  lasted  until  the  10th  or  12th  of  June,  when  all  the  trees 
were  covered  with  leaves,  except  the  oaks,  which  do  not  leaf 


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[1606 


out  until  about  the  15th.  The  winter  was  not  so  severe  as  on 
the  preceding  years,  nor  did  the  snow  continue  so  long  on  the 
ground.  It  rained  very  often,  so  that  the  savages  suffered 
a severe  famine,  owing  to  the  small  quantity  of  snow.  Sieur 
de  Poutrincourt  supported  a part  of  them  who  were  with  us ; 
namely,  Mabretou,  his  wife  and  children,  and  some  others. 

We  spent  this  winter  very  pleasantly,  and  fared  generously 
by  means  of  the  Ordre  de  Bon  Temps,1  which  I introduced. 
This  all  found  useful  for  their  health,  and  more  advantageous 
than  all  the  medicines  that  could  have  been  used.  By  the 
rules  of  the  order,  a chain  was  put,  with  some  little  ceremo- 
nies, on  the  neck  of  one  of  our  company,  commissioning  him 
for  the  day  to  go  a hunting.  The  next  day  it  was  conferred 
upon  another,  and  thus  in  succession.  All  exerted  themselves 
to  the  utmost  to  see  who  would  do  the  best  and  bring  home 
the  finest  game.  We  found  this  a very  good  arrangement,  as 
did  also  the  savages  who  were  with  us. 

There  were  some  cases  of  mal  de  la  terre  among  us,  which 
was,  however,  not  so  violent  as  in  the  previous  years.  Never- 
theless, seven  died  from  it,  and  another  from  an  arrow 
wound,  which  he  had  received  from  the  savages  at  Port 
Fortune. 

Our  surgeon,  named  Master  Estienne,  opened  some  of  the 
bodies,  as  we  did  the  previous  years,  and  found  almost  all  the 
interior  parts  affected.  Eight  or  ten  of  the  sick  got  well  by 
spring. 

At  the  beginning  of  March  and  of  April,  all  began  to  pre- 
pare gardens,  so  as  to  plant  seeds  in  May,  which  is  the  proper 
time  for  it.  They  grew  as  well  as  in  France,  but  were  some- 
what later.  I think  France  is  at  least  a month  and  a half 
more  forward.  As  I have  stated,  the  time  to  plant  is  in  May, 
although  one  can  sometimes  do  so  in  April;  yet  the  seeds 
planted  then  do  not  come  forward  any  faster  than  those 
planted  in  May,  when  the  cold  can  no  longer  damage  the  plants 
except  those  which  are  very  tender,  since  there  are  many  which 

1 Lescarbot  (book  iv.,  ch.  xvi.)  gives  a much  more  detailed  and  pictu- 
resque account  of  this  order,  and  of  their  life  through  the  winter. 


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111 


cannot  endure  the  hoar-frosts,  unless  great  care  and  attention 
be  exercised. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  we  perceived  a small  barque  1 of  six 
or  seven  tons’  burthen,  which  we  sent  men  to  reconnoitre ; and 
it  was  found  to  be  a young  man  from  St.  Malo,  named  Cheva- 
lier, who  brought  letters  from  Sieur  de  Monts  to  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt,  by  which  he  directed  him  to  bring  back  his 
company  to  France.2  He  also  announced  to  us  the  birth  of 
Monseigneur,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,3  to  our  delight,  in  honor 
of  which  event  we  made  bonfires  and  chanted  the  Te  Deum. 

Between  the  beginning  and  the  20th  of  June,  some  thirty 
or  forty 4 savages  assembled  in  this  place  in  order  to  make 
war  upon  the  Almouchiquois,  and  revenge  the  death  of  Pa- 
nounias,  who  was  interred  by  the  savages  according  to  their 
custom,  who  gave  afterwards  a quantity  of  peltry  to  a brother 
of  his.  The  presents  being  made,  all  of  them  set  out  from  this 


1 The  barque,  in  Champlain’s  use,  was  commonly  rigged  with  two  masts, 
and  was  of  from  about  six  to  eighteen  tons  burden. 

2 Lescarbot  (book  iv.,  ch.  xvii.)  adds  his  usual  abundance  of  picturesque 
detail.  The  first  to  sight  the  barque  was  the  centenarian  Membertou  (Ma- 
bretou) . Chevalier  had  come  out  in  the  J onas,  the  same  ship  which  had  brought 
out  Lescarbot  and  Poutrincourt  in  the  year  before.  It  had  now  stopped  at 
Canso  to  fish  for  cod.  It  brought  letters  telling  that  the  company  of  de 
Monts  had  been  broken  up ; that  the  Dutch,  led  by  a French  traitor  named 
La  Jeunesse,  had  looted  the  fur-trading  establishments  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  that  de  Monts’  monopoly  had  been  rescinded  by  the  king’s  council. 
On  this  aspect  of  the  story,  see  Biggar,  Early  Trading  Companies  of  New 
France,  p.  63.  The  fur-trade  remained  open  till  1613. 

What  touched  Lescarbot  even  more  deeply  was  that  Chevalier,  on  the 
plea  that  they  were  supposed  to  have  perished  during  the  winter,  had  eaten 
all  the  sweetmeats  and  other  dainties  sent  out  by  their  friends.  To  this 
loss  he  frequently  recurs. 

The  sturdy  though  passionate  de  Poutrincourt,  “after  he  had  a long 
while  mused  thereon,  said  that,  although  he  should  have  none  to  come  with 
him  but  his  own  family,  he  would  not  forsake  the  enterprize.”  (Lescarbot, 
IV.,  XVII.) 

3 The  second  son  of  Henry  IV.  and  Marie  de  Medicis,  born  April  16, 
1607,  died  November  17,  1611,  without  having  been  given  a Christian 
name.  He  must  not  be  confused  with  his  more  celebrated  brother  Gaston 
(1608-1660),  who  did  not  become  Duke  of  Orleans  till  his  marriage  in 
1626. 

4 Lescarbot  (iv.,  xvii.)  says  about  400,  which  is  more  likely. 


112 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


place  on  the  29th  of  June  for  Chouacoet,  which  is  the  country 
of  the  Almouchiquois,  to  engage  in  the  war. 

Some  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  above  Chevalier,  Sieur 
de  Poutrincourt  sent  him  to  the  rivers  St.  John  and  St.  Croix 
to  trade  for  furs.  But  he  did  not  permit  him  to  go  without 
men  to  bring  back  the  barque,  since  some  had  reported  that  he 
desired  to  return  to  France  with  the  vessel  in  which  he  had 
come,  and  leave  us  in  our  settlement.  Lescarbot  was  one  of 
those  who  accompanied  him,  who  up  to  this  time  had  not  left 
Port  Royal.  This  is  the  farthest  he  went,  only  fourteen 
or  fifteen  leagues  beyond  Port  Royal.1 

While  awaiting  the  return  of  Chevalier,  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court went  to  the  head  of  Baye  Fran§oise  in  a shallop  with 
seven  or  eight  men.  Leaving  the  harbor  and  heading  north- 
east a quarter  east  for  some  twenty-five  leagues  along  the 
coast,  we  arrived  at  a cape  where  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  de- 
sired to  ascend  a cliff  more  than  thirty  fathoms  high,  in  doing 
which  he  came  near  losing  his  life.  For,  having  reached  the 
top  of  the  rock,  which  is  very  narrow,  and  which  he  had  as- 
cended with  much  difficulty,  the  summit  trembled  beneath 
him.  The  reason  was  that,  in  course  of  time,  moss  had  gath- 
ered there  four  or  five  feet  in  thickness,  and,  not  being  solid, 
trembled  when  one  was  on  top  of  it,  and  very  often  when  one 
stepped  on  a stone  three  or  four  others  fell  down.  Accord- 
ingly, having  gone  up  with  difficulty,  he  experienced  still 
greater  in  coming  down,  although  some  sailors,  men  very 
dexterous  in  climbing,  carried  him  a hawser,  a rope  of  me- 
dium size,  by  means  of  which  he  descended.  This  place  was 
named  Cap  de  Poutrincourt,2  and  is  in  latitude  45°  40'. 

We  went  as  far  as  the  head  of  this  bay,  but  saw  nothing 
but  certain  white  stones  suitable  for  making  lime,  yet  they  are 
found  only  in  small  quantities.  We  saw  also  on  some  islands  a 
great  number  of  gulls.  We  captured  as  many  of  them  as  we 
wished.  We  made  the  tour  of  the  bay,  in  order  to  go  to  the 

1 Lescarbot  complains  of  this  statement,  in  his  edition  of  1618.  Cham- 
plain is  a little  unfair  both  to  Cartier  (see  p.  22,  note  3)  and  to  Lescarbot. 

1 Now  Cape  Split. 


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113 


Port  aux  Mines,  where  I had  previously  been,  and  whither 
I conducted  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who  collected  some  little 
pieces  of  copper  with  great  difficulty.  All  this  bay  has  a cir- 
cuit of  perhaps  twenty  leagues,  with  a little  river 1 at  its  head, 
which  is  very  sluggish  and  contains  but  little  water.  There 
are  many  other  little  brooks,  and  some  places  where  there  are 
good  harbors  at  high  tide,  which  rises  here  five  fathoms. 
In  one  of  these  harbors  three  or  four  leagues  north  of  Cap 
de  Poutrincourt,  we  found  a very  old  cross  all  covered  with 
moss  and  almost  all  rotten,  a plain  indication  that  before  this 
there  had  been  Christians  there.  All  of  this  country  is  cov- 
ered with  dense  forests,  and  with  some  exceptions  is  not  very 
attractive. 

From  the  Port  aux  Mines  we  returned  to  our  settlement. 
In  this  bay  there  are  strong  tidal  currents  running  in  a south- 
westerly direction. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  Ralleau,  secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
arrived  with  three  others  in  a shallop  from  a place  called 
Niganis,2  distant  from  Port  Royal  some  hundred  and  sixty 
or  hundred  and  seventy  leagues,  confirming  the  report  which 
Chevalier  had  brought  to  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt. 

On  the  3d 3 of  July,  three  barques  were  fitted  out  to  send 
the  men  and  supplies,  which  were  at  our  settlement,  to  Can- 
seau,  distant  one  hundred  and  fifteen  leagues  from  our  settle- 
ment, and  in  latitude  45°  20',  where  the  vessel4  was  engaged 
in  fishing,  which  was  to  carry  us  back  to  France. 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  sent  back  all  his  companions,  but 
remained  with  eight  others  at  the  settlement,  so  as  to  carry 
to  France  some  grain  not  yet  quite  ripe. 

On  the  10th  of  August,  Mabretou  arrived  from  the  war, 
who  told  us  that  he  had  been  at  Choiiacoet,  and  had  killed 
twenty  savages  and  wounded  ten  or  twelve ; also  that  Oneme- 
chin,  chief  of  that  place,  Marchin,  and  one  other,  had  been 

1 The  Shubenacadie. 

2 Niganish,  in  the  island  of  Cape  Breton. 

3 Probably  a misprint  for  30th,  the  date  given  by  Lescarbot. 

4 The  J onas.  Nearly  three  months  before  Port  Royal  was  abandoned, 
Jamestown  had  been  founded. 


i 


114 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


killed  by  Sasinou,  chief  of  the  river  of  Quinibequy,  who  was 
afterwards  killed  by  the  companions  of  Onemechin  and  Mar- 
chin.  All  this  war  was  simply  on  account  of  the  savage 
Panounias,  one  of  our  friends  who,  as  I have  said  above,  had 
been  killed  at  Norumbegue  by  the  followers  of  Onemechin 
and  Marchin.  At  present,  the  chiefs  in  place  of  Onemechin, 
Marchin,  and  Sasinou  are  their  sons:  namely,  for  Sasinou, 
Pememen;  Abriou  for  his  father,  Marchin;  and  for  Oneme- 
chin, Queconsicq.  The  two  latter  were  wounded  by  the 
followers  of  Mabretou,  who  seized  them  under  pretence  of 
friendship,  as  is  their  fashion,  something  which  both  sides  have 
to  guard  against.1 


Chapter  17 

The  settlement  abandoned.  Return  to  France  of  Sieur  de  Pou - 
trincourt  and  all  his  company. 


On  the  11th  of  August,  we  set  out  from  our  settlement  in  a 
shallop,  and  coasted  along  as  far  as  Cape  Fourchu,  where  I had 
previously  been. 

Continuing  our  course  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Cap  de  la 
Heve,  where  we  first  landed  with  Sieur  de  Monts,  on  the  8th  of 
May,  1604,  we  examined  the  coast  from  this  place  as  far  as 
Canseau,  a distance  of  nearly  sixty  leagues.  This  I had  not  yet 
done,  and  I observed  it  very  carefully,  making  a map  of  it  as 
of  the  other  coasts. 

Departing  from  Cap  de  la  Heve,  we  went  as  far  as  Sesam- 
bre,2  an  island  so  called  by  some  people  from  St.  Malo,  and 
distant  fifteen  leagues  from  La  Heve.  Along  the  route  are 
a large  number  of  islands,  which  we  named  Les  Martyres, 
since  some  Frenchmen  were  once  killed  there  by  the  savages. 
These  islands  lie  in  several  inlets  and  bays.  In  one  of  them  is 

1 Lescarbot  tells  us  that  Champdor6,  sent  by  Poutrincourt,  subsequently 
reconciled  the  belligerents. 

2 Now  Sambro. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 


115 


a river  named  St.  Marguerite/  distant  seven  leagues  from 
Sesambre,  which  is  in  latitude  44°  25'.  The  islands  and  coasts 
are  thickly  covered  with  pines,  firs,  birches,  and  other  trees 
of  inferior  quality.  Fish  and  also  fowl  are  abundant. 

After  leaving  Sesambre,  we  passed  a bay  which  is  unob- 
structed, of  seven  or  eight  leagues  in  extent,  with  no  islands 
except  at  the  extremity,  where  is  the  mouth  of  a small  river, 
containing  but  little  water.2  Then,  heading  north-east  a 
quarter  east,  we  arrived  at  a harbor  distant  eight  leagues  from 
Sesambre,  which  is  very  suitable  for  vessels  of  a hundred  or 
a hundred  and  twenty  tons.  At  its  entrance  is  an  island 
from  which  one  can  walk  to  the  main  land  at  low  tide.  We 
named  this  place  Port  Saincte  Helaine,3  which  is  in  latitude 
44°  40'  more  or  less. 

From  this  place  we  proceeded  to  a bay  called  La  Baye 
de  Toutes  Isles,4  of  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  leagues  in  extent, 
a dangerous  place  on  account  of  the  presence  of  banks,  shoals, 
and  reefs.  The  country  presents  a very  unfavorable  ap- 
pearance, being  filled  with  the  same  kind  of  trees  which  I have 
mentioned  before.  Here  we  encountered  bad  weather. 

Hence  we  passed  on  near  a river,  six  leagues  distant, called 
Riviere  de  ITsle  Verte,5  there  being  a green  island  at  its  en- 
trance. This  short  distance  which  we  traversed  is  filled  with 
numerous  rocks  extending  nearly  a league  out  to  sea,  where  the 
breakers  are  high,  the  latitude  being  45°  15'. 

Thence  we  went  to  a place  where  there  is  an  inlet,  with 
two  or  three  islands,  and  a very  good  harbor,6  distant  three 
leagues  from  ITsle  Verte.  We  passed  also  by  several  islands 
near  and  in  a line  with  each  other,  which  we  named  Isles 
Rang£es,  and  which  are  distant  six  or  seven  leagues  from 

1 The  bay  is  still  called  St.  Margaret. 

2 Halifax  Harbor,  formerly  Chebueto  Bay.  On  his  map  Champlain  calls 
it  Baye  Saine. 

3 Perpisawick  Inlet.  (Slafter.)  Jeddore.  (Laverdiere.) 

4 Really  an  archipelago,  extending  along  the  coast. 

5 1.e.,  Green  Island  River,  now  River  St.  Mary,  so  called  by  Nicolas 
Denys,  in  his  Description  de  VAmerique  Septentrionale  (1672).  The  island 
is  now  called  Wedge  Island. 

e Now  Country  Harbor. 


116 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


ITsle  Verte.  Afterwards  we  passed  by  another  bay,1  con- 
taining several  islands,  and  proceeded  to  a place  where  we 
found  a vessel  engaged  in  fishing  between  some  islands,  which 
are  a short  distance  from  the  main  land,  and  distant  four 
leagues  from  the  Rangees.  This  place  we  named  Port  de 
Savalette,2  the  name  of  the  master  of  the  vessel  engaged  in 
fishing,  a Basque,  who  entertained  us  bountifully,  and  was 
very  glad  to  see  us,  since  there  were  savages  there  who  pur- 
posed some  harm  to  him,  which  we  prevented. 

Leaving  this  place,  we  arrived  on  the  27th  of  the  month 
at  Canseau,  distant  six  leagues  from  Port  de  Savalette,  having 
passed  on  our  way  a large  number  of  islands.  At  Canseau, 
we  found  that  the  three  barques  had  arrived  at  port  in  safety. 
Champdore  and  Lescarbot  came  out  to  receive  us.  We  also 
found  the  vessel  ready  to  sail,  having  finished  its  fishing  and 
awaiting  only  fair  weather  to  return.  Meanwhile,  we  had 
much  enjoyment  among  these  islands,  where  we  found  the 
greatest  possible  quantity  of  raspberries. 

All  the  coast  which  we  passed  along  from  Cape  Sable  to 
this  place  is  moderately  high  and  rocky,  in  most  places  bor- 
dered by  numerous  islands  and  breakers,  which  extend  out 
to  sea  nearly  two  leagues  in  places,  and  are  very  unfavorable 
for  the  approach  of  vessels.  Yet  there  cannot  but  be  good 
harbors  and  roadsteads  along  the  coasts  and  islands,  if  they 
were  explored.  As  to  the  country,  it  is  worse  and  less  promis- 
ing than  in  other  places  which  we  had  seen,  except  on  some 
rivers  or  brooks,  where  it  is  very  pleasant;  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  winter  in  these  regions  is  cold,  lasting  from  six 
to  seven  months. 

The  harbor  of  Canseau  is  a place  surrounded  by  islands, 
to  which  the  approach  is  very  difficult,  except  in  fair  weather, 
on  account  of  the  rocks  and  breakers  about  it.  Fishing,  both 
green  and  dry,  is  carried  on  here. 

1 Tor  Bay. 

2 White  Haven.  The  name  was  really  given  by  Lescarbot,  who  has  left 
a most  interesting  account  of  the  old  Basque  fisherman,  who  had  made  forty- 
two  voyages  to  these  waters.  (Lescarbot,  iv.,  xix.) 


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117 


From  this  place  to  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton,  which  is  in 
latitude  45°  45'  and  14°  50'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle,  it  is  eight  leagues,  and  to  Cape  Breton  twenty-five. 
Between  the  two  there  is  a large  bay,1  extending  some  nine 
or  ten  leagues  into  the  interior  and  making  a passage  between 
the  Island  of  Cape  Breton  and  the  main  land  through  to  the 
great  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence,  by  which  they  go  to  Gaspe  and 
Isle  Percee,  where  fishing  is  carried  on.  This  passage  along 
the  Island  of  Cape  Breton  is  very  narrow.  Although  there 
is  water  enough,  large  vessels  do  not  pass  there  at  all  on 
account  of  the  strong  currents  and  the  impetuosity  of  the  tides 
which  prevail.  This  we  named  Le  Passage  Courant  and  it  is 
in  latitude  45°  45'. 

The  Island  of  Cape  Breton  is  of  a triangular  shape,  with  a 
circuit  of  about  eighty  leagues.  Most  of  the  country  is  moun- 
tainous, yet  in  some  parts  very  pleasant.  In  the  centre  of  it 
there  is  a kind  of  lake,  where  the  sea  enters  by  the  north  a 
quarter  north-west,  and  also  by  the  south  a quarter  south-east.2 
Here  are  many  islands  filled  with  plenty  of  game,  and  shell- 
fish of  various  kinds,  including  oysters,  which,  however,  are 
not  of  very  good  flavor.  In  this  place  there  are  two  harbors 
where  fishing  is  carried  on;  namely,  Le  Port  aux  Anglois,3 
distant  from  Cape  Breton 4 some  two  or  three  leagues,  and 
Niganis,  eighteen  or  twenty  leagues  north  a quarter  north- 
west. The  Portuguese  once  made  an  attempt  to  settle  this 
island,  and  spent  a winter  here ; 5 but  the  inclemency  of  the 
season  and  the  cold  caused  them  to  abandon  their  settlement. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  we  set  out  from  Canseau.  On 
the  4th,  we  were  off  Sable  Island.  On  the  6th,  we  reached 

1 Chedabucto  Bay,  and  the  Strait  (or  Gut)  of  Canso. 

2 There  are  really  two  passages  on  the  north-east  (not  west),  known  as 
the  Great  and  the  Little  Bras  d'Or,  and  none  on  the  south,  though  a ship 
canal  has  now  been  cut,  joining  the  Bras  d'Or  lakes  with  St.  Peter's  Bay. 
Champlain's  map  is  more  correct  than  his  description. 

3 1.e.,  English  Harbor,  now  Louisburg. 

4 Distinguish  Cape  Breton  (headland)  from  Cape  Breton  (island) . 

6 Mr.  Bourne  conjectures  that  this  may  have  been  at  the  time  of  the 
exploration  of  Fagundes,  1521.  See  Harrisse,  Discovery  of  North  America , 
pp.  182  et  seqq. 


118 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1606 


the  Grand  Bank,  where  the  catching  of  green  fish  is  carried 
on,  in  latitude  45°  30'.  On  the  26th,  we  entered  the  sound 
near  the  shores  of  Brittany  and  England,  in  sixty-five  fath- 
oms of  water  and  in  latitude  49°  30'.  On  the  28th,  we  put 
in  at  Roscou,1  in  lower  Brittany,  where  we  were  detained  by 
bad  weather  until  the  last  day  of  September,  when,  the  wind 
coming  round  favorable,  we  put  to  sea  in  order  to  pursue  our 
route  to  St.  Malo,  which  formed  the  termination  of  these 
voyages,  in  which  God  had  guided  us  without  shipwreck  or 
danger.2 

1 Now  Roscoff. 

2 Poutrincourt  and  Lescarbot  went  on  to  Honfleur.  Thence  Poutrin- 
court  proceeded  to  Paris,  and  by  judicious  presents  of  the  products  of  the 
country  persuaded  Henry  IV.  to  renew  de  Monts'  monopoly  for  a year. 
(Lescarbot,  iv.,  xvn.) 


THE  VOYAGES  TO  THE  GREAT  RIVER 
ST.  LAWRENCE  FROM  THE  YEAR  1608 
TO  THAT  OF  1612 


BOOK  II 


THE  VOYAGES  TO  THE  GREAT  RIVER 
ST.  LAWRENCE  FROM  THE  YEAR  1608 
TO  THAT  OF  16121 

Chapter  1 

Determination  of  Sieur  de  Monts  to  make  explorations  in  the 
interior ; his  commission , and  its  infringement  by  the 
Basques , who  disarmed  the  vessel  of  Pont  Grave ; and 
the  agreement  between  them  which  they  subsequently 
made . 

Having  returned  to  France  after  a stay  of  three  years  in 
New  France,  I proceeded  to  Sieur  de  Monts,  and  related  to  him 
the  principal  events  of  which  I had  been  a witness  since  his 
departure,  and  gave  him  the  map  and  plan  of  the  most  re- 
markable coasts  and  harbors  there. 

Some  time  afterward,  Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  con- 
tinue his  undertaking,  and  complete  the  exploration  of  the 
interior  along  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  where  I had 
been  by  order  of  the  late  King  Henry  the  Great 2 in  the 
year  1603,  for  a distance  of  some  hundred  and  eighty  leagues, 
commencing  in  latitude  48°  40',  that  is,  at  Gaspe,  at  the 
entrance  of  the  river,  as  far  as  the  great  fall,  which  is  in  lati- 
tude 45°  and  some  minutes,  where  our  exploration  ended  and 
where  boats  could  not  pass  as  we  then  thought,  since  we 

1 Book  II.  runs  to  1612  if  one  includes  in  it  not  only  these  ensuing 
eleven  chapters,  but  also  the  so-called  “ Second  Voyage.” 

2 Henry  IV.  died  on  May  14,  1610. 

121 


122 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


had  not  made  a careful  examination  of  it  as  we  have  since 
done. 

Now  after  Sieur  de  Monts  had  conferred  with  me  several 
times  in  regard  to  his  purposes  concerning  the  exploration, 
he  resolved  to  continue  so  noble  and  meritorious  an  under- 
taking, notwithstanding  the  hardships  and  labors  of  the  past. 
He  honored  me  with  his  lieutenancy  for  the  voyage ; and,  in 
order  to  carry  out  his  purpose,  he  had  two  vessels  equipped, 
one  commanded  by  Pont  Gravd,  who  was  commissioned  to 
trade  with  the  savages  of  the  country  and  bring  back  the 
vessels,  while  I was  to  winter  in  the  country. 

Sieur  de  Monts,  for  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  expenses 
of  the  expedition,  obtained  letters  from  his  Majesty  for  one 
year,  by  which  all  persons  were  forbidden  to  traffic  in  peltry 
with  the  savages,  on  penalties  stated  in  the  following  com- 
mission : — 

Henry  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  France  and  Navarre, 
to  our  beloved  and  faithful  councillors,  the  officers  of  our  Admiralty 
in  Normandy,  Brittany,  and  Guienne,  bailiffs,  marshals,  prevosts, 
judges,  or  their  lieutenants,  and  to  each  one  of  them,  according  to 
his  authority,  throughout  the  extent  of  their  powers,  jurisdictions, 
and  precincts,  greeting : 

Acting  upon  the  information  which  has  been  given  us  by  those 
who  have  returned  from  New  France,  respecting  the  good  quality 
and  fertility  of  the  lands  of  that  country,  and  the  disposition  of  the 
people  to  accept  the  knowledge  of  God,  We  have  resolved  to  con- 
tinue the  settlement  previously  undertaken  there,  in  order  that  our 
subjects  may  go  there  to  trade  without  hinderance.  And  in  view 
of  the  proposition  to  us  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  Gentleman  in  Ordinary 
of  our  chamber,  and  our  Lieutenant-General  in  that  country,  to 
make  a settlement,  on  condition  of  our  giving  him  means  and  sup- 
plies for  sustaining  the  expense  of  it,  it  has  pleased  us  to  promise 
and  assure  him  that  none  of  our  subjects  but  himself  shall  be  per- 
mitted to  trade  in  peltry  and  other  merchandise,  for  the  period  of 
one  year  only,  in  the  lands,  regions,  harbors,  rivers,  and  highways 
throughout  the  extent  of  his  jurisdiction : this  We  desire  to  have 
fulfilled.  For  these  causes  and  other  considerations  impelling  us 
thereto,  We  command  and  decree  that  each  one  of  you,  throughout 


1608] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


123 


the  extent  of  your  powers,  jurisdictions,  and  precincts,  shall  act 
in  our  stead  and  carry  out  our  will  in  distinctly  prohibiting  and  for- 
bidding all  merchants,  masters,  and  captains  of  vessels,  also  sailors 
and  others  of  our  subjects,  of  whatever  rank  and  profession,  to  fit 
out  any  vessels,  in  which  to  go  themselves  or  send  others  in  order 
to  engage  in  trade  or  barter  in  peltry  and  other  things  with  the 
savages  of  New  France,  to  visit,  trade,  or  communicate  with  them 
during  the  space  of  one  year,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Sieur  de 
Monts,  on  penalty  of  disobedience,  and  the  entire  confiscation  of 
their  vessels,  supplies,  arms,  and  merchandise  for  the  benefit  of 
Sieur  de  Monts;  and,  in  order  that  the  punishment  of  their  dis- 
obedience may  be  assured,  you  will  allow,  as  We  have  and  do  allow, 
the  aforesaid  Sieur  de  Monts  or  his  lieutenants  to  seize,  apprehend, 
and  arrest  all  violators  of  our  present  prohibition  and  order,  also 
their  vessels,  merchandise,  arms,  supplies,  and  victuals,  in  order  to 
take  and  deliver  them  up  to  the  hands  of  justice,  so  that  action 
may  be  taken  not  only  against  the  persons,  but  also  the  property  of 
the  offenders,  as  the  case  shall  require.  This  is  our  will,  and  We 
bid  you  to  have  it  at  once  read  and  published  in  all  localities  and 
public  places  within  your  authority  and  jurisdiction,  as  you  may 
deem  necessary,  by  the  first  one  of  our  officers  or  sergeants  in  ac- 
cordance with  this  requisition,  by  virtue  of  these  presents,  or  a copy 
of  the  same,  properly  attested  once  only  by  one  of  our  well-beloved 
and  faithful  councillors,  notaries,  and  secretaries,  to  which  it  is 
Our  will  that  credence  should  be  given  as  to  the  present  original, 
in  order  that  none  of  our  subjects  may  claim  ground  for  ignorance, 
but  that  all  may  obey  and  act  in  accordance  with  Our  will  in  this 
matter.  We  order,  moreover,  all  captains  of  vessels,  mates,  and 
second  mates,  and  sailors  of  the  same,  and  others  on  board  of  ves- 
sels or  ships  in  the  ports  and  harbors  of  the  aforesaid  country,  to 
permit,  as  We  have  done,  Sieur  de  Monts,  and  others  possessing 
power  and  authority  from  him,  to  search  the  aforesaid  vessels  which 
shall  have  engaged  in  the  fur- trade  after  the  present  prohibition 
shall  have  been  made  known  to  them.  It  is  Our  will  that,  upon  the 
requisition  of  the  aforesaid  Sieur  de  Monts,  his  lieutenants,  and 
others  having  authority,  you  should  proceed  against  the  disobedient 
and  offenders,  as  the  case  may  require : to  this  end,  We  give  you 
power,  authority,  commission,  and  special  mandate,  notwith- 
standing the  act  of  our  Council  of  the  17th  day  of  July  last,  any 
hue  and  cry,  Norman  charter,  accusation,  objection,  or  appeals  of 


124  VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN  [1608 

whatsoever  kind;  on  account  of  which,  and  for  fear  of  disregarding 
which,  it  is  Our  will  that  there  should  be  no  delay,  and,  if  any  of 
these  occur,  We  have  withheld  and  reserved  cognizance  of  the  same 
to  Ourselves  and  our  Council,  apart  from  all  other  judges,  and  have 
forbidden  and  prohibited  the  same  to  all  our  courts  and  judges : for 
this  is  Our  pleasure. 

Given  at  Paris  the  seventh  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  grace, 
sixteen  hundred  and  eight,  and  the  nineteenth  of  Our  reign, 

Signed,  Henry. 

And  lower  down,  By  the  King,  Delomenie.  And  sealed 
with  the  single  label  of  the  great  seal  of  yellow  wax.1 

Collated  with  the  original  by  me,  Councillor,  Notary,  and 
Secretary  of  the  King. 

I proceeded  to  Honfleur  for  embarkation,  where  I found 
the  vessel  of  Pont  Grave  in  readiness.  He  left  port  on  the 
5th  of  April.  I did  so  on  the  13th,  arriving  at  the  Grand 
Bank  on  the  15th  of  May,  in  latitude  45°  15'.  On  the  26th, 
we  sighted  Cape  St.  Mary,  in  latitude  46°  45',  on  the  Island  of 
Newfoundland.  On  the  27th  of  the  month,  we  sighted  Cape 
St.  Lawrence,2  on  Cape  Breton,  and  also  the  Island  of  St. 
Paul,  distant  eighty-three  leagues  from  Cape  St.  Mary.  On  the 
30th,  we  sighted  Isle  Percee  and  Gaspe,  in  latitude  48°  40', 
distant  from  Cape  St.  Lawrence  from  seventy  to  seventy-five 
leagues. 

On  the  3d  of  June,  we  arrived  before  Tadoussac,  distant 
from  Gaspe  from  eighty  to  ninety  leagues;  and  we  anchored 
in  the  roadstead  of  Tadoussac,  a league  distant  from  the 
harbor,  which  latter  is  a kind  of  cove  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Saguenay,  where  the  tide  is  very  remarkable  on  ac- 
count of  its  rapidity,  and  where  there  are  sometimes  violent 

1 More  exactly,  “ sealed  on  a single  strip  [of  the  parchment  itself  on 
which  the  document  was  engrossed]  with  the  great  seal  in  yellow  wax.” 
Letters  patent  in  this  time  bore  the  king’s  signature,  the  countersignature 
of  his  secretary  after  the  words,  Par  le  roy , and  the  great  seal.  Letters 
patent  of  a permanent  nature  bore  the  impression  of  the  seal  in  green  wax ; 
those  of  a temporary  nature  generally  in  yellow  wax.  Giry,  Manuel  de 
Diplomatique,  pp.  628,  759,  771-774. 

2 Cape  North,  the  northernmost  point  of  Cape  Breton. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


125 


winds,  bringing  severe  cold.  It  is  maintained  that  from  the 
harbor  of  Tadoussac  it  is  some  forty-five  or  fifty  leagues  to 
the  first  fall  on  this  river,  which  comes  from  the  north-north- 
west. The  harbor  is  small,  and  can  accommodate  only  about 
twenty  vessels.  It  has  water  enough,  and  is  under  shelter 
of  the  river  Saguenay  and  a little  rocky  island,  which  is 
almost  cut  by  the  river;  elsewhere  there  are  very  high  moun- 
tains with  little  soil  and  only  rocks  and  sand,  thickly  covered 
with  such  wood  as  fir  and  birch.  There  is  a small  pond  near 
the  harbor,  shut  in  by  mountains  covered  with  wood.  There 
are  two  points  at  the  mouth : one  on  the  south-west  side,  ex- 
tending out  nearly  a league  into  the  sea,  called  Point  St. 
Matthew,  or  otherwise  Point  aux  Allouettes ; 1 and  another  on 
the  north-west  side,  extending  out  one-eighth  of  a league,  and 
called  Point  of  all  Devils,2  from  the  dangerous  nature  of  the 
place.  The  winds  from  the  south-south-east  strike  the  har- 
bor, which  are  not  to  be  feared ; but  those,  however,  from  the 
Saguenay  are.  The  two  points  above  mentioned  are  dry  at 
low  tide;  our  vessel  was  unable  to  enter  the  harbor,  as  the 
wind  and  tide  were  unfavorable.  I at  once  had  the  boat 
lowered,  in  order  to  go  to  the  port  and  ascertain  whether 
Pont  Grave  had  arrived.  While  on  the  way,  I met  a shallop 
with  the  pilot  of  Pont  Grave  and  a Basque,  who  came  to 
inform  me  of  what  had  happened  to  them  because  they  at- 
tempted to  hinder  the  Basque  vessels  from  trading,  according 
to  the  commission  obtained  by  Sieur  de  Monts  from  his  Maj- 
esty, that  no  vessels  should  trade  without  permission  of  Sieur 
de  Monts,  as  was  expressed  in  it;  and  that,  notwithstand- 
ing the  notifications  which  Pont  Grave  made  in  behalf  of  his 
Majesty,  they  did  not  desist  from  forcibly  carrying  on  their 
traffic;  and  that  they  had  used  their  arms  and  maintained 
themselves  so  well  in  their  vessel  that,  discharging  all  their 
cannon  upon  that  of  Pont  Grave,  and  letting  off  many  musket- 
shots,  he  was  severely  wounded,  together  with  three  of  his  men, 
one  of  whom  died,  Pont  Grave  meanwhile  making  no  resistance ; 

1 1.e.,  Lark  Point,  still  so  called. 

3 Now  known  as  Pointe  aux  Vaches. 


126 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


for  at  the  first  shower  of  musketry  he  was  struck  down.  The 
Basques  came  on  board  of  the  vessel  and  took  away  all  the 
cannon  and  arms,  declaring  that  they  would  trade,  notwith- 
standing the  prohibition  of  the  King,  and  that  when  they  were 
ready  to  set  out  for  France  they  would  restore  to  him  his  cannon 
and  ammunition,  and  that  they  were  keeping  them  in  order  to 
be  in  a state  of  security.  Upon  hearing  all  these  particulars, 
I was  greatly  annoyed  at  such  a beginning,  which  we  might 
have  easily  avoided. 

Now,  after  hearing  from  the  pilot  all  these  things  I asked 
him  why  the  Basque  had  come  on  board  of  our  vessel.  He 
told  me  that  he  came  in  behalf  of  their  master,  named  Darache, 
and  his  companions,  to  obtain  assurance  from  me  that  I would 
do  them  no  harm,  when  our  vessel  entered  the  harbor. 

I replied  that  I could  not  give  any  until  I had  seen  Pont 
Grave.  The  Basque  said  that,  if  I had  need  of  anything  in 
their  power,  they  would  assist  me  accordingly.  What  led  them 
to  use  this  language  was  simply  their  recognition  of  having 
done  wrong,  as  they  confessed,  and  the  fear  that  they  would 
not  be  permitted  to  engage  in  the  whale-fishery.  After  talk- 
ing at  length,  I went  ashore  to  see  Pont  Grave,  in  order  to 
deliberate  as  to  what  was  to  be  done.  I found  him  very  ill. 
He  related  to  me  in  detail  all  that  had  happened.  We  con- 
cluded that  we  could  only  enter  the  harbor  by  force,  and  that 
the  settlement  must  not  be  given  up  for  this  year,  so  that  we 
considered  it  best,  in  order  not  to  make  a bad  cause  out  of  a 
just  one,  and  thus  work  our  ruin,  to  give  them  assurances 
on  my  part  so  long  as  I should  remain  there,  and  that  Pont 
Grave  should  undertake  nothing  against  them,  but  that  justice 
should  be  done  in  France,  and  their  differences  should  be 
settled  there. 

Darache,  master  of  the  vessel,  begged  me  to  go  on  board, 
where  he  gave  me  a cordial  reception.  After  a long  confer- 
ence, I secured  an  agreement  between  Pont  Grave  and  him, 
and  required  him  to  promise  that  he  would  undertake  noth- 
ing against  Pont  Grave,  or  what  would  be  prejudicial  to  the 
King  and  Sieur  de  Monts;  that,  if  he  did  the  contrary,  I 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


127 


should  regard  my  promise  as  null  and  void.  This  was  agreed 
to,  and  signed  by  each. 

In  this  place  were  a number  of  savages  who  had  come  for 
traffic  in  furs,  several  of  whom  came  to  our  vessel  with  their 
canoes,  which  are  from  eight  to  nine  paces  long,  and  about  a 
pace  or  pace  and  a half  broad  in  the  middle,  growing  nar- 
rower towards  the  two  ends.  They  are  very  apt  to  turn 
over,  in  case  one  does  not  understand  managing  them,  and 
are  made  of  birch  bark,  strengthened  on  the  inside  by  little 
ribs  of  white  cedar,  very  neatly  arranged;  they  are  so  light 
that  a man  can  easily  carry  one.  Each  can  carry  a weight 
equal  to  that  of  a pipe.1  When  they  want  to  go  overland  to  a 
river  where  they  have  business,  they  carry  them  with  them. 
From  Chouacoet  along  the  coast  as  far  as  the  harbor  of  Tadous- 
sac,  they  are  all  alike. 


Chapter  2 

Of  the  River  Saguenay , and  the  savages  who  visited  us  there.  Of 
the  Island  of  Orleans , and  all  that  we  observed  there 
worthy  of  note. 

After  this  agreement,  I had  some  carpenters  set  to  work 
to  fit  up  a little  barque  of  twelve  or  fourteen  tons,  for  carrying 
all  that  was  needed  for  our  settlement,  which,  however,  could 
not  be  got  ready  before  the  last  of  June. 

Meanwhile,  I managed  to  visit  some  parts  of  the  river 
Saguenay,  a fine  river,  which  has  the  incredible  depth  of  some 
one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  fathoms.2  About  fifty 
leagues  3 from  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  there  is,  as  is  said,  a 
great  waterfall,  descending  from  a very  high  elevation  with 
great  impetuosity.  There  are  some  islands  in  this  river,  very 

1 A liquid  measure,  containing  from  400  to  700  quarts. 

2 Corrected  in  the  edition  of  1632  to  read  80  to  100.  The  deepest 
modern  soundings  give  146. 

3 The  Saguenay  is  navigable  71  miles  from  its  mouth  to  Chicoutimi. 
From  Lake  St.  John  to  its  mouthTthe  distance  is  112  miles. 


128 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


barren,  being  only  rocks  covered  with  small  firs  and  heathers. 
It  is  half  a league  broad  in  places,  and  a quarter  of  a league 
at  its  mouth,  where  the  current  is  so  strong  that  at  three- 
quarters  flood-tide  in  the  river  it  is  still  running  out.  All 
the  land  that  I have  seen  consists  only  of  mountains  and  rocky 
promontories,  for  the  most  part  covered  with  fir  and  birch, 
a very  unattractive  country  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  In  a 
word,  it  is  mere  wastes,  uninhabited  by  either  animals  or 
birds ; for,  going  out  hunting  in  places  which  seemed  to  me  the 
most  pleasant,  I found  only  some  very  small  birds,  such  as 
swallows  and  river  birds,  which  go  there  in  summer.  At  other 
times,  there  are  none  whatever,  in  consequence  of  the  excessive 
cold.  This  river  flows  from  the  north-west. 

The  savages  told  me  that,  after  passing  the  first  fall,  they 
meet  with  eight  others,  when  they  go  a day’s  journey  with- 
out finding  any.  Then  they  pass  ten  others,  and  enter  a lake,1 
which  they  are  three  days  in  crossing,  and  they  are  easily 
able  to  make  ten  leagues  a day  up  stream.  At  the  end  of  the 
lake  there  dwells  a migratory  people.  Of  the  three  rivers  2 
which  flow  into  this  lake,  one  comes  from  the  north,  very  near 
the  sea,  where  they  consider  it  much  colder  than  in  their  own 
country;  and  the  other  two  from  other  directions  in  the  in- 
terior, where  are  migratory  savages,  living  only  from  hunting, 
and  where  our  savages  carry  the  merchandise  we  give  them  for 
their  furs,  such  as  beaver,  marten,  lynx,  and  otter,  which  are 
found  there  in  large  numbers,  and  which  they  then  carry  to  our 
vessels.  These  people  of  the  north  report  to  our  savages  that 
they  see  the  salt  sea ; and,  if  that  is  true,  as  I think  it  certainly 
is,  it  can  be  nothing  but  a gulf  entering  the  interior  on  the 
north.3  The  savages  say  that  the  distance  from  the  north  sea 
to  the  port  of  Tadoussac  is  perhaps  forty-five  or  fifty  days’ 
journey,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulties  presented  by  the 

1 Lake  St.  John,  twenty-six  miles  by  twenty,  first  seen  by  Europeans  in 
1647. 

2 The  Peribonka,  Mistassini,  and  Ashuapmuchuan. 

3 Hudson's  Bay,  discovered  by  Henry  Hudson  in  1610.  Champlain 
had  heard  of  his  discoveries,  and  borrows  from  his  maps. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


129 


roads,  rivers,  and  country,  which  is  very  mountainous,  and 
where  there  is  snow  for  the  most  part  of  the  year.  This  is 
what  I have  definitely  ascertained  in  regard  to  this  river. 
I have  often  wished  to  explore  it,  but  could  not  do  so  without 
the  savages,  who  were  unwilling  that  I or  any  of  our  party 
should  accompany  them.  Nevertheless,  they  have  promised 
that  I shall  do  so.  This  exploration  would  be  desirable,  in 
order  to  remove  the  doubts  of  many  persons  in  regard  to  the 
existence  of  this  sea  on  the  north,  where  it  is  maintained  that 
the  English  have  gone  in  these  latter  years  to  find  a way  to 
China. 

I set  out  from  Tadoussac  the  last  day  of  the  month  to  go 
to  Quebec.  We  passed  near  an  island  called  Hare  Island,1 
distant  six  leagues  from  the  above-named  port:  it  is  two 
leagues  from  the  northern,  and  nearly  four  leagues  from  the 
southern  shore.  From  Hare  Island  we  proceeded  to  a little 
river,  dry  at  low  tide,  up  which  some  seven  hundred  or  eight 
hundred  paces  there  are  two  falls.  We  named  it  Salmon 
River,2  since  we  caught  some  of  these  fish  in  it.  Coasting 
along  the  north  shore,  we  came  to  a point  extending  into  the 
river,  which  we  called  Cap  Dauphin,3  distant  three  leagues 
from  Salmon  River.  Thence  we  proceeded  to  another,  which 
we  named  Eagle  Cape,4  distant  eight  leagues  from  Cap 
Dauphin.  Between  the  two  there  is  a large  bay,  at  the  ex- 
tremity of  which  is  a little  river  dry  at  low  tide.  From  Eagle 
Cape  we  proceeded  to  Isle  aux  Coudres,5 6  a good  league  dis- 
tant, which  is  about  a league  and  a half  long.  It  is  nearly 
level,  and  grows  narrower  towards  the  two  ends.  On  the 
western  end  there  are  meadows,  and  rocky  points  extending 
some  distance  out  into  the  river.  On  the  south-west  side  it 

1 Still  so  called.  The  name  was  given  by  Jacques  Cartier. 

2 Probably  Black  River,  two  leagues  from  Cape  Salmon. 

3 Now  Cape  Salmon. 

4 Now  Cap  aux  Oies,  or  Goose  Cape.  The  present  Eagle  Cape  (Cap  k 
PAigle)  is  only  about  two  leagues  from  Cape  Salmon.  Most  of  these  places 
still  retain  their  French  names,  owing  to  the  predominatingly  French  popula- 

tion of  the  province  of  Quebec. 

6 Still  so  called. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


is  very  reefy,  yet  very  pleasant  in  consequence  of  the  woods 
surrounding  it.  It  is  distant  about  half  a league  from  the 
northern  shore,  where  is  a little  river  extending  some  distance 
into  the  interior.  We  named  it  Riviere  du  Gouffre,1  since 
abreast  of  it  the  tide  runs  with  extraordinary  rapidity;  and, 
although  it  has  a calm  appearance,  it  is  always  much  agi- 
tated, the  depth  there  being  great : but  the  river  itself  is 
shallow,  and  there  are  many  rocks  at  and  about  its  mouth. 
Coasting  along  from  Isle  aux  Coudres,  we  reached  a cape 
which  we  named  Cap  de  Tourmente,2  five  leagues  distant ; and 
we  gave  it  this  name  because,  however  little  wind  there  may 
be,  the  water  rises  there  as  if  it  were  full  tide.  At  this  point, 
the  water  begins  to  be  fresh.  Thence  we  proceeded  to  the 
Island  of  Orleans,  a distance  of  two  leagues,  on  the  south 
side  of  which  are  numerous  islands,  low,  covered  with  trees 
and  very  pleasant,  with  large  meadows,  having  plenty  of 
game,  some  being,  so  far  as  I could  judge,  two  leagues  in 
length,  others  a trifle  more  or  less.  About  these  islands  are 
many  rocks,  also  very  dangerous  shallows,  some  two  leagues 
distant  from  the  main  land  on  the  south.  All  this  shore,  both 
north  and  south,  from  Tadoussac  to  the  Island  of  Orleans,  is 
mountainous,  and  the  soil  very  poor.  The  wood  is  pine,  fir, 
and  birch  only,  with  very  ugly  rocks,  so  that  in  most  places 
one  could  not  make  his  way. 

Now  we  passed  along  south  of  the  Island  of  Orleans,3 
which  is  a league  and  a half  distant  from  the  main  land  and  half 
a league  on  the  north  side,  being  six  leagues  in  length,  and  one 
in  breadth,  or  in  some  places  a league  and  a half.  On  the 
north  side,  it  is  very  pleasant,  on  account  of  the  great  extent 
of  woods  and  meadows  there ; but  it  is  very  dangerous  sailing, 
in  consequence  of  the  numerous  points  and  rocks  between 
the  main  land  and  island,  on  which  are  numerous  fine  oaks 
and  in  some  places  nut-trees,  and  on  the  borders  of  the  woods, 

1 1.e.,  Whirlpool  River,  still  so  called.  2 Still  so  called. 

3 Still  so  called.  Discovered  by  Cartier  in  1535,  and  named  the  Island 
of  Bacchus,  because  of  the  quantity  of  grapes  seen  growing.  See  Early 

English  and  French  Voyages , pp.  45-48. 


1608] 


THE  VOYAGES  OE  1608-1610 


131 


vines  and  other  trees  such  as  we  have  in  France.  This  place 
is  the  commencement  of  the  fine  and  fertile  country  of  the 
great  river,  and  is  distant  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues 
from  its  mouth.  Off  the  end  of  the  island  is  a torrrent  of 
water  on  the  north  shore,  proceeding  from  a lake  ten  leagues 
in  the  interior : it  comes  down  from  a height  of  nearly  twenty- 
five  fathoms,1  above  which  the  land  is  level  and  pleasant,  al- 
though farther  inland  are  seen  high  mountains  appearing  to  be 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  leagues  distant. 


Chapter  3 

Arrival  at  Quebec , where  we  constructed  our  place  of  abode;  its 
situation.  Conspiracy  against  the  service  of  the  King  and 
my  life  by  some  of  our  men.  Punishment  of  them , and 
all  that  transpired  in  the  affair. 

From  the  Island  of  Orleans  to  Quebec  2 the  distance  is  a 
league.  I arrived  there  on  the  3d  of  July,  when  I searched 
for  a place  suitable  for  our  settlement,  but  I could  find  none 
more  convenient  or  better  situated  than  the  point  of  Quebec, 
so  called  by  the  savages,  which  was  covered  with  nut-trees. 
I at  once  employed  a portion  of  our  workmen  in  cutting 
them  down,  that  we  might  construct  our  habitation  there: 
one  I set  to  sawing  boards,  another  to  making  a cellar  and  dig- 
ging ditches,  another  I sent  to  Tadoussac  with  the  barque  to 
get  supplies.  The  first  thing  we  made  was  the  storehouse  for 

1 The  Montmorency  Falls,  flowing  from  Snow  Lake,  some  fifty  miles  in 
the  interior.  Named  by  Champlain  after  the  Admiral,  Charles  de  Mont- 
morency, to  whom  he  dedicated  his  voyage  of  1603.  The  height  of  the  falls 
is  really  two  hundred  and  sixty-five  feet. 

2 Quebec,  an  Algonquin  word  meaning  “the  narrowing  of  the  waters.” 
In  Cartier’s  time,  it  was  called  by  the  Indians  Stadacone.  This  point, 
where  the  first  settlement  was  made,  was  “ close  to  the  place  where  the  Cham- 
plain Market  now  stands  in  the  lower  town  of  the  present  city,  and  partly 
on  the  site  now  occupied  by  the  Church  of  Notre  Dame  des  Victoires.”  S.  E. 
Dawson,  The  St.  Lawrence , p.  254. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


keeping  under  cover  our  supplies,  which  was  promptly  accom- 
plished through  the  zeal  of  all,  and  my  attention  to  the  work. 

Some  days  after  my  arrival  at  Quebec,  a locksmith  1 con- 
spired against  the  service  of  the  king.  His  plan  was  to  put 
me  to  death,  and,  getting  possession  of  our  fort,  to  put  it  into 
the  hands  of  the  Basques  or  Spaniards,  then  at  Tadoussac, 
beyond  which  vessels  cannot  go,  from  not  having  a knowledge 
of  the  route,  nor  of  the  banks  and  rocks  on  the  way. 

In  order  to  execute  his  wretched  plan,  by  which  he  hoped 
to  make  his  fortune,  he  suborned  four  of  the  worst  characters, 
as  he  supposed,  telling  them  a thousand  falsehoods,  and  pre- 
senting to  them  prospects  of  acquiring  riches. 

These  four  men,  having  been  won  over,  all  promised  to  act 
in  such  a manner  as  to  gain  the  rest  over  to  their  side;  so 
that,  for  the  time  being,  I had  no  one  with  me  in  whom  I could 
put  confidence,  which  gave  them  still  more  hope  of  making 
their  plan  succeed:  for  four  or  five  of  my  companions,  in 
whom  they  knew  that  I put  confidence,  were  on  board  of 
the  barques,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  provisions  and 
supplies  necessary  for  our  settlement. 

In  a word,  they  were  so  skilful  in  carrying  out  their  in- 
trigues with  those  who  remained,  that  they  were  on  the  point 
of  gaining  all  over  to  their  cause,  even  my  lackey,  promising 
them  many  things  which  they  could  not  have  fulfilled. 

Being  now  all  agreed,  they  made  daily  different  plans  as  to 
how  they  should  put  me  to  death,  so  as  not  to  be  accused  of 
it,  which  they  found  to  be  a difficult  thing.  But  the  devil 
blindfolding  them  all  and  taking  away  their  reason  and  every 
possible  difficulty,  they  determined  to  take  me  while  unarmed 
and  strangle  me ; or  to  give  a false  alarm  at  night,  and  shoot 
me  as  I went  out,  in  which  manner  they  judged  that  they 
would  accomplish  their  work  sooner  than  otherwise.  They 
made  a mutual  promise  not  to  betray  each  other,  on  penalty 
that  the  first  one  who  opened  his  mouth  should  be  poniarded. 
They  were  to  execute  their  plan  in  four  days,  before  the 

1 He  was  the  one  survivor  of  the  five  who  had  been  attacked  by  the 
Indians  on  the  coast  of  Massachusetts.  See  p.  99,  and  Lescarbot  (iv.,  xvi.). 


1608] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


133 


arrival  of  our  barques,  otherwise  they  would  have  been  unable 
to  carry  out  their  scheme. 

On  this  very  day,  one  of  our  barques  arrived,  with  our 
pilot,  Captain  Testu,  a very  discreet  man.  After  the  barque 
was  unloaded,  and  ready  to  return  to  Tadoussac,  there  came 
to  him  a locksmith,  named  Natel,  an  associate  of  Jean  du  Val, 
the  head  of  the  conspiracy,  who  told  him  that  he  had  prom- 
ised the  rest  to  do  just  as  they  did;  but  that  he  did  not  in 
fact  desire  the  execution  of  the  plot,  yet  did  not  dare  to  make 
a disclosure  in  regard  to  it,  from  fear  of  being  poniarded. 

Antoine  Natel  made  the  pilot  promise  that  he  would  make 
no  disclosure  in  regard  to  what  he  should  say,  since,  if  his 
companions  should  discover  it,  they  would  put  him  to  death. 
The  pilot  gave  him  his  assurance  in  all  particulars,  and  asked 
him  to  state  the  character  of  the  plot  which  they  wished  to 
carry  out.  This  Natel  did  at  length,  when  the  pilot  said  to 
him:  “My  friend,  you  have  done  well  to  disclose  such  a ma- 
licious design,  and  you  show  that  you  are  an  upright  man,  and 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  But  these  things 
cannot  be  passed  by  without  bringing  them  to  the  knowledge 
of  Sieur  de  Champlain,  that  he  may  make  provision  against 
them;  and  I promise  you  that  I will  prevail  upon  him  to 
pardon  you  and  the  rest.  And  I will  at  once,”  said  the  pilot, 
“go  to  him  without  exciting  any  suspicion;  and  do  you  go 
about  your  business,  listening  to  all  they  may  say,  and  not 
troubling  yourself  about  the  rest.” 

The  pilot  came  at  once  to  me,  in  a garden  which  I was 
having  prepared,  and  said  that  he  wished  to  speak  to  me  in  a 
private  place,  where  we  could  be  alone.  I readily  assented, 
and  we  went  into  the  wood,  where  he  related  to  me  the  whole 
affair.  I asked  who  had  told  it  to  him.  He  begged  me  to 
pardon  him  who  had  made  the  disclosure,  which  I consented 
to  do,  although  he  ought  to  have  addressed  himself  to  me. 
He  was  afraid,  he  replied,  that  you  would  become  angry,  and 
harm  him.  I told  him  that  I was  able  to  govern  myself 
better  than  that,  in  such  a matter;  and  desired  him  to  have 
the  man  come  to  me,  that  I might  hear  his  statement.  He 


134 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


went,  and  brought  him  all  trembling  with  fear  lest  I should 
do  him  some  harm.  I reassured  him,  telling  him  not  to  be 
afraid;  that  he  was  in  a place  of  safety,  and  that  I should 
pardon  him  for  all  that  he  had  done,  together  with  the  others, 
provided  he  would  tell  me  in  full  the  truth  in  regard  to  the 
whole  matter,  and  the  motive  which  had  impelled  them  to  it. 
“Nothing,”  he  said,  “had  impelled  them,  except  that  they 
had  imagined  that,  by  giving  up  the  place  into  the  hands  of 
the  Basques  or  Spaniards,  they  might  all  become  rich,  and 
that  they  did  not  want  to  go  back  to  France.”  He  also  re- 
lated to  me  the  remaining  particulars  in  regard  to  their  con- 
spiracy. 

After  having  heard  and  questioned  him,  I directed  him  to 
go  about  his  work.  Meanwhile,  I ordered  the  pilot  to  bring 
up  his  shallop,  which  he  did.  Then  I gave  two  bottles  of 
wine  to  a young  man,  directing  him  to  say  to  these  four 
worthies,  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy,  that  it  was  a present 
of  wine,  which  his  friends  at  Tadoussac  had  given  him,  and 
that  he  wished  to  share  it  with  them.  This  they  did  not 
decline,  and  at  evening  were  on  board  the  barque  where  he 
was  to  give  them  the  entertainment.  I lost  no  time  in  going 
there  shortly  after;  and  caused  them  to  be  seized,  and  held 
until  the  next  day. 

Then  were  my  worthies  astonished  indeed.  I at  once  had 
all  get  up,  for  it  was  about  ten  o’clock  in  the  evening,  and 
pardoned  them  all,  on  condition  that  they  would  disclose  to 
me  the  truth  in  regard  to  all  that  had  occurred;  which  they 
did,  when  I had  them  retire. 

The  next  day  I took  the  depositions  of  all,  one  after  the 
other,  in  the  presence  of  the  pilot  and  sailors  of  the  vessel, 
which  I had  put  down  in  writing ; and  they  were  well  pleased, 
as  they  said,  since  they  had  lived  only  in  fear  of  each  other, 
especially  of  the  four  knaves  who  had  ensnared  them.  But 
now  they  lived  in  peace,  satisfied,  as  they  declared,  with  the 
treatment  which  they  had  received. 

The  same  day  I had  six  pairs  of  handcuffs  made  for  the 
authors  of  the  conspiracy:  one  for  our  surgeon,  named  Bon- 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


135 


nerme,  one  for  another,  named  La  Taille,  whom  the  four 
conspirators  had  accused,  which,  however,  proved  false,  and 
consequently  they  were  given  their  liberty. 

This  being  done,  I took  my  worthies  to  Tadoussac,  begging 
Pont  Grave  to  do  me  the  favor  of  guarding  them,  since  I 
had  as  yet  no  secure  place  for  keeping  them,  and  as  we  were 
occupied  in  constructing  our  places  of  abode.  Another  ob- 
ject was  to  consult  with  him,  and  others  on  the  ship,  as  to 
what  should  be  done  in  the  premises.  We  suggested  that, 
after  he  had  finished  his  work  at  Tadoussac,  he  should  come  to 
Quebec  with  the  prisoners,  where  we  should  have  them  con- 
fronted with  their  witnesses,  and,  after  giving  them  a hearing, 
order  justice  to  be  done  according  to  the  offence  which  they  had 
committed. 

I went  back  the  next  day  to  Quebec,  to  hasten  the  com- 
pletion of  our  storehouse,  so  as  to  secure  our  provisions, 
which  had  been  misused  by  all  those  scoundrels,  who  spared 
nothing,  without  reflecting  how  they  could  find  more  when 
these  failed;  for  I could  not  obviate  the  difficulty  until  the 
storehouse  should  be  completed  and  shut  up. 

Pont  Grave  arrived  some  time  after  me,  with  the  prisoners, 
which  caused  uneasiness  to  the  workmen  who  remained,  since 
they  feared  that  I should  pardon  them,  and  that  they  would 
avenge  themselves  upon  them  for  revealing  their  wicked 
design. 

We  had  them  brought  face  to  face,  and  they  affirmed 
before  them  all  which  they  had  stated  in  their  depositions,  the 
prisoners  not  denying  it,  but  admitting  that  they  had  acted 
in  a wicked  manner,  and  should  be  punished,  unless  mercy 
might  be  exercised  towards  them;  accusing,  above  all,  Jean 
du  Val,  who  had  been  trying  to  lead  them  into  such  a con- 
spiracy from  the  time  of  their  departure  from  France.  Du 
Val  knew  not  what  to  say,  except  that  he  deserved  death, 
that  all  stated  in  the  depositions  was  true,  and  that  he  begged 
for  mercy  upon  himself  and  the  others,  who  had  given  in 
their  adherence  to  his  pernicious  purposes. 

After  Pont  Grave  and  I,  the  captain  of  the  vessel,  surgeon, 


136 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


mate,  second  mate,  and  other  sailors,  had  heard  their  deposi- 
tions and  face  to  face  statements,  we  adjudged  that  it  would 
be  enough  to  put  to  death  Du  Val,  as  the  instigator  of  the  con- 
spiracy ; and  that  he  might  serve  as  an  example  to  those  who 
remained,  leading  them  to  deport  themselves  correctly  in 
future,  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty ; and  that  the  Spaniards 
and  Basques,  of  whom  there  were  large  numbers  in  the  coun- 
try, might  not  glory  in  the  event.  We  adjudged  that  the 
three  others  be  condemned  to  be  hung,  but  that  they  should 
be  taken  to  France  and  put  into  the  hands  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
that  such  ample  justice  might  be  done  them  as  he  should  rec- 
ommend ; that  they  should  be  sent  with  all  the  evidence  and 
their  sentence,  as  well  as  that  of  Jean  du  Val,  who  was  strangled 
and  hung  at  Quebec,  and  his  head  was  put  on  the  end  of  a pike, 
to  be  set  up  in  the  most  conspicuous  place  on  our  fort. 


Chapter  4 

Return  of  Pont  Grave  to  France . Description  of  our  quarters 
and  the  place  where  Jacques  Cartier  stayed  in  1535. 

After  all  these  occurrences,  Pont  Grav6  set  out  from  Quebec, 
on  the  18th  of  September,  to  return  to  France  with  the  three 
prisoners.  After  he  had  gone,  all  who  remained  conducted 
themselves  correctly  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty. 

I had  the  work  on  our  quarters  continued,  which  was 
composed  of  three  buildings  of  two  stories.  Each  one  was 
three  fathoms  long,  and  two  and  a half  wide.  The  store- 
house was  six  fathoms  long  and  three  wide,  with  a fine  cellar 
six  feet  deep.  I had  a gallery  made  all  around  our  buildings, 
on  the  outside,  at  the  second  story,  which  proved  very  con- 
venient. There  were  also  ditches,  fifteen  feet  wide  and  six 
deep.  On  the  outer  side  of  the  ditches,  I constructed  several 
spurs,  which  enclosed  a part  of  the  dwelling,  at  the  points 
where  we  placed  our  cannon.  Before  the  habitation  there  is 
a place  four  fathoms  wide  and  six  or  seven  long,  looking  out 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


137 


upon  the  river-bank.  Surrounding  the  habitation  are  very 
good  gardens,  and  a place  on  the  north  side  some  hundred  or 
hundred  and  twenty  paces  long  and  fifty  or  sixty  wide.  More- 
over, near  Quebec,  there  is  a little  river,  coming  from  a lake 
in  the  interior,  distant  six  or  seven  leagues  from  our  settle- 
ment. I am  of  opinion  that  this  river,1  which  is  north  a quar- 
ter north-west  from  our  settlement,  is  the  place  where  Jacques 
Cartier  wintered,  since  there  are  still,  a league  up  the  river, 
remains  of  what  seems  to  have  been  a chimney,  the  founda- 
tion of  which  has  been  found,  and  indications  of  there  having 
been  ditches  surrounding  their  dwelling,  which  was  small. 
We  found,  also,  large  pieces  of  hewn,  worm-eaten  timber, 
and  some  three  or  four  cannon-balls.  All  these  things  show 
clearly  that  there  was  a settlement  there  founded  by  Chris- 
tians ; and  what  leads  me  to  say  and  believe  that  it  was  that  of 
Jacques  Cartier  is  the  fact  that  there  is  no  evidence  whatever 
that  any  one  wintered  and  built  a house  in  these  places  except 
Jacques  Cartier,  at  the  time  of  his  discoveries.  This  place, 
as  I think,  must  have  been  called  St.  Croix,  as  he  named  it; 
which  name  has  since  been  transferred  to  another  place  fifteen 
leagues  west  of  our  settlement.  But  there  is  no  evidence  of  his 
having  wintered  in  the  place  now  called  St.  Croix,  nor  in  any 
other  there,  since  in  this  direction  there  is  no  river  or  other  place 
large  enough  for  vessels  except  the  main  river  or  that  of  which 
I spoke  above ; here  there  is  half  a fathom  of  water  at  low  tide, 
many  rocks,  and  a bank  at  the  mouth ; for  vessels,  if  kept  in 
the  main  river,  where  there  are  strong  currents  and  tides,  and 
ice  in  the  winter,  drifting  along,  would  run  the  risk  of  being 
lost;  especially  as  there  is  a sandy  point  extending  out  into 
the  river,  and  filled  with  rocks,  between  which  we  have  found, 
within  the  last  three  years,  a passage  not  before  discovered; 
but  one  must  go  through  cautiously,  in  consequence  of  the 
dangerous  points  there.  This  place  is  exposed  to  the  north- 
west winds;  and  the  river  runs  as  if  it  wTere  a fall,  the  tide 
ebbing  two  and  a half  fathoms.  There  are  no  signs  of  buildings 

1 Now  the  St.  Charles,  called  by  Jacques  Cartier  the  St.  Croix.  Early 
English  and  French  Voyages,  pp.  70,  75. 


138 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1635 


here,  nor  any  indications  that  a man  of  judgment  would  settle 
in  this  place,  there  being  many  other  better  ones,  in  case  one 
were  obliged  to  make  a permanent  stay.  I have  been  desirous 
of  speaking  at  length  on  this  point,  since  many  believe  that 
the  abode  of  Jacques  Cartier  was  here,  which  I do  not  believe, 
for  the  reasons  here  given ; for  Cartier  would  have  left  to  pos- 
terity a narrative  of  the  matter,  as  he  did  in  the  case  of  all  he 
saw  and  discovered;  and  I maintain  that  my  opinion  is  the 
true  one,  as  can  be  shown  by  the  history  which  he  has  left  in 
writing.1 

As  still  farther  proof  that  this  place  now  called  St.  Croix  is 
not  the  place  where  Jacques  Cartier  wintered,  as  most  persons 
think,  this  is  what  he  says  about  it  in  his  discoveries,  taken 
from  his  history;  namely,  that  he  arrived  at  the  Isle  aux 
Coudres  on  the  5th  of  December,2  1535,  which  he  called  by 
this  name,  as  hazel-nuts  were  found  there.  There  is  a strong 
tidal  current  in  this  place ; and  he  says  that  it  is  three  leagues 
long,  but  it  is  quite  enough  to  reckon  a league  and  a half. 
On  the  7th  of  the  month,  Notre  Dame  Day,3  he  set  out  from 
this  island  to  go  up  the  river,  in  which  he  saw  fourteen  islands, 
distant  seven  or  eight  leagues  from  Isle  aux  Coudres  on  the 
south.  He  errs  somewhat  in  this  estimation,  for  it  is  not 
more  than  three  leagues.4  He  also  says  that  the  place  where 
the  islands  are  is  the  commencement  of  the  land  or  province 
of  Canada,  and  that  he  reached  an  island  ten  leagues  long  and 
five  wide,  where  extensive  fisheries  are  carried  on,  fish  being 
here,  in  fact,  very  abundant,  especially  the  sturgeon.  But 
its  length  is  not  more  than  six  leagues,  and  its  breadth  two; 
a fact  well  recognized  now.  He  says  also  that  he  anchored 


1 Champlain  is  obviously  correct,  though  a century  later  the  Jesuit 
Charlevoix,  in  his  Histoire  Generate  de  la  Nouvelle  France , sustains  the  con- 
trary opinion. 

2 This  should  read  September  6.  See  Early  English  and  French  Voyages, 
p.  45. 

3 September  7 is  not  the  day  of  Our  Lady,  but  the  even  or  vigil  before  it. 

4 Cartier  is  really  the  more  correct  of  the  two,  for  though  the  islands  are 
only  three  leagues  higher  up  the  river  than  Isle  aux  Coudres,  they  lie  so  far 
in  to  the  north  shore  that  the  distance  is  practically  as  stated  by  Cartier. 


1535] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


139 


between  this  island  and  the  main  land  on  the  north,  the  smallest 
passage,  and  a dangerous  one,  where  he  landed  two  savages 
whom  he  had  taken  to  France,  and  that,  after  stopping  in  this 
place  some  time  with  the  people  of  the  country,  he  sent  for  his 
barques  and  went  farther  up  the  river,  with  the  tide,  seeking 
a harbor  and  place  of  security  for  his  ships.  He  says,  farther, 
that  they  went  on  up  the  river,  coasting  along  this  island,  the 
length  of  which  he  estimates  at  ten  leagues ; and  after  it  was 
passed  they  found  a very  fine  and  pleasant  bay,  containing  a 
little  river  and  bar  harbor,  which  they  found  very  favorable 
for  sheltering  their  vessels.  This  they  named  St.  Croix,  since 
he  arrived  there  on  this  day ; 1 and  at  the  time  of  the  voyage 
of  Cartier  the  place  was  called  Stadaca,2  but  we  now  call 
it  Quebec.  He  says,  also,  that  after  he  had  examined  this 
place  he  returned  to  get  his  vessels  for  passing  the  winter 
there. 

Now  we  may  conclude,  accordingly,  that  the  distance  is 
only  five  leagues  3 from  the  Isle  aux  Coudres  to  the  Isle  of 
Orleans,  at  the  western  extremity  of  which  the  river  is  very 
broad ; and  at  which  bay,  as  Cartier  calls  it,  there  is  no  other 
river  than  that  which  he  called  St.  Croix,  a good  league  dis- 
tant from  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  in  which,  at  low  tide,  there 
is  only  half  a fathom  of  water.  It  is  very  dangerous  for 
vessels  at  its  mouth,  there  being  a large  number  of  spurs; 
that  is,  rocks  scattered  here  and  there.  It  is  accordingly 
necessary  to  place  buoys  in  order  to  enter,  there  being,  as  I 
have  stated,  three  fathoms  of  water  at  ordinary  tides,  and 
four  fathoms,  or  four  and  a half  generally,  at  the  great  tides 
at  full  flood.  It  is  only  fifteen  hundred  paces  from  our  habita- 
tion, which  is  higher  up  the  river;  and,  as  I have  stated, 
there  is  no  other  river  up  to  the  place  now  called  St.  Croix, 
where  vessels  can  lie,  there  being  only  little  brooks.  The 
shores  are  flat  and  dangerous,  which  Cartier  does  not  mention 
until  the  time  that  he  sets  out  from  St.  Croix,  now  called 

1 1.e.,  September  14,  the  day  on  which  the  exaltation  of  the  Holy  Cross 
is  celebrated. 

2 Stadacone.  3 It  is  at  least  twenty-six  nautical  miles. 


140 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


Quebec,  where  he  left  his  vessels,  and  built  his  place  of  abode, 
as  is  seen  from  what  follows. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  he  set  out  from  St.  Croix 
where  his  vessels  were,  setting  sail  with  the  tide  up  the  river, 
which  they  found  very  pleasant,  as  well  on  account  of  the 
woods,  vines,  and  dwellings,  which  were  there  in  his  time,  as 
for  other  reasons.  They  cast  anchor  twenty-five  leagues 
from  the  entrance  to  the  land  of  Canada ; 1 that  is,  at  the 
western  extremity  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  so  called  by  Cartier. 
What  is  now  called  St.  Croix  was  then  called  Achelacy,  at 
a narrow  pass  where  the  river  is  very  swift  and  dangerous  on 
account  of  the  rocks  and  other  things,  and  which  can  only 
be  passed  at  flood-tide.  Its  distance  from  Quebec  and  the 
river  where  Cartier  wintered  is  fifteen  leagues. 

Now,  throughout  the  entire  extent  of  this  river,  from 
Quebec  to  the  great  fall,  there  are  no  narrows  except  at  the 
place  now  called  St.  Croix,  the  name  of  which  has  been  trans- 
ferred from  one  place  to  another  one,  which  is  very  danger- 
ous, as  my  description  shows.  And  it  is  very  apparent, 
from  his  narrative,  that  this  was  not  the  site  of  his  habitation, 
as  is  claimed ; but  that  the  latter  was  near  Quebec,  and  that 
no  one  had  entered  into  a special  investigation  of  this  matter 
before  my  doing  so  in  my  voyages.  For  the  first  time  I was 
told  that  he  dwelt  in  this  place,  I was  greatly  astonished,  find- 
ing no  trace  of  a river  for  vessels,  as  he  states  there  was. 
This  led  me  to  make  a careful  examination,  in  order  to  re- 
move the  suspicion  and  doubt  of  many  persons  in  regard  to  the 
matter. 

While  the  carpenters,  sawers  of  boards,  and  other  work- 
men were  employed  on  our  quarters,  I set  all  the  others  to 
work  clearing  up  around  our  place  of  abode,  in  preparation 
for  gardens  in  which  to  plant  grain  and  seeds,  that  we 

1 Cartier  distinguishes  clearly  the  three  realms  of  Canada  (about  Quebec), 
Hochelaga  (about  Montreal),  and  Saguenay.  He  represents  Canada  as  be- 
ginning at  the  Isle  aux  Coudres.  Under  the  French,  Canada  assumed  a wider 
though  indeterminate  meaning,  its  limits  being  the  cause  of  frequent  quar- 
rels with  the  English  colonies  to  the  south. 


1608] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


141 


might  see  how  they  would  flourish,  as  the  soil  seemed  to  be 
very  good. 

Meanwhile,  a large  number  of  savages  were  encamped  in 
cabins  near  us,  engaged  in  fishing  for  eels,  which  begin  to 
come  about  the  15th  of  September,  and  go  away  on  the  15th 
of  October.  During  this  time,  all  the  savages  subsist  on  this 
food,  and  dry  enough  of  it  for  the  winter  to  last  until  the  month 
of  February,  when  there  are  about  two  and  a half,  or  at  most 
three,  feet  of  snow;  and,  when  their  eels  and  other  things 
which  they  dry  have  been  prepared,  they  go  to  hunt  the 
beaver  until  the  beginning  of  January.  At  their  departure 
for  this  purpose,  they  intrusted  to  us  all  their  eels  and  other 
things,  until  their  return,  which  was  on  the  15th  of  December. 
But  they  did  not  have  great  success  in  the  beaver-hunt,  as 
the  amount  of  water  was  too  great,  the  rivers  having  overrun 
their  banks,  as  they  told  us.  I returned  to  them  all  their 
supplies,  which  lasted  them  only  until  the  20th  of  January. 
When  their  supply  of  eels  gave  out,  they  hunted  the  elk  and 
such  other  wild  beasts  as  they  could  find  until  spring,  when  I 
was  able  to  supply  them  with  various  things.  I paid  especial 
attention  to  their  customs.1 

These  people  suffer  so  much  from  lack  of  food  that  they 
are  sometimes  obliged  to  live  on  certain  shell-fish,  and  eat 
their  dogs  and  the  skins  with  which  they  clothe  themselves 
against  the  cold.  I am  of  opinion  that,  if  one  were  to  show 
them  how  to  live,  and  teach  them  the  cultivation  of  the  soil 
and  other  things,  they  would  learn  very  aptly.  For  many  of 
them  possess  good  sense,  and  answer  properly  questions  put  to 
them.  They  have  a bad  habit  of  taking  vengeance,  and  are 
great  liars,  and  you  must  not  put  much  reliance  on  them,  ex- 
cept judiciously,  and  with  force  at  hand.  They  make  prom- 
ises readily,  but  keep  their  word  poorly.  The  most  of  them 
observe  no  law  at  all,  so  far  as  I have  been  able  to  see,  and 
are,  besides,  full  of  superstitions.  I asked  them  with  what 
ceremonies  they  were  accustomed  to  pray  to  their  God,  when 

1 The  account  which  follows  is  largely  taken  from  ch.  in.  of  the  voyage 
of  1603. 


142 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1608 


they  replied  that  they  had  none,  but  that  each  prayed  to  him 
in  his  heart,  as  he  wished.  That  is  why  there  is  no  law  among 
them,  and  they  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  worship  and  pray 
to  God,  living  as  they  do  like  brute  beasts.  But  I think  that 
they  would  soon  become  good  Christians,  if  people  would  come 
and  inhabit  their  country,  which  they  are  for  the  most  part 
desirous  of.  There  are  some  savages  among  them,  called  by 
them  Pilotois,  whom  they  believe  to  have  intercourse  with  the 
devil  face  to  face,  who  tells  them  what  they  must  do  in  regard 
to  war  and  other  things ; and,  if  he  should  order  them  to  exe- 
cute any  undertaking,  they  would  obey  at  once.  So,  also,  they 
believe  that  all  their  dreams  are  true ; and,  in  fact,  there  are 
many  who  say  that  they  have  had  visions  and  dreams  about 
matters  which  actually  come  to  pass  or  will  do  so.  But,  to 
tell  the  truth,  these  are  diabolical  visions,  through  which  they 
are  deceived  and  misled.  This  is  all  I have  been  able  to 
learn  about  their  brutish  faith.  All  these  people  are  well 
proportioned  in  body,  without  deformity,  and  are  agile.  The 
women,  also,  are  well-formed,  plump,  and  of  a swarthy  color,  in 
consequence  of  certain  pigments  with  which  they  rub  them- 
selves, and  which  give  them  a permanent  olive  color.  They 
are  dressed  in  skins : a part  only  of  the  body  is  covered.  But 
in  winter  they  are  covered  throughout,  in  good  furs  of  elk, 
otter,  beaver,  bear,  seals,  deer,  and  roe,  of  which  they  have  large 
quantities.  In  winter,  when  the  snow  is  deep,  they  make  a 
sort  of  snow-shoe  of  large  size,  two  or  three  times  as  large  as 
that  used  in  France,  which  they  attach  to  their  feet,  thus  going 
over  the  snow  without  sinking  in;  otherwise,  they  could  not 
hunt  or  walk  in  many  places.  They  have  a sort  of  marriage, 
which  is  as  follows : When  a girl  is  fourteen  or  fifteen  years 
old,  and  has  several  suitors,  she  may  keep  company  with  all  she 
likes.  At  the  end  of  five  or  six  years,  she  takes  the  one  that 
pleases  her  for  her  husband,  and  they  live  together  to  the  end 
of  their  lives.  But  if,  after  living  some  time  together,  they 
have  no  children,  the  man  can  disunite  himself  and  take 
another  woman,  alleging  that  his  own  is  good  for  nothing. 
Hence,  the  girls  have  greater  freedom  than  the  married  women. 


1608] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


143 


After  marriage,  the  women  are  chaste,  and  their  husbands 
generally  jealous.  They  give  presents  to  the  fathers  or  rela- 
tives of  the  girls  they  have  wedded.  These  are  the  ceremo- 
nies and  forms  observed  in  their  marriages.  In  regard  to 
their  burials:  When  a man  or  a woman  dies,  they  dig  a pit, 
in  which  they  put  all  their  property,  as  kettles,  furs,  axes, 
bows,  arrows,  robes,  and  other  things.  Then  they  place  the 
body  in  the  pit  and  cover  it  with  earth,  putting  on  top  many 
large  pieces  of  wood,  and  another  piece  upright,  painted  red 
on  the  upper  part.  They  believe  in  the  immortality  of  the 
soul,  and  say  that  they  shall  be  happy  in  other  lands  with  their 
relatives  and  friends  who  are  dead.  In  the  case  of  captains 
or  others  of  some  distinction,  they  celebrate  a banquet  three 
times  a year  after  their  death,  singing  and  dancing  about  the 
grave. 

All  the  time  they  were  with  us,  which  was  the  most  secure 
place  for  them,  they  did  not  cease  to  fear  their  enemies  1 to 
such  an  extent  that  they  often  at  night  became  alarmed  while 
dreaming,  and  sent  their  wives  and  children  to  our  fort,  the 
gates  of  which  I had  opened  to  them,  allowing  the  men  to 
remain  about  the  fort,  but  not  permitting  them  to  enter,  for 
their  persons  were  thus  as  much  in  security  as  if  they  had 
been  inside.  I also  had  five  or  six  of  our  men  go  out  to  reas- 
sure them,  and  to  go  and  ascertain  whether  they  could  see 
anything  in  the  woods,  in  order  to  quiet  them.  They  are 
very  timid  and  in  great  dread  of  their  enemies,  scarcely  ever 
sleeping  in  repose  in  whatever  place  they  may  be,  although  I 
constantly  reassured  them,  so  far  as  I could,  urging  them  to 
do  as  we  did ; namely,  that  they  should  have  a portion  watch 
while  the  others  slept,  that  each  one  should  have  his  arms  in 
readiness  like  him  who  was  keeping  watch,  and  that  they 
should  not  regard  dreams  as  the  actual  truth  to  be  relied 
upon,  since  they  are  mostly  only  false,  to  which  I also  added 
other  words  on  the  same  subject.  But  these  remonstrances 
were  of  little  avail  with  them,  and  they  said  that  we  knew 


1 1.e.,  the  Iroquois. 


144 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


better  than  they  how  to  keep  guard  against  all  things;  and 
that  they,  in  course  of  time,  if  we  continued  to  stay  with 
them,  would  be  able  to  learn  it. 

Chapter  5 

Seeds  and  vines  planted  at  Quebec . Commencement  of  the  winter 
and  ice . Extreme  destitution  of  certain  Indians . 

On  the  1st  of  October,  I had  some  wheat  sown,  and  on  the 
15th  some  rye.  On  the  3d,  there  was  a white  frost  in  some 
places,  and  the  leaves  of  the  trees  began  to  fall  on  the  15th. 
On  the  24th,  I had  some  native  vines  set  out,  which  flourished 
very  well.  But,  after  leaving  the  settlement  to  go  to  France, 
they  were  all  spoiled  from  lack  of  attention,  at  which  I was 
much  troubled  on  my  return.  On  the  18th  of  November,  there 
was  a great  fall  of  snow,  which  remained  only  two  days  on  the 
ground,  during  which  time  there  was  a violent  gale  of  wind. 
There  died  during  this  month  a sailor  and  our  locksmith1 
of  dysentery,  so  also  many  Indians  from  eating  eels  badly 
cooked,  as  I think.  On  the  5th  of  February,  it  snowed  vio- 
lently, and  the  wind  was  high  for  two  days.  On  the  20th, 
some  Indians  appeared  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  calling  to 
us  to  go  to  their  assistance,  which  was  beyond  our  power,  on 
account  of  the  large  amount  of  ice  drifting  in  the  river.  Hun- 
ger pressed  upon  these  poor  wretches  so  severely  that,  not 
knowing  what  to  do,  they  resolved,  men,  women,  and  children, 
to  cross  the  river  or  die,  hoping  that  I should  assist  them  in 
their  extreme  want.  Having  accordingly  made  this  resolve, 
the  men  and  women  took  the  children  and  embarked  in  their 
canoes,  thinking  that  they  could  reach  our  shore  by  an  opening 
in  the  ice  made  by  the  wind ; but  they  were  scarcely  in  the 
middle  of  the  stream  when  their  canoes  were  caught  by  the  ice 
and  broken  into  a thousand  pieces.  But  they  were  skilful 

1 Probably  the  informer  Natel.  See  p.  133. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OE  1608-1610 


145 


enough  to  throw  themselves  with  the  children,  which  the 
women  carried  on  their  backs,  on  a large  piece  of  ice.  As  they 
were  on  it,  we  heard  them  crying  out  so  that  it  excited  intense 
pity,  as  before  them  there  seemed  nothing  but  death.  But 
fortune  was  so  favorable  to  these  poor  wretches  that  a large 
piece  of  ice  struck  against  the  side  of  that  on  which  they  were, 
so  violently  as  to  drive  them  ashore.  On  seeing  this  favorable 
turn,  they  reached  the  shore  with  as  much  delight  as  they  ever 
experienced,  notwithstanding  the  great  hunger  from  which 
they  were  suffering.  They  proceeded  to  our  abode,  so  thin 
and  haggard  that  they  seemed  like  mere  skeletons,  most  of  them 
not  being  able  to  hold  themselves  up.  I was  astonished  to  see 
them,  and  observe  the  manner  in  which  they  had  crossed,  in 
view  of  their  being  so  feeble  and  weak.  I ordered  some  bread 
and  beans  to  be  given  them.  So  great  was  their  impatience 
to  eat  them,  that  they  could  not  wait  to  have  them  cooked. 
I lent  them  also  some  bark,  which  other  savages  had  given  me, 
to  cover  their  cabins.  As  they  were  making  their  cabin,  they 
discovered  a piece  of  carrion,  which  I had  had  thrown  out 
nearly  two  months  before  to  attract  the  foxes,  of  which  we 
caught  black  and  red  ones,  like  those  in  France,  but  with 
heavier  fur.  This  carrion  consisted  of  a sow  and  a dog,  which 
had  sustained  all  the  rigors  of  the  weather,  hot  and  cold. 
When  the  weather  was  mild,  it  stank  so  badly  that  one  could 
not  go  near  it.  Yet  they  seized  it  and  carried  it  off  to  their 
cabin,  where  they  forthwith  devoured  it  half  cooked.  No 
meat  ever  seemed  to  them  to  taste  better.  I sent  two  or  three 
men  to  warn  them  not  to  eat  it,  unless  they  wanted  to  die : 
as  they  approached  their  cabin,  they  smelt  such  a stench  from 
this  carrion  half  warmed  up,  each  one  of  the  Indians  holding 
a piece  in  his  hand,  that  they  thought  they  should  disgorge, 
and  accordingly  scarcely  stopped  at  all.  These  poor  wretches 
finished  their  repast.  I did  not  fail,  however,  to  supply  them 
according  to  my  resources ; but  this  was  little,  in  view  of  the 
large  number  of  them.  In  the  space  of  a month,  they  would 
have  eaten  up  all  our  provisions,  if  they  had  had  them  in 
their  power,  they  are  so  gluttonous:  for,  when  they  have 


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[1609 


edibles,  they  lay  nothing  aside,  but  keep  consuming  them 
day  and  night  without  respite,  afterwards  dying  of  hunger. 
They  did  also  another  thing  as  disgusting  as  that  just  men- 
tioned. I had  caused  a bitch  to  be  placed  on  the  top  of  a 
tree,  which  allured  the  martens  1 and  birds  of  prey,  from 
which  I derived  pleasure,  since  generally  this  carrion  was  at- 
tacked by  them.  These  savages  went  to  the  tree,  and,  being 
too  weak  to  climb  it,  cut  it  down  and  forthwith  took  away 
the  dog,  which  was  only  skin  and  bones,  the  tainted  head 
emitting  a stench,  but  which  was  at  once  devoured. 

This  is  the  kind  of  enjoyment  they  experience  for  the 
most  part  in  winter ; for  in  summer  they  are  able  to  support 
themselves,  and  to  obtain  provisions  so  as  not  to  be  assailed 
by  such  extreme  hunger,  the  rivers  abounding  in  fish,  while 
birds  and  wild  animals  fill  the  country  about.  The  soil 
is  very  good  and  well  adapted  for  tillage,  if  they  would  but 
take  pains  to  plant  Indian  corn,  as  all  their  neighbors  do, 
the  Algonquins,  Ochastaiguins,2  and  Iroquois,  who  are 
not  attacked  by  such  extremes  of  hunger,  which  they  pro- 
vide against  by  their  carefulness  and  foresight,  so  that  they 
five  happily  in  comparison  with  the  Montagnais,  Canadians, 
and  Souriquois  along  the  seacoast.  This  is  in  the  main  their 
wretched  manner  of  life.  The  snow  and  ice  last  three  months 
there,  from  January  to  the  8th  of  April,  when  it  is  nearly 
all  melted:  at  the  latest,  it  is  only  seldom  that  any  is  seen 
at  the  end  of  the  latter  month  at  our  settlement.  It  is  re- 
markable that  so  much  snow  and  ice  as  there  is  on  the  river, 
and  which  is  from  two  to  three  fathoms  thick,  is  all  melted 
in  less  than  twelve  days.  From  Tadoussac  to  Gaspe,  Cape 


1 1.e.,  weasels. 

2 1.e.,  the  Hurons,  about  Lake  Huron  and  Georgian  Bay.  The  Algon- 
quins had  their  headquarters  near  the  Ottawa,  the  Iroquois  or  Five  Nations 
in  Northern  New  York.  The  Montagnais  wandered  on  both  sides  of  the 
Saguenay ; the  Canadians  to  the  east  of  the  Montagnais,  the  Souriquois  in 
Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick.  Sagard  ( Le  Grand  Voyage  aux  Pays  des 
Hurons , 1632)  distinguishes  Hurons,  Algonquins,  and  Montagnais  as  “the 
nobles,  the  burghers,  and  the  peasantry  and  paupers  of  the  forest.”  See 
Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  359. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


147 


Breton,  Newfoundland,  and  the  Great  Bay,1  the  snow  and  ice 
continue  in  most  places  until  the  end  of  May,  at  which  time 
the  entire  entrance  of  the  great  river  is  sealed  with  ice;  al- 
though at  Quebec  there  is  none  at  all,  showing  a strange  dif- 
ference for  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  in  longitude,  for 
the  entrance  to  the  river  is  in  latitude  49°  50'  to  51°,  and  our 
settlement  in  46°  40'. 


Chapter  6 

The  scurvy  at  Quebec.  How  the  winter  passed.  Description  of 
the  place.  Arrival  at  Quebec  of  Sieur  des  Marais , son- 
in-law  of  Pont  Grave . 

The  scurvy  began  very  late;  namely,  in  February,  and 
continued  until  the  middle  of  April.  Eighteen  were  attacked, 
and  ten  died ; five  others  dying  of  the  dysentery.  I had  some 
opened,  to  see  whether  they  were  tainted,  like  those  I had  seen 
in  our  other  settlements.  They  were  found  the  same.  Some 
time  after,  our  surgeon  died.2  All  this  troubled  us  very  much, 
on  account  of  the  difficulty  we  had  in  attending  to  the  sick. 
The  nature  of  this  disease  I have  described  before. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  this  disease  proceeds  only  from  eating 
excessively  of  salt  food  and  vegetables,  which  heat  the  blood 
and  corrupt  the  internal  parts.  The  winter  is  also,  in  part, 
its  cause;  since  it  checks  the  natural  warmth,  causing  a 
still  greater  corruption  of  the  blood.  There  rise  also  from 
the  earth,  when  first  cleared  up,  certain  vapors  which  infect 
the  air : this  has  been  observed  in  the  case  of  those  who  have 
lived  at  other  settlements ; after  the  first  year  when  the  sun 
had  been  let  in  upon  what  was  not  before  cleared  up,  as 
well  in  our  abode  as  in  other  places,  the  air  was  much  better, 
and  the  diseases  not  so  violent  as  before.  But  the  country 
is  fine  and  pleasant,  and  brings  to  maturity  all  kinds  of  grains 

1 1.e.,  the  wide  expanse  between  Newfoundland  and  the  mainland,  after 
passing  westward  through  the  Straits  of  Belle  Isle. 

2 His  name  was  Bonnerme.  See  p.  134. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


and  seeds,  there  being  found  all  the  various  kinds  of  trees 
which  we  have  here  in  our  forests,  and  many  fruits,  although 
they  are  naturally  wild;  as,  nut-trees,  cherry-trees,  plum- 
trees,  vines,  raspberries,  strawberries,  currants,  both  green 
and  red,  and  several  other  small  fruits,  which  are  very  good. 
There  are  also  several  kinds  of  excellent  plants  and  roots. 
Fishing  is  abundant  in  the  rivers ; and  game  without  limit  on 
the  numerous  meadows  bordering  them.  From  the  month  of 
April  to  the  15th  of  December,  the  air  is  so  pure  and  healthy 
that  one  does  not  experience  the  slightest  indisposition.  But 
January,  February,  and  March  are  dangerous,  on  account  of  the 
sicknesses  prevailing  at  this  time,  rather  than  in  summer,  for 
the  reasons  before  given ; for,  as  to  treatment,  all  of  my  com- 
pany were  well  clothed,  provided  with  good  beds,  and  well 
warmed  and  fed,  that  is,  with  the  salt  meats  we  had,  which 
in  my  opinion  injured  them  greatly,  as  I have  already  stated. 
As  far  as  I have  been  able  to  see,  the  sickness  attacks  one 
who  is  delicate  in  his  living  and  takes  particular  care  of  him- 
self as  readily  as  one  whose  condition  is  as  wretched  as  possible. 
We  supposed  at  first  that  the  workmen  only  would  be  attacked 
with  this  disease;  but  this  we  found  was  not  the  case.  Those 
sailing  to  the  East  Indies  and  various  other  regions,  as  Ger- 
many and  England,  are  attacked  with  it  as  well  as  in  New 
France.  Some  time  ago,  the  Flemish,  being  attacked  with 
this  malady  in  their  voyages  to  the  Indies,  found  a very  strange 
remedy,  which  might  be  of  service  to  us ; but  we  have  never 
ascertained  the  character  of  it.  Yet  I am  confident  that, 
with  good  bread  and  fresh  meat,  a person  would  not  be  liable 
to  it. 

On  the  8th  of  April,  the  snow  had  all  melted ; and  yet  the 
air  was  still  very  cold  until  April,1  when  the  trees  begin  to 
leaf  out. 

Some  of  those  sick  with  the  scurvy  were  cured  when  spring 
came,  which  is  the  season  for  recovery.  I had  a savage  of  the 
country  wintering  with  me,  who  was  attacked  with  this  dis- 
ease from  having  changed  his  diet  to  salt  meat;  and  he  died 
1 In  the  edition  of  1632,  he  corrects  this  to  May. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


149 


from  its  effects,  which  clearly  shows  that  salt  food  is  not 
nourishing,  but  quite  the  contrary  in  this  disease. 

On  the  5th  of  June,  a shallop  arrived  at  our  settlement 
with  Sieur  des  Marais,1  a son-in-law  of  Pont  Grave,  bringing 
us  the  tidings  that  his  father-in-law  had  arrived  at  Tadoussac 
on  the  28th  of  May.  This  intelligence  gave  me  much  satis- 
faction, as  we  entertained  hopes  of  assistance  from  him.  Only 
eight  out  of  the  twenty-eight  at  first  forming  our  company 
were  remaining,  and  half  of  these  were  ailing. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  I set  out  from  Quebec  for  Tadoussac 
on  some  matters  of  business,  and  asked  Sieur  des  Marais  to 
stay  in  my  place  until  my  return,  which  he  did. 

Immediately  upon  my  arrival,  Pont  Grave  and  I had  a 
conference  in  regard  to  some  explorations  which  I was  to 
make  in  the  interior,  where  the  savages  had  promised  to 
guide  us.  We  determined  that  I should  go  in  a shallop  with 
twenty  men,  and  that  Pont  Grave  should  stay  at  Tadoussac  to 
arrange  the  affairs  of  our  settlement  ; and  this  determination 
was  carried  out,  he  spending  the  winter  there.  This  arrange- 
ment was  especially  desirable,  since  I was  to  return  to  France, 
according  to  the  orders  sent, out  by  Sieur  de  Monts,  in  order 
to  inform  him  of  what  I had  done  and  the  explorations  I had 
made  in  the  country. 

After  this  decision,  I set  out  at  once  from  Tadoussac,  and 
returned  to  Quebec,  where  I had  a shallop  fitted  out  with  all 
that  was  necessary  for  making  explorations  in  the  country  of 
the  Iroquois,  where  I was  to  go  with  our  allies,  the  Montagnais. 

Chapter  7 

Departure  from  Quebec  and  voyage  to  the  Isle  St.  Eloi . Meeting 
there  with  the  Algonquins  and  Ochataiguins. 

With  this  purpose,  I set  out  on  the  18th  of  the  month. 
Here  the  river  begins  to  widen,  in  some  places  to  the  breadth 

1 Claude  Godet,  Sieur  des  Marets.  He  married  Jeanne,  the  only  daugh- 
ter of  Pont  Grav6.  His  younger  brother  Jean  was  the  Sieur  du  Parc,  after- 
wards mentioned. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


of  a league  or  a league  and  a half.  The  country  becomes  more 
and  more  beautiful.  There  are  hills  along  the  river  in  part, 
and  in  part  it  is  a level  country,  with  but  few  rocks.  The  river 
itself  is  dangerous  in  many  places,  in  consequence  of  its  banks 
and  rocks ; and  it  is  not  safe  sailing  without  keeping  the  lead 
in  hand.  The  river  is  very  abundant  in  many  kinds  of  fish, 
not  only  such  as  we  have  here,  but  others  which  we  have  not. 
The  country  is  thickly  covered  with  massive  and  lofty  forests, 
of  the  same  kind  of  trees  as  we  have  about  our  habitation. 
There  are  also  many  vines  and  nut-trees  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  and  many  small  brooks  and  streams  which  are  only 
navigable  with  canoes.  We  passed  near  Point  St.  Croix, 
which  many  maintain,  as  I have  said  elsewhere,  is  the  place 
where  Jacques  Cartier  spent  the  winter.  This  point  is  sandy, 
extending  some  distance  out  into  the  river,  and  exposed  to  the 
north-west  wind,  which  beats  upon  it.  There  are  some  mea- 
dows, covered  however  every  full  tide,  which  falls  nearly  two 
fathoms  and  a half.  This  passage  is  very  dangerous  on  account 
of  the  large  number  of  rocks  stretching  across  the  river,  al- 
though there  is  a good  but  very  winding  channel,  where  the 
river  runs  like  a race,  rendering  it  necessary  to  take  the  proper 
time  for  passing.  This  place  has  deceived  many,  who  thought 
they  could  only  pass  at  high  tide  from  there  being  no  channel : 
but  we  have  now  found  the  contrary  to  be  true,  for  one  can  go 
down  at  low  tide ; but  it  would  be  difficult  to  ascend,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  strong  current,  unless  there  were  a good  wind. 
It  is  consequently  necessary  to  wait  until  the  tide  is  a third 
flood,  in  order  to  pass,  when  the  current  in  the  channel  is  six, 
eight,  ten,  twelve,  and  fifteen  fathoms  deep. 

Continuing  our  course,  we  reached  a very  pleasant  river, 
nine  leagues  distant  from  St.  Croix  and  twenty-four  from 
Quebec.  This  we  named  St.  Mary’s  River.1  The  river  all 
the  way  from  St.  Croix  is  very  pleasant. 

Pursuing  our  route,  I met  some  two  or  three  hundred  sav- 
ages, who  were  encamped  in  huts  near  a little  island  called 
St.  Eloi,  a league  and  a half  distant  from  St.  Mary.  We 

1 Now  the  Sainte  Anne. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


151 


made  a reconnoissance,  and  found  that  they  were  tribes  of 
savages,  called  Ochateguins  and  Algonquins,  on  their  way 
to  Quebec,  to  assist  us  in  exploring  the  territory  of  the  Iro- 
quois, with  whom  they  are  in  deadly  hostility,  sparing  nothing 
belonging  to  their  enemies. 

After  reconnoitring,  I went  on  shore  to  see  them,  and  in- 
quired who  their  chief  was.  They  told  me  there  were  two, 
one  named  Yroquet,  and  the  other  Ochasteguin,  whom  they 
pointed  out  to  me.  I went  to  their  cabin,  where  they  gave 
me  a cordial  reception,  as  is  their  custom. 

I proceeded  to  inform  them  of  the  object  of  my  voyage, 
with  which  they  were  greatly  pleased.  After  some  talk,  I 
withdrew.  Some  time  after,  they  came  to  my  shallop,  and 
presented  me  with  some  peltry,  exhibiting  many  tokens  of 
pleasure.  Then  they  returned  to  the  shore. 

The  next  day,  the  two  chiefs  came  to  see  me,  when  they 
remained  some  time  without  saying  a word,  meditating  and 
smoking  all  the  while.  After  due  reflection,  they  began  to 
harangue  in  a loud  voice  all  their  companions  who  were  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  with  their  arms  in  their  hands,  and  lis- 
tening very  attentively  to  what  their  chiefs  said  to  them,  which 
was  as  follows : that  nearly  ten  moons  ago,  according  to  their 
mode  of  reckoning,  the  son  of  Yroquet  had  seen  me,  and  that 
I had  given  him  a good  reception,  and  declared  that  Pont 
Grave  and  I desired  to  assist  them  against  their  enemies,  with 
whom  they  had  for  a long  time  been  at  warfare,  on  account 
of  many  cruel  acts  committed  by  them  against  their  tribe, 
under  color  of  friendship ; that,  having  ever  since  longed  for 
vengeance,  they  had  solicited  all  the  savages,  whom  I saw  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  to  come  and  make  an  alliance  with  us, 
and  that  their  never  having  seen  Christians  also  impelled  them 
to  come  and  visit  us;  that  I should  do  with  them  and  their 
companions  as  I wished;  that  they  had  no  children  with 
them,  but  men  versed  in  war  and  full  of  courage,  acquainted 
with  the  country  and  rivers  in  the  land  of  the  Iroquois;  that 
now  they  entreated  me  to  return  to  our  settlement,  that  they 
might  see  our  houses,  and  that,  after  three  days,  we  should  all 


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[1609 


together  come  back  to  engage  in  the  war;  that,  as  a token  of 
firm  friendship  and  joy,  I should  have  muskets  and  arquebuses 
fired,  at  which  they  would  be  greatly  pleased.  This  I did, 
when  they  uttered  great  cries  of  astonishment,  especially  those 
who  had  never  heard  nor  seen  the  like. 

After  hearing  them,  I replied  that,  if  they  desired,  I should 
be  very  glad  to  return  to  our  settlement,  to  gratify  them 
still  more ; and  that  they  might  conclude  that  I had  no  other 
purpose  than  to  engage  in  the  war,  since  we  carried  with  us 
nothing  but  arms,  and  not  merchandise  for  barter,  as  they  had 
been  given  to  understand;  and  that  my  only  desire  was  to 
fulfil  what  I had  promised  them;  and  that,  if  I had  known 
of  any  who  had  made  evil  reports  to  them,  I should  regard 
them  as  enemies  more  than  they  did  themselves.  They  told 
me  that  they  believed  nothing  of  them,  and  that  they  never 
had  heard  any  one  speak  thus.  But  the  contrary  was  the 
case ; for  there  were  some  savages  who  told  it  to  ours.  I con- 
tented myself  with  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  show  them 
in  fact  something  more  than  they  could  have  expected  from 
me. 


Chapter  8 

Return  to  Quebec.  Continuation  afterwards  with  the  savages  to 
the  fall  of  the  river  of  the  Iroquois . 

The  next  day,  we  set  out  all  together  for  our  settlement, 
where  they  enjoyed  themselves  some  five  or  six  days,  which 
were  spent  in  dances  and  festivities,  on  account  of  their  eager- 
ness for  us  to  engage  in  the  war. 

Pont  Grave  came  forthwith  from  Tadoussac  with  two  little 
barques  full  of  men,  in  compliance  with  a letter,  in  which  I 
begged  him  to  come  as  speedily  as  possible. 

The  savages  seeing  him  arrive  rejoiced  more  than  ever,  in- 
asmuch as  I told  them  that  he  had  given  some  of  his  men  to 
assist  them,  and  that  perhaps  we  should  go  together. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


153 


On  the  28th  of  the  month,1  we  equipped  some  barques 
for  assisting  these  savages.  Pont  Grave  embarked  on  one  and 
I on  the  other,  when  we  all  set  out  together.  The  first  of  June,2 
we  arrived  at  St.  Croix,  distant  fifteen  leagues  from  Quebec, 
where  Pont  Grave  and  I concluded  that,  for  certain  reasons, 
I should  go  with  the  savages,  and  he  to  our  settlement  and  to 
Tadoussac.  This  resolution  being  taken,  I embarked  in  my 
shallop  all  that  was  necessary,  together  with  Des  Marais  and 
La  Routte,  our  pilot,  and  nine  men. 

I set  out  from  St.  Croix  on  the  3d  of  June  3 with  all  the 
savages.  We  passed  the  Trois  Rivieres,4  a very  beautiful 
country,  covered  with  a growth  of  fine  trees.  From  this 
place  to  St.  Croix  is  a distance  of  fifteen  leagues.  At  the 
mouth  of  the  above-named  river  5 there  are  six  islands,  three 
of  which  are  very  small,  the  others  some  fifteen  to  sixteen 
hundred  paces  long,  very  pleasant  in  appearance.  Near  Lake 
St.  Peter,6  some  two  leagues  up  the  river,  there  is  a little 
fall  not  very  difficult  to  pass.  This  place  is  in  latitude  46°, 
lacking  some  minutes.  The  savages  of  the  country  gave  us 
to  understand  that  some  days’  journey  up  this  river  there  is  a 
lake,  through  which  the  river  flows.  The  length  of  the  lake 
is  ten  days’  journey,  when  some  falls  are  passed,  and  after- 
wards three  or  four  other  lakes  of  five  or  six  days’  journey  in 
length.  Having  reached  the  end  of  these,  they  go  four  or 
five  leagues  by  land,  and  enter  still  another  lake,7  where  the 
Sacque  has  its  principal  source.  From  this  lake,  the  savages 
go  to  Tadoussac.  The  Trois  Rivieres  extends  forty  days’ 
journey  of  the  savages.  They  say  that  at  the  end  of  this  river 
there  is  a people,  who  are  great  hunters,  without  a fixed 
abode,  and  who  are  less  than  six  days’  journey  from  the 
North  Sea.  What  little  of  the  country  I have  seen  is  sandy, 

1 June  28,  1609.  3 July  1.  3 July  3. 

4 Three  Rivers,  so  called  because  the  St.  Maurice  flows  by  three  mouths 
into  the  St.  Lawrence. 

5 1.e.,  the  St.  Maurice. 

8 Cartier’s  Lake  of  Angouleme.  Early  English  and  French  Voyages, 
p.  55. 

7 Lake  St.  John,  the  source  of  the  Saguenay. 


154 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


very  high,  with  hills,  covered  with  large  quantities  of  pine  and 
fir  on  the  river  border;  but  some  quarter  of  a league  inland 
the  woods  are  very  fine  and  open,  and  the  country  level. 

Thence  we  continued  our  course  to  the  entrance  of  Lake 
St.  Peter,  where  the  country  is  exceedingly  pleasant  and  level, 
and  crossed  the  lake,  in  two,  three,  and  four  fathoms  of  water, 
which  is  some  eight  leagues  long  and  four  wide.  On  the 
north  side,  we  saw  a very  pleasant  river,  extending  some  twenty 
leagues  into  the  interior,  which  I named  St.  Suzanne;  on 
the  south  side,  there  are  two,  one  called  Riviere  du  Pont, 
the  other,  Riviere  de  Gennes,  which  are  very  pretty,  and 
in  a fine  and  fertile  country.1  The  water  is  almost  still  in  the 
lake,  which  is  full  of  fish.  On  the  north  bank,  there  are  seen 
some  slight  elevations  at  a distance  of  some  twelve  or  fifteen 
leagues  from  the  lake.  After  crossing  the  lake,  we  passed  a 
large  number  of  islands  of  various  sizes,  containing  many  nut- 
trees  and  vines,  and  fine  meadows,  with  quantities  of  game 
and  wild  animals,  which  go  over  from  the  main  land  to  these 
islands.  Fish  are  here  more  abundant  than  in  any  other  part 
of  the  river  that  we  had  seen.  From  these  islands,  we  went  to 
the  mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois,2  where  we  stayed  two 
days,  refreshing  ourselves  with  good  venison,  birds,  and  fish, 
which  the  savages  gave  us.  Here  there  sprang  up  among 
them  some  difference  of  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  war,  so 
that  a portion  only  determined  to  go  with  me,  while  the  others 
returned  to  their  country  with  their  wives  and  the  merchan- 
dise which  they  had  obtained  by  barter. 

Setting  out  from  the  mouth  of  this  river,  which  is  some 
four  hundred  to  five  hundred  paces  broad,  and  very  beautiful, 
running  southward,3  we  arrived  at  a place  in  latitude  45°, 
and  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  leagues  from  the  Trois  Riv- 
ieres. All  this  river  from  its  mouth  to  the  first  fall,  a distance 

1 Now  Riviere  du  Loup,  on  the  north  side ; on  the  south  side  are  three, 
now  called  Nicolet,  St.  Francis,  and  Yamaska. 

2 Richelieu. 

3 Champlain  went  southward,  but  up-stream.  The  Richelieu  flows 
northward. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


155 


of  fifteen  leagues,  is  very  smooth,  and  bordered  with  woods, 
like  all  the  other  places  before  named,  and  of  the  same  sorts. 
There  are  nine  or  ten  fine  islands  before  reaching  the  fall 
of  the  Iroquois,  which  are  a league  or  a league  and  a half 
long,  and  covered  with  numerous  oaks  and  nut-trees.  The 
river  is  nearly  half  a league  wide  in  places,  and  very  abun- 
dant in  fish.  We  found  in  no  place  less  than  four  feet  of 
water.  The  approach  to  the  fall  is  a kind  of  lake,1  where 
the  water  descends,  and  which  is  some  three  leagues  in  cir- 
cuit. There  are  here  some  meadows,  but  not  inhabited  by 
savages  on  account  of  the  wars.  There  is  very  little  water  at 
the  fall,  which  runs  with  great  rapidity.  There  are  also  many 
rocks  and  stones,  so  that  the  savages  cannot  go  up  by  water, 
although  they  go  down  very  easily.  All  this  region  is  very 
level,  covered  with  forests,  vines,  and  nut-trees.  No  Christians 
had  been  in  this  place  before  us;  and  we  had  considerable 
difficulty  in  ascending  the  river  with  oars. 

As  soon  as  we  had  reached  the  fall,  Des  Marais,  La  Routte, 
and  I,  with  five  men,  went  on  shore  to  see  whether  we  could 
pass  this  place ; but  we  went  some  league  and  a half  without 
seeing  any  prospect  of  being  able  to  do  so,  finding  only  water 
running  with  great  swiftness,  and  in  all  directions  many  stones, 
very  dangerous,  and  with  but  little  water  about  them.  The 
fall  is  perhaps  six  hundred  paces  broad.  Finding  that  it  was 
impossible  to  cut  a way  through  the  woods  with  the  small 
number  of  men  that  I had,  I determined,  after  consultation 
with  the  rest,  to  change  my  original  resolution,  formed  on  the 
assurance  of  the  savages  that  the  roads  were  easy,  but  which 
we  did  not  find  to  be  the  case,  as  I have  stated.  We  accord- 
ingly returned  to  our  shallop,  where  I had  left  some  men  as 
guards,  and  to  indicate  to  the  savages  upon  their  arrival  that 
we  had  gone  to  make  explorations  along  the  fall. 

After  making  what  observations  I wished  in  this  place,  we 
met,  on  returning,  some  savages,  who  had  come  to  reconnoitre, 
as  we  had  done.  They  told  us  that  all  their  companions  had 


1 Chambly  Basin,  leading  to  Chambly  rapids. 


156 


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[1609 


arrived  at  our  shallop,  where  we  found  them  greatly  pleased, 
and  delighted  that  we  had  gone  in  this  manner  without  a 
guide,  aided  only  by  the  reports  they  had  several  times  made 
to  us. 

Having  returned,  and  seeing  the  slight  prospect  there  was 
of  passing  the  fall  with  our  shallop,  I was  much  troubled. 
And  it  gave  me  especial  dissatisfaction  to  go  back  without 
seeing  a very  large  lake,  filled  with  handsome  islands,  and 
with  large  tracts  of  fine  land  bordering  on  the  lake,  where 
their  enemies  live  according  to  their  representations.  After 
duly  thinking  over  the  matter,  I determined  to  go  and  ful- 
fil my  promise,  and  carry  out  my  desire.  Accordingly,  I 
embarked  with  the  savages  in  their  canoes,  taking  with  me  two 
men,  who  went  cheerfully.  After  making  known  my  plan  to 
Des  Marais  and  others  in  the  shallop,  I requested  the  former 
to  return  to  our  settlement  with  the  rest  of  our  company,  giv- 
ing them  the  assurance  that,  in  a short  time,  by  God’s  grace, 
I would  return  to  them. 

I proceeded  forthwith  to  have  a conference  with  the  cap- 
tains of  the  savages,  and  gave  them  to  understand  that  they 
had  told  me  the  opposite  of  what  my  observations  found  to 
be  the  case  at  the  fall ; namely,  that  it  was  impossible  to  pass 
it  with  the  shallop,  but  that  this  would  not  prevent  me  from 
assisting  them  as  I had  promised.  This  communication  trou- 
bled them  greatly;  and  they  desired  to  change  their  deter- 
mination, but  I urged  them  not  to  do  so,  telling  them  that 
they  ought  to  carry  out  their  first  plan,  and  that  I,  with  two 
others,  would  go  to  the  war  with  them  in  their  canoes,  in 
order  to  show  them  that,  as  for  me,  I would  not  break  my 
word  given  to  them,  although  alone;  but  that  I was  unwill- 
ing then  to  oblige  any  one  of  my  companions  to  embark,  and 
would  only  take  with  me  those  who  had  the  inclination  to  go, 
of  whom  I had  found  two. 

They  were  greatly  pleased  at  what  I said  to  them,  and  at 
the  determination  which  I had  taken,  promising,  as  before,  to 
show  me  fine  things. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


157 


Chapter  9 

Departure  from  the  fall  of  the  Iroquois  River . Description  of 
a large  lake . Encounter  with  the  enemy  at  this  lake ; 
their  manner  of  attacking  the  Iroquois,  and  their  be- 
havior in  battle. 

I set  out  accordingly  from  the  fall  of  the  Iroquois  River 
on  the  2d  of  July.1  All  the  savages  set  to  carrying  their 
canoes,  arms,  and  baggage  overland,  some  half  a league,  in 
order  to  pass  by  the  violence  and  strength  of  the  fall,  which 
was  speedily  accomplished.  Then  they  put  them  all  in  the 
water  again,  two  men  in  each  with  the  baggage;  and  they 
caused  one  of  the  men  of  each  canoe  to  go  by  land  some  three 
leagues,  the  extent  of  the  fall,  which  is  not,  however,  so  violent 
here  as  at  the  mouth,  except  in  some  places,  where  rocks  ob- 
struct the  river,  which  is  not  broader  than  three  hundred  or 
four  hundred  paces.  After  we  had  passed  the  fall,  which  was 
attended  with  difficulty,  all  the  savages,  who  had  gone  by 
land  over  a good  path  and  level  country,  although  there  are 
a great  many  trees,  re-embarked  in  their  canoes.  My  men 
went  also  by  land;  but  I went  in  a canoe.  The  savages 
made  a review  of  all  their  followers,  finding  that  there  were 
twenty-four  canoes,  with  sixty  men.  After  the  review  was 
completed,  we  continued  our  course  to  an  island,2  three  leagues 
long,  filled  with  the  finest  pines  I had  ever  seen.  Here  they 
went  hunting,  and  captured  some  wild  animals.  Proceeding 
about  three  leagues  farther  on,  we  made  a halt,  in  order  to 
rest  the  coming  night. 

They  all  at  once  set  to  work,  some  to  cut  wood,  and  others 
to  obtain  the  bark  of  trees  for  covering  their  cabins,  for  the 
sake  of  sheltering  themselves,  others  to  fell  large  trees  for 
constructing  a barricade  on  the  river-bank  around  their  cab- 
ins, which  they  do  so  quickly  that  in  less  than  two  hours  so 

1 Read  12th  of  July. 

2 The  Island  of  Ste.  Th6r&se  (Laverdi&re) ; the  Isle  aux  Noix  (Slafter). 


158 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


much  is  accomplished  that  five  hundred  of  their  enemies 
would  find  it  very  difficult  to  dislodge  them  without  killing 
large  numbers.  They  make  no  barricade  on  the  river-bank, 
where  their  canoes  are  drawn  up,  in  order  that  they  may  be 
able  to  embark,  if  occasion  requires.  After  they  were  estab- 
lished in  their  cabins,  they  despatched  three  canoes,  with  nine 
good  men,  according  to  their  custom  in  all  their  encampments, 
to  reconnoitre  for  a distance  of  two  or  three  leagues,  to  see  if 
they  can  perceive  anything,  after  which  they  return.  They 
rest  the  entire  night,  depending  upon  the  observation  of  these 
scouts,  which  is  a very  bad  custom  among  them;  for  they 
are  sometimes  while  sleeping  surprised  by  their  enemies,  who 
slaughter  them  before  they  have  time  to  get  up  and  prepare 
for  defence.  Noticing  this,  I remonstrated  with  them  on  the 
mistake  they  made,  and  told  them  that  they  ought  to  keep 
watch,  as  they  had  seen  us  do  every  night,  and  have  men  on 
the  lookout,  in  order  to  listen  and  see  whether  they  perceived 
anything,  and  that  they  should  not  live  in  such  a manner  like 
beasts.  They  replied  that  they  could  not  keep  watch,  and 
that  they  worked  enough  in  the  day-time  in  the  chase,  since, 
when  engaged  in  war,  they  divide  their  troops  into  three 
parts : namely,  a part  for  hunting  scattered  in  several  places ; 
another  to  constitute  the  main  body  of  their  army,  which  is 
always  under  arms ; and  the  third  to  act  as  avant-coureurs , to 
look  out  along  the  rivers,  and  observe  whether  they  can  see 
any  mark  or  signal  showing  where  their  enemies  or  friends 
have  passed.  This  they  ascertain  by  certain  marks  which  the 
chiefs  of  different  tribes  make  known  to  each  other ; but,  these 
not  continuing  always  the  same,  they  inform  themselves  from 
time  to  time  of  changes,  by  which  means  they  ascertain 
whether  they  are  enemies  or  friends  who  have  passed.  The 
hunters  never  hunt  in  advance  of  the  main  body,  or  avant- 
coureurs,  so  as  not  to  excite  alarm  or  produce  disorder,  but  in 
the  rear  and  in  the  direction  from  which  they  do  not  antici- 
pate their  enemy.  Thus  they  advance  until  they  are  within 
two  or  three  days’  march  of  their  enemies,  when  they  proceed 
by  night  stealthily  and  all  in  a body,  except  the  van-couriers. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


159 


By  day,  they  withdraw  into  the  interior  of  the  woods,  where 
they  rest,  without  straying  off,  neither  making  any  noise  nor 
any  fire,  even  for  the  sake  of  cooking,  so  as  not  to  be  noticed 
in  case  their  enemies  should  by  accident  pass  by.  They  make 
no  fire,  except  in  smoking,  which  amounts  to  almost  nothing. 
They  eat  baked  Indian  meal,  which  they  soak  in  water,  when 
it  becomes  a land  of  porridge.  They  provide  themselves  with 
such  meal  to  meet  their  wants,  when  they  are  near  their  ene- 
mies, or  when  retreating  after  a charge,  in  which  case  they 
are  not  inclined  to  hunt,  retreating  immediately. 

In  all  their  encampments,  they  have  their  Pilotois,  or 
Ostemoy,  a class  of  persons  who  play  the  part  of  soothsayers, 
in  whom  these  people  have  faith.  One  of  these  builds  a cabin, 
surrounds  it  with  small  pieces  of  wood,  and  covers  it  with  his 
robe : after  it  is  built,  he  places  himself  inside,  so  as  not  to  be 
seen  at  all,  when  he  seizes  and  shakes  one  of  the  posts  of  his 
cabin,  muttering  some  words  between  his  teeth,  by  which  he 
says  he  invokes  the  devil,  who  appears  to  him  in  the  form  of  a 
stone,  and  tells  him  whether  they  will  meet  their  enemies  and 
kill  many  of  them.  This  Pilotois  lies  prostrate  on  the  ground, 
motionless,  only  speaking  with  the  devil;  on  a sudden,  he 
rises  to  his  feet,  talking,  and  tormenting  himself  in  such  a 
manner  that,  although  naked,  he  is  all  of  a perspiration.  All 
the  people  surround  the  cabin,  seated  on  their  buttocks,  like 
apes.  They  frequently  told  me  that  the  shaking  of  the  cabin, 
which  I saw,  proceeded  from  the  devil,  who  made  it  move, 
and  not  the  man  inside,  although  I could  see  the  contrary; 
for,  as  I have  stated  above,  it  was  the  Pilotois  who  took  one 
of  the  supports  of  the  cabin,  and  made  it  move  in  this  manner. 
They  told  me  also  that  I should  see  fire  come  out  from  the 
top,  which  I did  not  see  at  all.  These  rogues  counterfeit  also 
their  voice,  so  that  it  is  heavy  and  clear,  and  speak  in  a lan- 
guage unknown  to  the  other  savages.  And,  when  they  repre- 
sent it  as  broken,  the  savages  think  that  the  devil  is  speaking, 
and  telling  them  what  is  to  happen  in  their  war,  and  what 
they  must  do. 

But  all  these  scapegraces,  who  play  the  soothsayer,  out  of  a 


160 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


hundred  words  do  not  speak  two  that  are  true,  and  impose 
upon  these  poor  people.  There  are  enough  like  them  in  the 
world,  who  take  food  from  the  mouths  of  the  people  by  their 
impostures,  as  these  worthies  do.  I often  remonstrated  with 
the  people,  telling  them  that  all  they  did  was  sheer  nonsense, 
and  that  they  ought  not  to  put  confidence  in  them. 

Now,  after  ascertaining  from  their  soothsayers  what  is  to  be 
their  fortune,  the  chiefs  take  sticks  a foot  long,  and  as  many 
as  there  are  soldiers.  They  take  others,  somewhat  larger,  to 
indicate  the  chiefs.  Then  they  go  into  the  wood,  and  seek  out 
a level  place,  five  or  six  feet  square,  where  the  chief,  as  sergeant- 
major,  puts  all  the  sticks  in  such  order  as  seems  to  him  best. 
Then  he  calls  all  his  companions,  who  come  all  armed;  and 
he  indicates  to  them  the  rank  and  order  they  are  to  observe 
in  battle  with  their  enemies.  All  the  savages  watch  carefully 
this  proceeding,  observing  attentively  the  outline  which  their 
chief  has  made  with  the  sticks.  Then  they  go  away,  and 
set  to  placing  themselves  in  such  order  as  the  sticks  were  in, 
when  they  mingle  with  each  other,  and  return  again  to  their 
proper  order,  which  manoeuvre  they  repeat  two  or  three  times, 
and  at  all  their  encampments,  without  needing  a sergeant 
to  keep  them  in  the  proper  order,  which  they  are  able  to 
keep  accurately  without  any  confusion.  This  is  their  rule 
in  war. 

We  set  out  on  the  next  day,  continuing  our  course  in  the 
river  as  far  as  the  entrance  of  the  lake.  There  are  many 
pretty  islands  here,  low,  and  containing  very  fine  woods  and 
meadows,  with  abundance  of  fowl  and  such  animals  of  the 
chase  as  stags,  fallow-deer,  fawns,  roe-bucks,  bears,  and  others, 
which  go  from  the  main  land  to  these  islands.  We  captured 
a large  number  of  these  animals.  There  are  also  many 
beavers,  not  only  in  this  river,  but  also  in  numerous  other 
little  ones  that  flow  into  it.  These  regions,  although  they  are 
pleasant,  are  not  inhabited  by  any  savages,  on  account  of 
their  wars;  but  they  withdraw  as  far  as  possible  from 
the  rivers  into  the  interior,  in  order  not  to  be  suddenly 
surprised. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


161 


The  next  day  we  entered  the  lake,1  which  is  of  great  ex- 
tent, say  eighty  or  a hundred  leagues  long,  where  I saw  four 
fine  islands,  ten,  twelve,  and  fifteen  leagues  long,  which 
were  formerly  inhabited  by  the  savages,  like  the  River  of  the 
Iroquois;  but  they  have  been  abandoned  since  the  wars  of 
the  savages  with  one  another  prevail.  There  are  also  many 
rivers  falling  into  the  lake,  bordered  by  many  fine  trees  of  the 
same  kinds  as  those  we  have  in  France,  with  many  vines  finer 
than  any  I have  seen  in  any  other  place ; also  many  chestnut- 
trees  on  the  border  of  this  lake,  which  I had  not  seen  before. 
There  is  also  a great  abundance  of  fish,  of  many  varieties; 
among  others,  one  called  by  the  savages  of  the  country  Cha- 
ousarou2  which  varies  in  length,  the  largest  being,  as  the 
people  told  me,  eight  or  ten  feet  long.  I saw  some  five  feet 
long,  which  were  as  large  as  my  thigh ; the  head  being  as  big 
as  my  two  fists,  with  a snout  two  feet  and  a hah  long,  and  a 
double  row  of  very  sharp  and  dangerous  teeth.  Its  body  is, 
in  shape,  much  like  that  of  a pike ; but  it  is  armed  with  scales 
so  strong  that  a poniard  could  not  pierce  them.  Its  color  is 
silver-gray.  The  extremity  of  its  snout  is  like  that  of  swine. 
This  fish  makes  war  upon  all  others  in  the  lakes  and  rivers. 
It  also  possesses  remarkable  dexterity,  as  these  people  informed 
me,  which  is  exhibited  in  the  following  manner.  When  it 
wants  to  capture  birds,  it  swims  in  among  the  rushes,  or  reeds, 
which  are  found  on  the  banks  of  the  lake  in  several  places, 
where  it  puts  its  snout  out  of  water  and  keeps  perfectly  still : 
so  that,  when  the  birds  come  and  fight  on  its  snout,  supposing 
it  to  be  only  the  stump  of  a tree,  it  adroitly  closes  it,  which  it 
had  kept  ajar,  and  pulls  the  birds  by  the  feet  down  under 
water.  The  savages  gave  me  the  head  of  one  of  them,  of 
which  they  make  great  account,  saying  that,  when  they  have 
the  headache,  they  bleed  themselves  with  the  teeth  of  this 
fish  on  the  spot  where  they  suffer  pain,  when  it  suddenly  passes 
away. 

1 Lake  Champlain.  The  distances  are  at  least  threefold  overstated. 

In  1632  he  reduces  the  length  to  fifty  or  sixty  leagues,  though  leaving  the 
dimensions  of  the  islands  unchanged.  2 The  garpike. 


162 


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[1609 


Continuing  our  course  over  this  lake  on  the  western  side,  I 
noticed,  while  observing  the  country,  some  very  high  moun- 
tains on  the  eastern  side,  on  the  top  of  which  there  was  snow.1 
I made  inquiry  of  the  savages  whether  these  localities  were 
inhabited,  when  they  told  me  that  the  Iroquois  dwelt  there, 
and  that  there  were  beautiful  valleys  in  these  places,  with 
plains  productive  in  grain,  such  as  I had  eaten  in  this  coun- 
try, together  with  many  kinds  of  fruit  without  limit.  They 
said  also  that  the  lake  extended  near  mountains,  some  twenty- 
five  leagues  distant  from  us,  as  I judge.  I saw,  on  the  south, 
other  mountains,  no  less  high  than  the  first,  but  without  any 
snow.2  The  savages  told  me  that  these  mountains  were 
thickly  settled,  and  that  it  was  there  we  were  to  find  their 
enemies;  but  that  it  was  necessary  to  pass  a fall3  in  order 
to  go  there  (which  I afterwards  saw),  when  we  should  enter 
another  lake,4  nine  or  ten  leagues  long.  After  reaching  the 
end  of  the  lake,  we  should  have  to  go,  they  said,  two  leagues 
by  land,  and  pass  through  a river 5 flowing  into  the  sea  on  the 
Norumbegue  coast,  near  that  of  Florida,  whither  it  took 
them  only  two  days  to  go  by  canoe,  as  I have  since  ascertained 
from  some  prisoners  we  captured,  who  gave  me  minute  infor- 
mation in  regard  to  all  they  had  personal  knowledge  of,  through 
some  Algonquin  interpreters,  who  understood  the  Iroquois 
language. 

Now,  as  we  began  to  approach  within  two  or  three  days’ 
journey  of  the  abode  of  their  enemies,  we  advanced  only  at 
night,  resting  during  the  day.  But  they  did  not  fail  to  prac- 
tise constantly  their  accustomed  superstitions,  in  order  to  as- 
certain what  was  to  be  the  result  of  their  undertaking;  and 
they  often  asked  me  if  I had  had  a dream,  and  seen  their  ene- 
mies, to  which  I replied  in  the  negative.  Yet  I did  not  cease 
to  encourage  them,  and  inspire  in  them  hope.  When 

1 The  Green  Mountains  of  Vermont.  “ Champlain  was  probably  de- 
ceived as  to  the  snow  on  their  summits  in  July.  What  he  saw  was  doubt- 
less white  limestone. ” (Slafter.) 

2 The  Adirondacks.  3 Ticonderoga.  4 Lake  George. 

6 The  Hudson,  separated  only  by  a small  portage  from  Lake  George. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


163 


night  came,  we  set  out  on  the  journey  until  the  next  day, 
when  we  withdrew  into  the  interior  of  the  forest,  and  spent 
the  rest  of  the  day  there.  About  ten  or  eleven  o’clock,  after 
taking  a little  walk  about  our  encampment,  I retired.  While 
sleeping,  I dreamed  that  I saw  our  enemies,  the  Iroquois, 
drowning  in  the  lake  near  a mountain,  within  sight.  When 
I expressed  a wish  to  help  them,  our  allies,  the  savages,  told 
me  we  must  let  them  all  die,  and  that  they  were  of  no  impor- 
tance. When  I awoke,  they  did  not  fail  to  ask  me,  as  usual, 
if  I had  had  a dream.  I told  them  that  I had,  in  fact,  had  a 
dream.  This,  upon  being  related,  gave  them  so  much  confi- 
dence that  they  did  not  doubt  any  longer  that  good  was  to 
happen  to  them. 

When  it  was  evening,  we  embarked  in  our  canoes  to  con- 
tinue our  course ; and,  as  we  advanced  very  quietly  and  with- 
out making  any  noise,  we  met  on  the  29th  of  the  month  the 
Iroquois,  about  ten  o’clock  at  evening,  at  the  extremity  of  a 
cape1  which  extends  into  the  lake  on  the  western  bank.  They 
had  come  to  fight.  We  both  began  to  utter  loud  cries,  all 
getting  their  arms  in  readiness.  We  withdrew  out  on  the 
water,  and  the  Iroquois  went  on  shore,  where  they  drew  up 
all  their  canoes  close  to  each  other  and  began  to  fell  trees 
with  poor  axes,  which  they  acquire  in  war  sometimes,  using 
also  others  of  stone.  Thus  they  barricaded  themselves  very 
well. 

Our  forces  also  passed  the  entire  night,  their  canoes  being 
drawn  up  close  to  each  other,  and  fastened  to  poles,  so  that 
they  might  not  get  separated,  and  that  they  might  be  all  in 
readiness  to  fight,  if  occasion  required.  We  were  out  upon 
the  water,  within  arrow  range  of  their  barricades.  When 
they  were  armed  and  in  array,  they  despatched  two  canoes  by 
themselves  to  the  enemy  to  inquire  if  they  wished  to  fight,  to 
which  the  latter  replied  that  they  wanted  nothing  else:  but 
they  said  that,  at  present,  there  was  not  much  fight,  and  that 
it  would  be  necessary  to  wait  for  daylight,  so  as  to  be  able  to 

1 Crown  Point  (Laverdiere) . The  ensuing  battle  took  place  at  or  near 
Ticonderoga. 


164 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


recognize  each  other;  and  that,  as  soon  as  the  sun  rose,  they 
would  offer  us  battle.  This  was  agreed  to  by  our  side.  Mean- 
while, the  entire  night  was  spent  in  dancing  and  singing, 
on  both  sides,  with  endless  insults  and  other  talk;  as,  how  lit- 
tle courage  we  had,  how  feeble  a resistance  we  should  make 
against  their  arms,  and  that,  when  day  came,  we  should  realize 
it  to  our  ruin.  Ours  also  were  not  slow  in  retorting,  telling 
them  they  would  see  such  execution  of  arms  as  never  before, 
together  with  an  abundance  of  such  talk  as  is  not  unusual  in 
the  siege  of  a town.  After  this  singing,  dancing,  and  bandy- 
ing words  on  both  sides  to  the  fill,  when  day  came,  my  com- 
panions and  myself  continued  under  cover,  for  fear  that  the 
enemy  would  see  us.  We  arranged  our  arms  in  the  best  man- 
ner possible,  being,  however,  separated,  each  in  one  of  the  ca- 
noes of  the  savage  Montagnais.  After  arming  ourselves  with 
light  armor,  we  each  took  an  arquebuse,  and  went  on  shore. 
I saw  the  enemy  go  out  of  their  barricade,  nearly  two  hundred 
in  number,  stout  and  rugged1  in  appearance.  They  came  at 
a slow  pace  towards  us,  with  a dignity  and  assurance  which 
greatly  amused2  me,  having  three  chiefs  at  their  head.  Our 
men  also  advanced  in  the  same  order,  telling  me  that  those 
who  had  three  large  plumes  were  the  chiefs,  and  that  they 
had  only  these  three,  and  that  they  could  be  distinguished  by 
these  plumes,  which  were  much  larger  than  those  of  their 
companions,  and  that  I should  do  what  I could  to  kill  them. 
I promised  to  do  all  in  my  power,  and  said  that  I was  very 
sorry  they  could  not  understand  me,  so  that  I might  give 
order  and  shape  to  their  mode  of  attacking  their  enemies,  and 
then  we  should,  without  doubt,  defeat  them  all ; but  that  this 

1 “Robust”  would  be  a better  translation. 

2 “Pleased”  or  “delighted”  would  be  more  accurate.  “A  deliberation 
and  gravity  that  gave  him  a soldier's  content,”  says  H.  D.  Sedgwick  in  his 
Champlain  (Boston,  1902);  “a  steadiness  which  excited  the  admiration  of 
Champlain”  (Parkman).  The  Iroquois  owed  their  strength  not  so  much  to 
their  ferocity,  for  they  were  naturally  less  warlike  than  the  Algonquins,  but 
to  their  superior  discipline. 

This  mode  of  fighting,  in  close  array,  shown  also  in  a drawing  which  in 
the  original  accompanies  this  portion  of  the  text,  contrasts  strongly  with  that 
which  the  Indians  followed  after  they  became  acquainted  with  fire-arms. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


165 


could  not  now  be  obviated,  and  that  I should  be  very  glad  to 
show  them  my  courage  and  good-will  when  we  should  engage 
in  the  fight. 

As  soon  as  we  had  landed,  they  began  to  run  for  some  two 
hundred  paces  towards  their  enemies,  who  stood  firmly,  not 
having  as  yet  noticed  my  companions,  who  went  into  the 
woods  with  some  savages.  Our  men  began  to  call  me  with 
loud  cries;  and,  in  order  to  give  me  a passage-way,  they 
opened  in  two  parts,  and  put  me  at  their  head,  where  I marched 
some  twenty  paces  in  advance  of  the  rest,  until  I was  within 
about  thirty  paces  of  the  enemy,  who  at  once  noticed  me, 
and,  halting,  gazed  at  me,  as  I did  also  at  them.  When  I saw 
them  making  a move  to  fire  at  us,  I rested  my  musket  against 
my  cheek,  and  aimed  directly  at  one  of  the  three  chiefs.  With 
the  same  shot,  two  fell  to  the  ground ; and  one  of  their  men  was 
so  wounded  that  he  died  some  time  after.  I had  loaded  my 
musket  with  four  balls.  When  our  side  saw  this  shot  so  favor- 
able for  them,  they  began  to  raise  such  loud  cries  that  one  could 
not  have  heard  it  thunder.  Meanwhile,  the  arrows  flew  on 
both  sides.  The  Iroquois  were  greatly  astonished  that  two 
men  had  been  so  quickly  killed,  although  they  were  equipped 
with  armor  woven  from  cotton  thread,  and  with  wood  which 
was  proof  against  their  arrows.  This  caused  great  alarm  among 
them.  As  I was  loading  again,  one  of  my  companions  fired 
a shot  from  the  woods,  which  astonished  them  anew  to  such  a 
degree  that,  seeing  their  chiefs  dead,  they  lost  courage,  and 
took  to  flight,  abandoning  their  camp  and  fort,  and  fleeing  into 
the  woods,  whither  I pursued  them,  killing  still  more  of  them. 
Our  savages  also  killed  several  of  them,  and  took  ten  or  twelve 
prisoners.  The  remainder  escaped  with  the  wounded.  Fif- 
teen or  sixteen  were  wounded  on  our  side  with  arrow-shots; 
but  they  were  soon  healed.1 


1 Champlain  has  been  greatly  blamed  for  thus  rousing  the  fury  of  the 
Iroquois.  But  while  he  probably  underestimated  their  power,  he  could 
hardly  avoid  taking  part  with  the  Hurons  and  Algonquins  against  them,  if 
either  trade  or  colonization  was  to  proceed  with  any  security. 

In  his  autograph  letter  of  1635  to  Richelieu  he  urges  a vigorous  Indian 


166 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


After  gaining  the  victory,  our  men  amused  themselves  by 
taking  a great  quantity  of  Indian  corn  and  some  meal  from 
their  enemies,  also  their  armor,  which  they  had  left  behind 
that  they  might  run  better.  After  feasting  sumptuously, 
dancing  and  singing,  we  returned  three  hours  after,  with 
the  prisoners.  The  spot  where  this  attack  took  place  is  in 
latitude  43°  and  some  minutes,  and  the  lake  was  called  Lake 
Champlain. 

Chapter  10 

Return  from  the  battle , and  what  took  place  on  the  way. 

After  going  some  eight  leagues,  towards  evening  they  took 
one  of  the  prisoners,  to  whom  they  made  a harangue,  enumerat- 
ing the  cruelties  which  he  and  his  men  had  already  practised 
towards  them  without  any  mercy,  and  that,  in  like  manner, 
he  ought  to  make  up  his  mind  to  receive  as  much.  They  com- 
manded him  to  sing,  if  he  had  courage,  which  he  did;  but  it 
was  a very  sad  song. 

Meanwhile,  our  men  kindled  a fire ; and,  when  it  was  well 
burning,  they  each  took  a brand,  and  burned  this  poor  crea- 
ture gradually,  so  as  to  make  him  suffer  greater  torment. 
Sometimes  they  stopped,  and  threw  water  on  his  back.  Then 
they  tore  out  his  nails,  and  applied  fire  to  the  extremities  of 
his  fingers  and  private  member.  Afterwards,  they  flayed  the 
top  of  his  head,1  and  had  a kind  of  gum  poured  all  hot  upon 

policy,  and  promises  utterly  to  crush  the  Iroquois  with  one  hundred  and 
twenty  light-armed  troops. 

These  vigorous  measures  were  not  taken,  and  the  Iroquois,  supplied  with 
fire-arms  by  the  Dutch  and  English  settlers  of  New  York,  long  harassed  the 
French  settlements.  At  the  time  of  the  battle,  Henry  Hudson’s  ship,  the 
Half  Moon , was  at  anchor  in  Penobscot  Bay.  The  Dutch  and  English  whom 
he  represented  won  a friend  unknown  to  themselves  when  Champlain  routed 
the  Iroquois. 

1 Scalping  was  the  habit  of  the  Canadian  Indians,  whereas  it  was  in  these 
early  days  the  habit  of  the  Indians  of  southern  New  England  to  behead. 
Friederici,  Skalpieren  und  ahnliche  Gebrauche  (Braunschweig,  1906), 
pp.  14,  15. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OE  1608-1610 


167 


it ; then  they  pierced  his  arms  near  the  wrists,  and,  drawing  up 
the  sinews  with  sticks,  they  tore  them  out  by  force ; but,  see- 
ing that  they  could  not  get  them,  they  cut  them.  This  poor 
wretch  uttered  terrible  cries,  and  it  excited  my  pity  to  see  him 
treated  in  this  manner,  and  yet  showing  such  firmness  that 
one  would  have  said,  at  times,  that  he  suffered  hardly  any 
pain  at  all.  I remonstrated  with  them,  saying  that  we  prac- 
tised no  such  cruelties,  but  killed  them  at  once;  and  that, 
if  they  wished  me  to  fire  a musket-shot  at  him,  I should  be 
willing  to  do  so.  They  refused,  saying  that  he  would  not 
in  that  case  suffer  any  pain.  I went  away  from  them,  pained 
to  see  such  cruelties  as  they  practised  upon  his  body.  When 
they  saw  that  I was  displeased,  they  called  me,  and  told  me  to 
fire  a musket-shot  at  him.  This  I did  without  his  seeing  it, 
and  thus  put  an  end,  by  a single  shot,  to  all  the  torments  he 
would  have  suffered,  rather  than  see  him  tyrannized  over. 
After  his  death,  they  were  not  yet  satisfied,  but  opened  him, 
and  threw  his  entrails  into  the  lake.  Then  they  cut  off  his 
head,  arms,  and  legs,  which  they  scattered  in  different  direc- 
tions ; keeping  the  scalp,  which  they  had  flayed  off,  as  they 
had  done  in  the  case  of  all  the  rest  whom  they  had  killed  in 
the  contest.  They  were  guilty  also  of  another  monstrosity  in 
taking  his  heart,  cutting  it  into  several  pieces,  and  giving  it  to 
a brother  of  his  to  eat,  as  also  to  others  of  his  companions,  who 
were  prisoners : they  took  it  into  their  mouths,  but  would  not 
swallow  it.  Some  Algonquin  savages,  who  were  guarding 
them,  made  some  of  them  spit  it  out,  when  they  threw  it  into 
the  water.  This  is  the  manner  in  which  these  people  behave 
towards  those  whom  they  capture  in  war,  for  whom  it  would  be 
better  to  die  fighting,  or  to  kill  themselves  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment,  as  many  do,  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  their 
enemies.  After  this  execution,  we  set  out  on  our  return  with 
the  rest  of  the  prisoners,  who  kept  singing  as  they  went  along, 
with  no  better  hopes  for  the  future  than  he  had  had  who  was 
so  wretchedly  treated. 

Having  arrived  at  the  falls  of  the  Iroquois,  the  Algon- 
quins  returned  to  their  own  country;  so  also  the  Ochate- 


168 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


guins,  with  a part  of  the  prisoners:  well  satisfied  with  the 
results  of  the  war,  and  that  I had  accompanied  them  so  readily. 
We  separated  accordingly  with  loud  protestations  of  mutual 
friendship ; and  they  asked  me  whether  I would  not  like  to 
go  into  their  country,  to  assist  them  with  continued  fraternal 
relations ; and  I promised  that  I would  do  so. 

I returned  with  the  Montagnais.  After  informing  myself 
from  the  prisoners  in  regard  to  their  country,  and  of  its  prob- 
able extent,  we  packed  up  the  baggage  for  the  return,  which 
was  accomplished  with  such  despatch  that  we  went  every 
day  in  their  canoes  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues,  which 
was  their  usual  rate  of  travelling.  When  we  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Iroquois,  some  of  the  savages  dreamed 
that  their  enemies  were  pursuing  them.  This  dream  led 
them  to  move  their  camp  forthwith,  although  the  night  was 
very  inclement  on  account  of  the  wind  and  rain ; and  they  went 
and  passed  the  remainder  of  the  night,  from  fear  of  their  ene- 
mies, amid  high  reeds  on  Lake  St.  Peter.  Two  days  after, 
we  arrived  at  our  settlement,  where  I gave  them  some  bread 
and  peas ; also  some  beads,  which  they  asked  me  for,  in  order 
to  ornament  the  heads  of  their  enemies,  for  the  purpose  of 
merry-making  upon  their  return.  The  next  day,  I went  with 
them  in  their  canoes  as  far  as  Tadoussac,  in  order  to  witness 
their  ceremonies.  On  approaching  the  shore,  they  each  took 
a stick,  to  the  end  of  which  they  hung  the  heads  of  their 
enemies,  who  had  been  killed,  together  with  some  beads,  all  of 
them  singing.  When  they  were  through  with  this,  the  women 
undressed  themselves,  so  as  to  be  in  a state  of  entire  nudity, 
when  they  jumped  into  the  water,  and  swam  to  the  prows 
of  the  canoes  to  take  the  heads  of  their  enemies,  which  were 
on  the  ends  of  long  poles  before  their  boats : then  they  hung 
them  about  their  necks,  as  if  it  had  been  some  costly  chain, 
singing  and  dancing  meanwhile.  Some  days  after,  they  pre- 
sented me  with  one  of  these  heads,  as  if  it  were  something 
very  precious ; and  also  with  a pair  of  arms  taken  from  their 
enemies,  to  keep  and  show  to  the  king.  This,  for  the  sake  of 
gratifying  them,  I promised  to  do. 


1609] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


169 


After  some  days,  I went  to  Quebec,  whither  some  Algon- 
quin savages  came,  expressing  their  regret  at  not  being  pres- 
ent at  the  defeat  of  their  enemies,  and  presenting  me  with 
some  furs,  in  consideration  of  my  having  gone  there  and 
assisted  their  friends. 

Some  days  after  they  had  set  out  for  their  country,  distant 
about  a hundred  and  twenty  leagues  from  our  settlement,  I 
went  to  Tadoussac  to  see  whether  Pont  Grave  had  returned 
from  Gaspe,  whither  he  had  gone.  He  did  not  arrive  until 
the  next  day,  when  he  told  me  that  he  had  decided  to  return 
to  France.  We  concluded  to  leave  an  upright  man,  Captain 
Pierre  Chavin  of  Dieppe,  to  command  at  Quebec,  until  Sieur 
de  Monts  should  arrange  matters  there. 


Chapter  11 

Return  to  France , and  what  occurred  up  to  the  time  of 
re-embarkation . 

After  forming  this  resolution,  we  went  to  Quebec  to  estab- 
lish him  in  authority,  and  leave  him  every  thing  requisite 
and  necessary  for  the  settlement,  together  with  fifteen  men. 
Every  thing  being  arranged,  we  set  out  on  the  first  day  of 
September  for  Tadoussac,  in  order  to  fit  out  our  vessel  for 
returning  to  France. 

We  set  out  accordingly  from  the  latter  place  on  the  5th 
of  the  month,  and  on  the  8th  anchored  at  Isle  Percee.  On 
Thursday  the  10th,  we  set  out  from  there,  and  on  the  18th, 
the  Tuesday  following,  we  arrived  at  the  Grand  Bank.  On 
the  2d  of  October,  we  got  soundings.  On  the  8th,  we  an- 
chored at  Conquet 1 in  Lower  Brittany.  On  Saturday  the 
10th,  we  set  out  from  there,  arriving  at  Honfleur  on  the  13th. 

After  disembarking,  I did  not  wait  long  before  taking  post 
to  go  to  Sieur  de  Monts,  who  was  then  at  Fontainebleau, 

1 In  the  department  of  Finisterre,  thirteen  miles  west  of  Brest. 


170 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1609 


where  His  Majesty  was.  Here  I reported  to  him  in  detail  all 
that  had  transpired  in  regard  to  the  winter  quarters  and  our 
new  explorations,  and  my  hopes  for  the  future  in  view  of  the 
promises  of  the  savages  called  Ochateguins,  who  are  good 
Iroquois.1  The  other  Iroquois,  their  enemies,  dwell  more 
to  the  south.  The  language  of  the  former  does  not  differ 
much  from  that  of  the  people  recently  discovered  and  hitherto 
unknown  to  us,  which  they  understand  when  spoken. 

I at  once  waited  upon  His  Majesty,  and  gave  him  an  ac- 
count of  my  voyage,  which  afforded  him  pleasure  and  satis- 
faction. I had  a girdle  made  of  porcupine  quills,  very  well 
worked,  after  the  manner  of  the  country  where  it  was  made, 
and  which  His  Majesty  thought  very  pretty.  I had  also  two 
little  birds,  of  the  size  of  blackbirds  and  of  a carnation  color ; 2 
also,  the  head  of  a fish  caught  in  the  great  lake  of  the  Iroquois, 
having  a very  long  snout  and  two  or  three  rows  of  very  sharp 
teeth.  A representation  of  this  fish  may  be  found  on  the  great 
lake,  on  my  geographical  map. 

After  I had  concluded  my  interview  with  His  Majesty 
Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  go  to  Rouen  to  meet  his  asso- 
ciates, the  Sieurs  Collier  and  Le  Gendre,  merchants  of  Rouen, 
to  consider  what  should  be  done  the  coming  year.  They  re- 
solved to  continue  the  settlement,  and  finish  the  explorations 
up  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  in  accordance  with  the  prom- 
ises of  the  Ochateguins,  made  on  condition  that  we  should 
assist  them  in  their  wars,  as  I had  given  them  to  understand. 

Pont  Grave  was  appointed  to  go  to  Tadoussac,  not  only  for 
traffic,  but  to  engage  in  anything  else  that  might  realize 
means  for  defraying  the  expenses. 

Sieur  Lucas  Le  Gendre,  of  Rouen,  one  of  the  partners,  was 
ordered  to  see  to  the  purchase  of  merchandise  and  supplies, 
the  repair  of  the  vessels,  obtaining  crews,  and  other  things 
necessary  for  the  voyage. 

1 The  Ochateguins,  called  by  the  French  Hurons,  from  their  manner  of 
doing  their  hair  (hure= a wild  boar’s  head),  were  a branch  of  the  Iroquois 
nation,  though  at  this  time  at  deadly  feud  with  them.  Their  real  name  was 
Yendots  or  Wyandots. 

2 The  scarlet  tanager. 


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THE  VOYAGES  OF  1608-1610 


171 


After  these  matters  were  arranged,  Sieur  de  Monts  returned 
to  Paris,  I accompanying  him,  where  I stayed  until  the  end 
of  February.  During  this  time,  Sieur  de  Monts  endeavored 
to  obtain  a new  commission  for  trading  in  the  newly  discovered 
regions,  and  where  no  one  had  traded  before.  This  he  was 
unable  to  accomplish,  although  his  requests  and  proposals  were 
just  and  reasonable. 

But,  finding  that  there  was  no  hope  of  obtaining  this  com- 
mission, he  did  not  cease  to  prosecute  his  plan,  from  his  desire 
that  every  thing  might  turn  out  to  the  profit  and  honor  of 
France. 

During  this  time,  Sieur  de  Monts  did  not  express  to  me 
his  pleasure  in  regard  to  me  personally,  until  I told  him  it  had 
been  reported  to  me  that  he  did  not  wish  to  have  me  winter 
in  Canada,  which,  however,  was  not  true,  for  he  referred  the 
whole  matter  to  my  pleasure. 

I provided  myself  with  whatever  was  desirable  and  neces- 
sary for  spending  the  winter  at  our  settlement  in  Quebec. 
For  this  purpose  I set  out  from  Paris  the  last  day  of  February 
following,  and  proceeded  to  Honfleur,  where  the  embarkation 
was  to  be  made.  I went  by  way  of  Rouen,  where  I stayed 
two  days.  Thence  I went  to  Honfleur,  where  I found  Pont 
Grave  and  Le  Gendre,  who  told  me  they  had  embarked  what 
was  necessary  for  the  settlement.  I was  very  glad  to  find  that 
we  were  ready  to  set  sail,  but  uncertain  whether  the  supplies 
were  good  and  adequate  for  our  sojourn  and  for  spending  the 
winter. 


THE  SECOND  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE 
IN  THE  YEAR  1610 


THE  SECOND  1 VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE 
IN  THE  YEAR  1610 


Chapter  1 

Departure  from  France  to  return  to  New  France , and  occur- 
rences until  our  arrival  at  the  settlement. 

The  weather  having  become  favorable,  I embarked  at  Hon- 
fleur with  a number  of  artisans  on  the  7th  of  the  month  of 
March.  But,  encountering  bad  weather  in  the  Channel,  we 
were  obliged  to  put  in  on  the  English  coast  at  a place  called 
Porlan,2  in  the  roadstead  of  which  we  stayed  some  days,  when 
we  weighed  anchor  for  the  Isle  d’Huy,3  near  the  English  coast, 
since  we  found  the  roadstead  of  Porlan  very  bad.  When  near 
this  island,  so  dense  a fog  arose,  that  we  were  obliged  to  put  in 
at  the  Hougue.4 

Ever  since  the  departure  from  Honfleur,  I had  been  afflicted 
with  a very  severe  illness,  which  took  away  my  hopes  of  being 
able  to  make  the  voyage;  so  that  I embarked  in  a boat  to 
return  to  Havre  in  France,  to  be  treated  there,  being  very  ill 
on  board  the  vessel.  My  expectation  was,  on  recovering  my 
health,  to  embark  again  in  another  vessel,  which  had  not  yet 
left  Honfleur,  in  which  Des  Marais,  son-in-law  of  Pont  Grave, 
was  to  embark;  but  I had  myself  carried,  still  very  ill,  to 
Honfleur,  where  the  vessel  on  which  I had  set  out  put  in  on  the 
15th  of  March,  for  some  ballast,  which  it  needed  in  order  to  be 
properly  trimmed.  Here  it  remained  until  the  8th  of  April. 
During  this  time,  I recovered  in  a great  degree;  and,  though 
still  feeble  and  weak,  I nevertheless  embarked  again. 

1 The  second  in  which  Champlain  had  had  full  responsibility. 

2 Portland.  3 The  Isle  of  Wight. 

4 A hamlet  in  the  Isle  of  Wight. 

175 


176 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


We  set  out  anew  on  the  18th1  of  April,  arriving  at  the 
Grand  Bank  on  the  19th,  and  sighting  the  Islands  of  St.  Pierre 
on  the  22d.  When  off  Menthane,  we  met  a vessel  from  St. 
Malo,  on  which  was  a young  man,  who,  while  drinking  to  the 
health  of  Pont  Grave,  lost  control  of  himself  and  was  thrown 
into  the  sea  by  the  motion  of  the  vessel  and  drowned,  it  being 
impossible  to  render  him  assistance  on  account  of  the  violence 
of  the  wind. 

On  the  26th  of  the  month,  we  arrived  at  Tadoussac,  where 
there  were  vessels  which  had  arrived  on  the  18th,  a thing 
which  had  not  been  seen  for  more  than  sixty  years,2  as  the 
old  mariners  said  who  sail  regularly  to  this  country.  This 
was  owing  to  the  mild  winter  and  the  small  amount  of  ice, 
which  did  not  prevent  the  entrance  of  these  vessels.  We 
learned  from  a young  nobleman,  named  Sieur  du  Parc,3  who 
had  spent  the  winter  at  our  settlement,  that  all  his  compan- 
ions were  in  good  health,  only  a few  having  been  ill,  and 
they  but  slightly.  He  also  informed  us  that  there  had  been 
scarcely  any  winter,  and  that  they  had  usually  had  fresh  meat 
the  entire  season,  and  that  their  hardest  task  had  been  to 
keep  up  good  cheer. 

This  winter  shows  how  those  undertaking  in  future  such 
enterprises  ought  to  proceed,  it  being  very  difficult  to  make 
a new  settlement  without  labor;  and  without  encountering 
adverse  fortune  the  first  year,  as  has  been  the  case  in  all  our 
first  settlements.  But,  in  fact,  by  avoiding  salt  food  and  using 
fresh  meat,  the  health  is  as  good  here  as  in  France. 

The  savages  had  been  waiting  from  day  to  day  for  us  to  go 
to  the  war  with  them.  When  they  learned  that  Pont  Grave 
and  I had  arrived  together,  they  rejoiced  greatly,  and  came  to 
speak  with  us. 

1 Read  8th.  Laverdiere  ingeniously  suggests  that  the  manuscript  read 
le  dit  huit,  changed  by  the  printer  to  le  dix-huit. 

2 The  Abbe  Ferland,  Cours  d’Histoire  du  Canada,  p.  157,  points  out  that 
this  implies  that  for  more  than  sixty  years  the  Basque,  Breton,  and  Norman 
adventurers  had  pushed  their  journeys  in  quest  of  fish  and  fur  as  far  as 
Tadoussac. 

3 Brother  of  Des  Marais,  or  Des  Marets,  previously  mentioned. 


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THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610 


177 


I went  on  shore  to  assure  them  that  we  would  go  with 
them,  in  conformity  with  the  promises  they  had  made  me, 
namely,  that  upon  our  return  from  the  war  they  would  show 
me  the  Trois  Rivieres,  and  take  me  to  a sea  so  large  that 
the  end  of  it  cannot  be  seen,  whence  we  should  return  by 
way  of  the  Saguenay  to  Tadoussac.  I asked  them  if  they 
still  had  this  intention,  to  which  they  replied  that  they  had, 
but  that  it  could  not  be  carried  out  before  the  next  year, 
which  pleased  1 me.  But  I had  promised  the  Algonquins  and 
Ochateguins  that  I would  assist  them  also  in  their  wars,  they 
having  promised  to  show  me  their  country,  the  great  lake, 
some  copper  mines,  and  other  things,  which  they  had  indi- 
cated to  me.  I accordingly  had  two  strings  to  my  bow,  so 
that,  in  case  one  should  break,  the  other  might  hold. 

On  the  28th  of  the  month,  I set  out  from  Tadoussac  for 
Quebec,  where  I found  Captain  Pierre,2  who  commanded 
there,  and  all  his  companions  in  good  health.  There  was 
also  a savage  captain  with  them,  named  Batiscan,3  with  some 
of  his  companions,  who  were  awaiting  us,  and  who  were 
greatly  pleased  at  my  arrival,  singing  and  dancing  the  entire 
evening.  I provided  a banquet  for  them,  which  gratified 
them  very  much.  They  had  a good  meal,  for  which  they 
were  very  thankful,  and  invited  me  with  seven  others  to  an 
entertainment  of  theirs,  not  a small  mark  of  respect  with  them. 
We  each  one  carried  a porringer,  according  to  custom,  and 
brought  it  home  full  of  meat,  which  we  gave  to  whomsoever 
we  pleased. 

Some  days  after  I had  set  out  from  Tadoussac,  the  Mon- 
tagnais  arrived  at  Quebec,  to  the  number  of  sixty  able-bodied 
men,  en  route  for  the  war.  They  tarried  here  some  days, 
enjoying  themselves,  and  not  omitting  to  ply  me  frequently 
with  questions,  to  assure  themselves  that  I would  not  fail  in 

1 Read  “displeased.”  Between  “du  plaisir”  and  “du  d^plaisir”  con- 
fusion was  easy. 

2 Pierre  Chavin.  See  p.  169. 

3 The  name  is  perpetuated  in  that  of  a river  and  a harbor  between 
Quebec  and  Montreal. 


N 


178 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


my  promises  to  them.  I assured  them,  and  again  made 
promises  to  them,  asking  them  if  they  had  found  me  breaking 
my  word  in  the  past.  They  were  greatly  pleased  when  I 
renewed  my  promises  to  them. 

They  said  to  me : “Here  are  numerous  Basques  and  Misti- 
goches”  (this  is  the  name  they  give  to  the  Normans  and 
people  of  St.  Malo),  “who  say  they  will  go  to  the  war  with 
us.  What  do  you  think  of  it?  Do  they  speak  the  truth?” 
I answered  no,  and  that  I knew  very  well  what  they  really 
meant ; that  they  said  this  only  to  get  possession  of  their  com- 
modities. They  replied  to  me  : “You  have  spoken  the  truth. 
They  are  women,  and  want  to  make  war  only  upon  our  beavers.” 
They  went  on  talking  still  farther  in  a facetious  mood,  and  in 
regard  to  the  manner  and  order  of  going  to  the  war. 

They  determined  to  set  out,  and  await  me  at  the  Trois 
Rivieres,  thirty  leagues  above  Quebec,  where  I had  promised 
to  join  them,  together  with  four  barques  loaded  with  mer- 
chandise, in  order  to  traffic  in  peltries,  among  others  with 
the  Ochateguins,  who  were  to  await  me  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  of  the  Iroquois,  as  they  had  promised  the  year  before, 
and  to  bring  there  as  many  as  four  hundred  men  to  go  to 
the  war. 

Chapter  2 

Departure  from  Quebec  to  assist  our  allied  savages  in  their  war 
against  the  Iroquois,  their  enemies;  and  all  that  trans- 
pired until  our  return  to  the  settlement . 

I set  out  from  Quebec  on  the  14th  of  June,  to  meet  the  Mon- 
tagnais,  Algonquins,  and  Ochateguins,  who  were  to  be  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  of  the  Iroquois.  When  I was  eight  leagues 
from  Quebec,  I met  a canoe,  containing  two  savages,  one  an 
Algonquin,  and  the  other  a Montagnais,  who  entreated  me  to 
advance  as  rapidly  as  possible,  saying  that  the  Algonquins  and 
Ochateguins  would  in  two  days  be  at  the  rendezvous,  to  the 
number  of  two  hundred,  with  two  hundred  others  to  come  a 


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THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610 


179 


little  later,  together  with  Yroquet,  one  of  their  chiefs.  They 
asked  me  if  I was  satisfied  with  the  coming  of  these  savages. 
I told  them  I could  not  be  displeased  at  it,  since  they  had  kept 
their  word.  They  came  on  board  my  barque,  where  I gave 
them  a good  entertainment.  Shortly  after  conferring  with 
them  about  many  matters  concerning  their  wars,  the  Algonquin 
savage,  one  of  their  chiefs,  drew  from  a sack  a piece  of  copper 
a foot  long,  which  he  gave  me.  This  was  very  handsome  and 
quite  pure.  He  gave  me  to  understand  that  there  were  large 
quantities  where  he  had  taken  this,  which  was  on  the  bank 
of  a river,  near  a great  lake.  He  said  that  they  gathered  it 
in  lumps,  and,  having  melted  it,1  spread  it  in  sheets,  smoothing 
it  with  stones.  I was  very  glad  of  this  present,  although  of 
small  value. 

Arriving  at  Trois  Rivieres,  I found  all  the  Montagnais 
awaiting  me,  and  the  four  barques  as  I stated  above,  which 
had  gone  to  trade  with  them. 

The  savages  were  delighted  to  see  me,  and  I went  on  shore 
to  speak  with  them.  They  entreated  me,  together  with  my 
companions,  to  embark  on  their  canoes  and  no  others,  when 
we  went  to  the  war,  saying  that  they  were  our  old  friends. 
This  I promised  them,  telling  them  that  I desired  to  set  out 
at  once,  since  the  wind  was  favorable;  and  that  my  barque 
was  not  so  swift  as  their  canoes,  for  which  reason  I desired  to 
go  on  in  advance.  They  earnestly  entreated  me  to  wait  until 
the  morning  of  the  next  day,  when  we  would  all  go  together, 
adding  that  they  would  not  go  faster  than  I should.  Finally, 
to  satisfy  them,  I promised  to  do  this,  at  which  they  were 
greatly  pleased. 

On  the  following  day,  we  all  set  out  together,  and  con- 
tinued our  route  until  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  the  19th 
of  the  month,  when  we  arrived  at  an  island  2 off  the  river 
of  the  Iroquois,  and  waited  for  the  Algonquins,  who  were 

1 This,  with  what  Cartier  says,  Early  English  and  French  Voyages , 
p.  72,  proves  that  the  Indians  had  the  arts  of  melting  and  beating  copper, 
though  of  iron  they  were  ignorant  before  the  coming  of  the  whites. 

2 Isle  St.  Ignace. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


to  be  there  the  same  day.  While  the  Montagnais  were  felling 
trees  to  clear  a place  for  dancing,  and  for  arranging  themselves 
for  the  arrival  of  the  Algonquins,  an  Algonquin  canoe  was 
suddenly  seen  coming  in  haste,  to  bring  word  that  the  Algon- 
quins had  fallen  in  with  a hundred  Iroquois,  who  were  strongly 
barricaded,  and  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  conquer  them, 
unless  they  should  come  speedily,  together  with  the  Mati- 
goches,  as  they  call  us. 

The  alarm  at  once  sounded  among  them,  and  each  one  got 
into  his  canoe  with  his  arms.  They  were  quickly  in  readiness, 
but  with  confusion ; for  they  were  so  precipitate  that,  instead 
of  making  haste,  they  hindered  one  another.  They  came  to 
our  barque  and  the  others,  begging  me,  together  with  my  com- 
panions, to  go  with  them  in  their  canoes,  and  they  were  so 
urgent  that  I embarked  with  four  others.  I requested  our 
pilot,  La  Routte,  to  stay  in  the  barque,  and  send  me  some  four 
or  five  more  of  my  companions,  if  the  other  barques  would 
send  some  shallops  with  men  to  aid  us ; for  none  of  the  barques 
were  inclined  to  go  with  the  savages,  except  Captain  Thibaut, 
who,  having  a barque  there,  went  with  me.  The  savages  cried 
out  to  those  who  remained,  saying  that  they  were  woman-hearted, 
and  that  all  they  could  do  was  to  make  war  upon  their  peltry. 

Meanwhile,  after  going  some  half  a league,  all  the  savages 
crossing  the  river  landed,  and,  leaving  their  canoes,  took  their 
bucklers,  bows,  arrows,  clubs,  and  swords,  which  they  attach 
to  the  end  of  large  sticks,  and  proceeded  to  make  their  way  in 
the  woods,  so  fast  that  we  soon  lost  sight  of  them,  they  leaving 
us,  five  in  number,  without  guides.  This  displeased  us ; but, 
keeping  their  tracks  constantly  in  sight,  we  followed  them, 
although  we  were  often  deceived.  We  went  through  dense 
woods,  and  over  swamps  and  marshes,  with  the  water  always 
up  to  our  knees,  greatly  encumbered  by  a pike-man’s  corselet, 
with  which  each  one  was  armed.  We  were  also  tormented  in 
a grievous  and  unheard-of  manner  by  quantities  of  mos- 
quitoes, which  were  so  thick  that  they  scarcely  permitted  us  to 
draw  breath.  After  going  about  half  a league  under  these 
circumstances,  and  no  longer  knowing  where  we  were,  we  per- 


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THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610 


181 


ceived  two  savages  passing  through  the  woods,  to  whom  we 
called  and  told  them  to  stay  with  us,  and  guide  us  to  the 
whereabouts  of  the  Iroquois,  otherwise  we  could  not  go 
there,  and  should  get  lost  in  the  woods.  They  stayed  to 
guide  us.  After  proceeding  a short  distance,  we  saw  a savage 
coming  in  haste  to  us,  to  induce  us  to  advance  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  giving  me  to  understand  that  the  Algonquins  and 
Montagnais  had  tried  to  force  the  barricade  of  the  Iroquois 
but  had  been  repulsed,  that  some  of  the  best  men  of  the  Mon- 
tagnais had  been  killed  in  the  attempt,  and  several  wounded, 
and  that  they  had  retired  to  wait  for  us,  in  whom  was  their 
only  hope.  We  had  not  gone  an  eighth  of  a league  with  this 
savage,  who  was  an  Algonquin  captain,  before  we  heard  the 
yells  and  cries  on  both  sides,  as  they  jeered  at  each  other,  and 
were  skirmishing  slightly  while  awaiting  us.  As  soon  as  the 
savages  perceived  us,  they  began  to  shout,  so  that  one  could 
not  have  heard  it  thunder.  I gave  orders  to  my  companions 
to  follow  me  steadily,  and  not  to  leave  me  on  any  account. 
I approached  the  barricade  of  the  enemy,  in  order  to  recon- 
noitre it.  It  was  constructed  of  large  trees  placed  one  upon 
another,  and  of  a circular  shape,  the  usual  form  of  their  for- 
tifications. All  the  Montagnais  and  Algonquins  approached 
likewise  the  barricade.  Then  we  commenced  firing  numerous 
musket-shots  through  the  brush-wood,  since  we  could  not 
see  them,  as  they  could  us.  I was  wounded  while  firing  my 
first  shot  at  the  side  of  their  barricade  by  an  arrow,  which 
pierced  the  end  of  my  ear  and  entered  my  neck.  I seized 
the  arrow,  and  tore  it  from  my  neck.  The  end  of  it  was  armed 
with  a very  sharp  stone.  One  of  my  companions  also  was 
wounded  at  the  same  time  in  the  arm  by  an  arrow,  which  I 
tore  out  for  him.  Yet  my  wound  did  not  prevent  me  from 
doing  my  duty : our  savages  also,  on  their  part,  as  well  as  the 
enemy,  did  their  duty,  so  that  you  could  see  the  arrows  fly 
on  all  sides  as  thick  as  hail.1  The  Iroquois  were  astonished  at 

1 If  Champlain's  drawing  may  be  trusted,  the  Indians  fired  high  in  air, 
that  their  arrows  might  come  down  upon  the  heads  of  their  enemies.  The 
stockade  was  of  course  roofless. 


182 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


the  noise  of  our  muskets,  and  especially  that  the  balls  pene- 
trated better  than  their  arrows.  They  were  so  frightened  at 
the  effect  produced  that,  seeing  several  of  their  companions 
fall  wounded  and  dead,  they  threw  themselves  on  the  ground 
whenever  they  heard  a discharge,  supposing  that  the  shots 
were  sure.  We  scarcely  ever  missed  firing  two  or  three  balls 
at  one  shot,  resting  our  muskets  most  of  the  time  on  the  side 
of  their  barricade.  But,  seeing  that  our  ammunition  began 
to  fail,  I said  to  all  the  savages  that  it  was  necessary  to  break 
down  their  barricades  and  capture  them  by  storm ; and  that, 
in  order  to  accomplish  this,  they  must  take  their  shields, 
cover  themselves  with  them,  and  thus  approach  so  near  as 
to  be  able  to  fasten  stout  ropes  to  the  posts  that  supported 
the  barricades,  and  pull  them  down  by  main  strength,  in  that 
way  making  an  opening  large  enough  to  permit  them  to  enter 
the  fort.  I told  them  that  we  would  meanwhile,  by  our 
musketry-fire,  keep  off  the  enemy,  as  they  endeavored  to  pre- 
vent them  from  accomplishing  this;  also  that  a number 
of  them  should  get  behind  some  large  trees,  which  were  near 
the  barricade,  in  order  to  throw  them  down  upon  the  enemy, 
and  that  others  should  protect  these  with  their  shields,  in  order 
to  keep  the  enemy  from  injuring  them.  All  this  they  did 
very  promptly.  And,  as  they  were  about  finishing  the.  work, 
the  barques,  distant  a league  and  a half,  hearing  the  reports 
of  our  muskets,  knew  that  we  were  engaged  in  conflict;  and 
a young  man  from  St.  Malo,  full  of  courage,  Des  Prairies  by 
name,  who  like  the  rest  had  come  with  his  barque  to  engage 
in  peltry  traffic,  said  to  his  companions  that  it  was  a great 
shame  to  let  me  fight  in  this  way  with  the  savages  without 
coming  to  my  assistance ; that  for  his  part  he  had  too  high  a 
sense  of  honor  to  permit  him  to  do  so,  and  that  he  did  not 
wish  to  expose  himself  to  this  reproach.  Accordingly,  he 
determined  to  come  to  me  in  a shallop  with  some  of  his  com- 
panions, together  with  some  of  mine  whom  he  took  with  him. 
Immediately  upon  his  arrival,  he  went  towards  the  fort  of 
the  Iroquois,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  Here  he 
landed,  and  came  to  find  me.  Upon  seeing  him,  I ordered 


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183 


our  savages  who  were  breaking  down  the  fortress  to  stop,  so 
that  the  new-comers  might  have  their  share  of  the  sport.  I 
requested  Sieur  des  Prairies  and  his  companions  to  fire  some 
salvos  of  musketry,  before  our  savages  should  carry  by  storm 
the  enemy,  as  they  had  decided  to  do.  This  they  did,  each 
one  firing  several  shots,  in  which  all  did  their  duty  well. 
After  they  had  fired  enough,  I addressed  myself  to  our  sav- 
ages, urging  them  to  finish  the  work.  Straightway,  they 
approached  the  barricade,  as  they  had  previously  done,  while 
we  on  the  flank  were  to  fire  at  those  who  should  endeavor 
to  keep  them  from  breaking  it  down.  They  behaved  so  well 
and  bravely  that,  with  the  help  of  our  muskets,  they  made  an 
opening,  which,  however,  was  difficult  to  go  through,  as  there 
was  still  left  a portion  as  high  as  a man,  there  being  also 
branches  of  trees  there  which  had  been  beaten  down,  forming 
a serious  obstacle.  But,  when  I saw  that  the  entrance  was 
quite  practicable,  I gave  orders  not  to  fire  any  more,  which  they 
obeyed.  At  the  same  instant,  some  twenty  or  thirty,  both  of 
savages  and  of  our  own  men,  entered,  sword  in  hand,  with- 
out finding  much  resistance.  Immediately,  all  who  were 
unharmed  took  to  flight.  But  they  did  not  proceed  far ; for 
they  were  brought  down  by  those  around  the  barricade,  and 
those  who  escaped  were  drowned  in  the  river.  We  captured 
some  fifteen  prisoners,  the  rest  being  killed  by  musket-shots, 
arrows,  and  the  sword.  When  the  fight  was  over,  there  came 
another  shallop,  containing  some  of  my  companions.  This, 
although  behind  time,  was  yet  in  season  for  the  booty,  which, 
however,  was  not  of  much  account.  There  were  only  robes 
of  beaver-skin,  and  dead  bodies  covered  with  blood,  which 
the  savages  would  not  take  the  trouble  to  plunder,  laughing 
at  those  in  the  last  shallop,  who  did  so ; for  the  others  did  not 
engage  in  such  low  business.  This,  then,  is  the  victory  ob- 
tained by  God’s  grace,  for  gaining  which  they  gave  us  much 
praise. 

The  savages  scalped  the  dead,  and  took  the  heads  as  a 
trophy  of  victory,  according  to  their  custom.  They  returned 
with  fifty  wounded  Montagnais  and  Algonquins  and  three  dead, 


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VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


singing  and  leading  their  prisoners  with  them.  They  attached 
to  sticks  in  the  prows  of  their  canoes  the  heads  and  a dead  body 
cut  into  quarters,  to  eat  in  revenge,  as  they  said.  In  this  way 
they  went  to  our  barques  off  the  River  of  the  Iroquois. 

My  companions  and  I embarked  in  a shallop,  where  I had 
my  wound  dressed  by  the  surgeon,  De  Boyer,  of  Rouen,  who 
likewise  had  come  here  for  the  purpose  of  traffic.  The  savages 
spent  all  this  day  in  dancing  and  singing. 

The  next  day,  Sieur  de  Pont  Grave  arrived  with  another 
shallop,  loaded  with  merchandise.  Moreover,  there  was  also 
a barque  containing  Captain  Pierre,  which  he  had  left  behind, 
it  being  able  to  come  only  with  difficulty,  as  it  was  rather 
heavy  and  a poor  sailer. 

The  same  day  there  was  some  trading  in  peltry,  but  the 
other  barques  carried  off  the  better  part  of  the  booty.  It 
was  doing  them  a great  favor  to  search  out  a strange  people 
for  them,  that  they  might  afterwards  carry  off  the  profit 
without  any  risk  or  danger. 

That  day,  I asked  the  savages  for  an  Iroquois  prisoner  which 
they  had,  and  they  gave  him  to  me.  What  I did  for  him  was 
not  a little ; for  I saved  him  from  many  tortures  which  he  must 
have  suffered  in  company  with  his  fellow-prisoners,  whose 
nails  they  tore  out,  also  cutting  off  their  fingers,  and  burning 
them  in  several  places.  They  put  to  death  on  the  same  day 
two  or  three,  and,  in  order  to  increase  their  torture,  treated 
them  in  the  following  manner. 

They  took  the  prisoners  to  the  border  of  the  water,  and 
fastened  them  perfectly  upright  to  a stake.  Then  each  came 
with  a torch  of  birch  bark,  and  burned  them,  now  in  this 
place,  now  in  that.  The  poor  wretches,  feeling  the  fire, 
raised  so  loud  a cry  that  it  was  something  frightful  to  hear; 
and  frightful  indeed  are  the  cruelties  which  these  barbarians 
practise  towards  each  other.  After  making  them  suffer 
greatly  in  this  manner  and  burning  them  with  the  above- 
mentioned  bark,  taking  some  water,  they  threw  it  on  their 
bodies  to  increase  their  suffering.  Then  they  applied  the 
fire  anew,  so  that  the  skin  fell  from  their  bodies,  they  con- 


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THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610 


185 


tinuing  to  utter  loud  cries  and  exclamations,  and  dancing 
until  the  poor  wretches  fell  dead  on  the  spot. 

As  soon  as  a body  fell  to  the  ground  dead,  they  struck  it 
violent  blows  with  sticks,  when  they  cut  off  the  arms,  legs, 
and  other  parts ; and  he  was  not  regarded  by  them  as  manly, 
who  did  not  cut  off  a piece  of  the  flesh,  and  give  it  to  the 
dogs.  Such  are  the  courtesies  prisoners  receive.  But  still 
they  endure  all  the  tortures  inflicted  upon  them  with  such 
constancy  that  the  spectator  is  astonished. 

As  to  the  other  prisoners,  which  remained  in  possession  of 
the  Algonquins  and  Montagnais,  it  was  left  to  their  wives 
and  daughters  to  put  them  to  death  with  their  own  hands; 
and,  in  such  a matter,  they  do  not  show  themselves  less 
inhuman,  than  the  men,  but  even  surpass  them  by  far  in  cru- 
elty; for  they  devise  by  their  cunning  more  cruel  punish- 
ments, in  which  they  take  pleasure,  putting  an  end  to  their 
lives  by  the  most  extreme  pains. 

The  next  day  there  arrived  the  Captain  Yroquet,  also 
another  Ochateguin,  with  some  eighty  men,  who  regretted 
greatly  not  having  been  present  at  the  defeat.  Among  all 
these  tribes  there  were  present  nearly  two  hundred  men,  who 
had  never  before  seen  Christians,  for  whom  they  conceived  a 
great  admiration. 

We  were  some  three  days  together  on  an  island  off  the 
river  of  the  Iroquois,  when  each  tribe  returned  to  its  own 
country. 

I had  a young  lad,1  who  had  already  spent  two  winters  at 
Quebec,  and  who  was  desirous  of  going  with  the  Algonquins 
to  learn  their  language.  Pont  Grav6  and  I concluded  that, 
if  he  entertained  this  desire,  it  would  be  better  to  send  him 
to  this  place  than  elsewhere,  that  he  might  ascertain  the 
nature  of  their  country,  see  the  great  lake,  observe  the  rivers 
and  tribes  there,  and  also  explore  the  mines  and  objects  of 
special  interest  in  the  localities  occupied  by  these  tribes,  in 
order  that  he  might  inform  us,  upon  his  return,  of  the  facts 

1 Apparently  fitienne  Brule,  on  whom  see  C.  W.  Butterfield,  History 
of  Brule's  Discoveries  and  Explorations  (Cleveland,  1898). 


186 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


of  the  case.  We  asked  him  if  it  was  his  desire  to  go,  for  I 
did  not  wish  to  force  him.  But  he  answered  the  question  at 
once  by  consenting  to  the  journey  with  great  pleasure. 

Going  to  Captain  Yroquet,  who  was  strongly  attached  to 
me,  I asked  him  if  he  would  like  to  take  this  young  boy  to 
his  country  to  spend  the  winter  with  him,  and  bring  him 
back  in  the  spring.  He  promised  to  do  so,  and  treat  him  as 
his  own  son,  saying  that  he  was  greatly  pleased  with  the  idea. 
He  communicated  the  plan  to  all  the  Algonquins,  who  were 
not  greatly  pleased  with  it,  from  fear  that  some  accident  might 
happen  to  the  boy,  which  would  cause  us  to  make  war  upon 
them.  This  hesitation  cooled  the  desire  of  Yroquet,  who  came 
and  told  me  that  all  his  companions  failed  to  find  the  plan  a 
good  one.  Meanwhile,  all  the  barques  had  left,  excepting  that 
of  Pont  Grave,  who,  having  some  pressing  business  on  hand, 
as  he  told  me,  went  away  too.  But  I stayed  with  my  barque 
to  see  how  the  matter  of  the  journey  of  this  boy,  which  I 
was  desirous  should  take  place,  would  result.  I accordingly 
went  on  shore,  and  asked  to  speak  with  the  captains,  who 
came  to  me,  and  we  sat  down  for  a conference,  together  with 
many  other  savages  of  age  and  distinction  in  their  troops. 
Then  I asked  them  why  Captain  Yroquet,  whom  I regarded 
as  my  friend,  had  refused  to  take  my  boy  with  him.  I said 
that  it  was  not  acting  like  a brother  or  friend  to  refuse  me 
what  he  had  promised,  and  what  could  result  in  nothing 
but  good  to  them;  taking  the  boy  would  be  a means  of  in- 
creasing still  more  our  friendship  with  them  and  forming  one 
with  their  neighbors;  that  their  scruples  at  doing  so  only 
gave  me  an  unfavorable  opinion  of  them  ; and  that  if  they 
would  not  take  the  boy,  as  Captain  Yroquet  had  promised,  I 
would  never  have  any  friendship  with  them,  for  they  were 
not  children  to  break  their  promises  in  this  manner.  They 
then  told  me  that  they  were  satisfied  with  the  arrangement, 
only  they  feared  that,  from  change  of  diet  to  something  worse 
than  he  had  been  accustomed  to,  some  harm  might  happen 
to  the  boy,  which  would  provoke  my  displeasure.  This  they 
said  was  the  only  cause  of  their  refusal. 


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THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610 


187 


I replied  that  the  boy  would  be  able  to  adapt  himself  with- 
out difficulty  to  their  manner  of  living  and  usual  food,  and 
that,  if  through  sickness  or  the  fortunes  of  war  any  harm 
should  befall  him,  this  would  not  interrupt  my  friendly  feel- 
ings toward  them,  and  that  we  were  all  exposed  to  accidents, 
which  we  must  submit  to  with  patience.  But  I said  that  if 
they  treated  him  badly,  and  if  any  misfortune  happened  to 
him  through  their  fault,  I should  in  truth  be  displeased, 
which,  however,  I did  not  expect  from  them,  but  quite  the 
contrary. 

They  said  to  me:  “ Since,  then,  this  is  your  desire,  we  will 
take  him,  and  treat  him  like  ourselves.  But  you  shall  also 
take  a young  man  in  his  place,  to  go  to  France.  We  shall 
be  greatly  pleased  to  hear  him  report  the  fine  things  he  shall 
have  seen”  I accepted  with  pleasure  the  proposition,  and  took 
the  young  man.  He  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  the  Ochate- 
guins,  and  was  also  glad  to  go  with  me.  This  presented  an 
additional  motive  for  treating  my  boy  still  better  than  they 
might  otherwise  have  done.  I fitted  him  out  with  what  he 
needed,  and  we  made  a mutual  promise  to  meet  at  the  end  of 
June. 

We  parted  with  many  promises  of  friendship.  Then  they 
went  away  towards  the  great  fall  of  the  River  of  Canada, 
while  I returned  to  Quebec.  On  my  way,  I met  Pont  Grave 
on  Lake  St.  Peter,  who  was  waiting  for  me  with  a large  patache, 
which  he  had  fallen  in  with  on  this  lake,  and  which  had  not 
been  expeditious  enough  to  reach  the  place  where  the  savages 
were,  on  account  of  its  poor  sailing  qualities. 

We  all  returned  together  to  Quebec,  when  Pont  Grave 
went  to  Tadoussac,  to  arrange  some  matters  pertaining  to  our 
quarters  there.  But  I stayed  at  Quebec  to  see  to  the  recon- 
struction of  some  palisades  about  our  abode,  until  Pont  Grave 
should  return,  when  we  could  confer  together  as  to  what  was 
to  be  done. 

On  the  4th  of  June,1  Des  Marais  arrived  at  Quebec,  greatly 


Read  4th  of  July. 


188 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


to  our  joy;  for  we  were  afraid  that  some  accident  had  hap- 
pened to  him  at  sea. 

Some  days  after,  an  Iroquois  prisoner,  whom  I had  kept 
guarded,  got  away  in  consequence  of  my  giving  him  too  much 
liberty,  and  made  his  escape,  urged  to  do  so  by  fear,  not- 
withstanding the  assurances  given  him  by  a woman  of  his 
tribe  we  had  at  our  settlement. 

A few  days  after,  Pont  Grave  wrote  me  that  he  was 
thinking  of  passing  the  winter  at  the  settlement,  being  moved 
to  do  so  by  many  considerations.  I replied  that,  if  he 
expected  to  fare  better  than  I had  done  in  the  past,  he  would 
do  well. 

He  accordingly  hastened  to  provide  himself  with  the  sup- 
plies necessary  for  the  settlement. 

After  I had  finished  the  palisade  about  our  habitation,  and 
put  every  thing  in  order,  Captain  Pierre  returned  in  a barque 
in  which  he  had  gone  to  Tadoussac  to  see  his  friends.  I also 
went  there  to  ascertain  what  would  result  from  the  second 
trading,  and  to  attend  to  some  other  special  business  which  I 
had  there.  Upon  my  arrival,  I found  there  Pont  Grave,  who 
stated  to  me  in  detail  his  plans,  and  the  reasons  inducing  him 
to  spend  the  winter.  I told  him  frankly  what  I thought  of 
the  matter ; namely,  that  I believed  he  would  not  derive  much 
profit  from  it,  according  to  the  appearances  that  were  plainly 
to  be  seen. 

He  determined  accordingly  to  change  his  plan,  and  de- 
spatched a barque  with  orders  for  Captain  Pierre  to  return 
from  Quebec  on  account  of  some  business  he  had  with  him; 
with  the  intelligence  also  that  some  vessels,  which  had  arrived 
from  Brouage,  brought  the  news  that  Monsieur  de  Saint  Luc  1 
had  come  by  post  from  Paris,  expelled  those  of  the  religion 2 
from  Brouage,  re-enforced  the  garrison  with  soldiers,  and 
then  returned  to  Court ; that  the  king  had  been  killed,3  and 

1 Son  of  a former  governor  of  Brouage,  Champlain’s  birthplace. 

2 1.e.,  the  Huguenots. 

* Henry  IV.  was  assassinated  on  May  14,  1610. 


1610]  THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610  189 

two  or  three  days  after  him  the  Duke  of  Sully/  together  with 
two  other  lords,  whose  names  they  did  not  know. 

All  these  tidings  gave  great  sorrow  to  the  true  French  in 
these  quarters.  As  for  myself,  it  was  hard  for  me  to  believe 
it,  on  account  of  the  different  reports  about  the  matter,  and 
which  had  not  much  appearance  of  truth.  Still,  I was  greatly 
troubled  at  hearing  such  mournful  news. 

Now,  after  having  stayed  three  or  four  days  longer  at 
Tadoussac,  I saw  the  loss  which  many  merchants  must  suffer, 
who  had  taken  on  board  a large  quantity  of  merchandise, 
and  fitted  out  a great  number  of  vessels,  in  expectation  of 
doing  a good  business  in  the  fur-trade,  which  was  so  poor  on 
account  of  the  great  number  of  vessels,  that  many  will  for  a 
long  time  remember  the  loss  which  they  suffered  this  year. 

Sieur  de  Pont  Grave  and  I embarked,  each  of  us  in  a 
barque,  leaving  Captain  Pierre  on  the  vessel.  We  took  Du 
Parc  to  Quebec,  where  we  finished  what  remained  to  be 
done  at  the  settlement.  After  every  thing  was  in  good  con- 
dition, we  resolved  that  Du  Parc,  who  had  wintered  there 
with  Captain  Pierre,  should  remain  again,  and  that  Captain 
Pierre  should  return  to  France  with  us,  on  account  of  some 
business  that  called  him  there. 

We  accordingly  left  Du  Parc  in  command  there,  with  six- 
teen men,  all  of  whom  we  enjoined  to  live  soberly,  and  in  the 
fear  of  God,  and  in  strict  observance  of  the  obedience  due  to 
the  authority  of  Du  Parc,  who  was  left  as  their  chief  and 
commander,  just  as  if  one  of  us  had  remained.  This  they 
all  promised  to  do,  and  to  live  in  peace  with  each  other. 

As  to  the  gardens,  we  left  them  all  well  supplied  with 
kitchen  vegetables  of  all  sorts,  together  with  fine  Indian 
corn,  wheat,  rye,  and  barley,  which  had  been  already  planted. 
There  were  also  vines  which  I had  set  out  when  I spent  the 
winter  there,  but  these  they  made  no  attempt  to  preserve; 
for,  upon  my  return,  I found  them  all  in  ruins,  and  I was 

1 The  report  of  Sully ’s  death  was  unfounded ; but  his  power  was 
broken,  and  he  lived  in  retirement  till  his  death  in  1641. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1610 


greatly  displeased  that  they  had  given  so  little  attention  to 
the  preservation  of  so  fine  and  good  a plot,  from  which  I 
had  anticipated  a favorable  result. 

After  seeing  that  every  thing  was  in  good  order,  we  set 
out  from  Quebec  on  the  8th  of  August  for  Tadoussac,  in  order 
to  prepare  our  vessel,  which  was  speedily  done. 


Chapter  3 

Return  to  France . Meeting  a whale ; the  mode  of  capturing 

them. 

On  the  13th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  Tadoussac, 
arriving  at  lie  Percee  the  next  day,  where  we  found  a large 
number  of  vessels  engaged  in  the  fishery,  dry  and  green. 

On  the  18th  of  the  month,  we  departed  from  lie  Percee, 
passing  in  latitude  42°,  without  sighting  the  Grand  Bank, 
where  the  green  fishery  is  carried  on,  as  it  is  too  narrow  at  this 
altitude. 

When  we  were  about  half  way  across,  we  encountered  a 
whale,  which  was  asleep.  The  vessel,  passing  over  him,  awak- 
ening him  betimes,  made  a great  hole  in  him  near  the  tail, 
without  damaging  our  vessel ; but  he  threw  out  an  abundance 
of  blood. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  not  out  of  place  to  give  here  a brief 
description  of  the  mode  of  catching  whales,  which  many 
have  not  witnessed,  and  suppose  that  they  are  shot,  owing  to 
the  false  assertions  about  the  matter  made  to  them  in  their 
ignorance  by  impostors,  and  on  account  of  which  such  ideas 
have  often  been  obstinately  maintained  in  my  presence. 

Those,  then,  most  skilful  in  this  fishery  are  the  Basques, 
who,  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  in  it,  take  their  vessels  to  a 
place  of  security,  and  near  where  they  think  whales  are  plenty. 
Then  they  equip  several  shallops  manned  by  competent  men 
and  provided  with  hawsers,  small  ropes  made  of  the  best 
hemp  to  be  found,  at  least  a hundred  and  fifty  fathoms  long. 


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THE  VOYAGE  TO  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1610 


191 


They  are  also  provided  with  many  halberds  of  the  length  of 
a short  pike,  whose  iron  is  six  inches  broad ; others  are  from 
a foot  and  a half  to  two  feet  long,  and  very  sharp.  Each 
shallop  has  a harpooner,  the  most  agile  and  adroit  man  they 
have,  whose  pay  is  next  highest  to  that  of  the  masters,  his 
position  being  the  most  dangerous  one.  This  shallop  being 
outside  of  the  port,  the  men  look  in  all  quarters  for  a whale, 
tacking  about  in  all  directions.  But,  if  they  see  nothing, 
they  return  to  the  shore,  and  ascend  the  highest  point  they 
can  find,  and  from  which  they  can  get  the  most  extensive 
view.  Here  they  station  a man  on  the  look-out.  They  are 
aided  in  catching  sight  of  a whale  both  by  his  size  and  the 
water  he  spouts  through  his  blow-holes,  which  is  more  than 
a puncheon  at  a time,  and  two  lances  high.  From  the  amount 
of  this  water,  they  estimate  how  much  oil  he  will  yield.  From 
some  they  get  as  many  as  one  hundred  and  twenty  puncheons, 
from  others  less.  Having  caught  sight  of  this  monstrous 
fish,  they  hasten  to  embark  in  their  shallops,  and  by  rowing 
or  sailing  they  advance  until  they  are  upon  him. 

Seeing  him  under  water,  the  harpooner  goes  at  once  to 
the  prow  of  the  shallop  with  his  harpoon,  an  iron  two  feet 
long  and  half  a foot  wide  at  the  lower  part,  and  attached  to 
a stick  as  long  as  a small  pike,  in  the  middle  of  which  is  a 
hole  to  which  the  hawser  is  made  fast.  The  harpooner, 
watching  his  time,  throws  his  harpoon  at  the  whale,  which 
enters  him  well  forward.  As  soon  as  he  finds  himself  wounded, 
the  whale  goes  down.  And  if  by  chance  turning  about,  as  he 
does  sometimes,  his  tail  strikes  the  shallop,  it  breaks  it  like 
glass.  This  is  the  only  risk  they  run  of  being  killed  in  har- 
pooning. As  soon  as  they  have  thrown  the  harpoon  into  him, 
they  let  the  hawser  run  until  the  whale  reaches  the  bottom. 
But  sometimes  he  does  not  go  straight  to  the  bottom,  when 
he  drags  the  shallop  eight  or  nine  leagues  or  more,  going  as 
swiftly  as  a horse.  Very  often  they  are  obliged  to  cut  their 
hawser,  for  fear  that  the  whale  will  take  them  under  water. 
But,  when  he  goes  straight  to  the  bottom,  he  rests  there  awhile, 
and  then  returns  quietly  to  the  surface,  the  men  taking  aboard 


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again  the  hawser  as  he  rises.  When  he  comes  to  the  top,  two 
or  three  shallops  are  stationed  around  with  halberds,  with  which 
they  give  him  several  blows.  Finding  himself  struck,  the 
whale  goes  down  again,  leaving  a trail  of  blood,  and  grows  weak 
to  such  an  extent  that  he  has  no  longer  any  strength  nor  energy, 
and  returning  to  the  surface  is  finally  killed.  When  dead,  he 
does  not  go  down  again:  fastening  stout  ropes  to  him,  they 
drag  him  ashore  to  their  head-quarters,  the  place  where  they 
try  out  the  fat  of  the  whale,  to  obtain  his  oil.  This  is  the  way 
whales  are  taken,  and  not  by  cannon-shots,  which  many  sup- 
pose, as  I have  stated  above. 

To  resume  the  thread  of  my  narrative : after  wounding  the 
whale,  as  mentioned,  we  captured  a great  many  porpoises, 
which  our  mate  harpooned  to  our  pleasure  and  amusement. 
We  also  caught  a great  many  fish  having  a large  ear,  with  a 
hook  and  line,  attaching  to  the  hook  a little  fish  resembling 
a herring,  and  letting  it  trail  behind  the  vessel.  The  large  ear,1 
thinking  it  in  fact  a living  fish,  comes  up  to  swallow  it,  thus 
finding  himself  at  once  caught  by  the  hook,  which  is  con- 
cealed in  the  body  of  the  little  fish.  This  fish  is  very  good, 
and  has  certains  tufts  which  are  very  handsome,  and  resemble 
those  worn  on  plumes. 

On  the  22d  of  September,  we  arrived  on  soundings.  Here 
we  saw  twenty  vessels  some  four  leagues  to  the  west  of  us, 
which,  as  they  appeared  from  our  vessel,  we  judged  to  be 
Flemish. 

On  the  25th  of  the  month,  we  sighted  the  Isle  de  Grenez6,2 
after  experiencing  a strong  blow,  which  lasted  until  noon. 

On  the  27th  of  the  month,  we  arrived  at  Honfieur. 


1 Mackerel. 


8 Guernsey, 


THIRD  VOYAGE  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN 
IN  THE  YEAR  1611 


THIRD  VOYAGE  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN 
IN  THE  YEAR  1611 


Chapter  1 

Departure  from  France  to  return  to  New  France . The  dangers 
and  other  events  which  occurred  up  to  the  time  of  arrival 
at  the  settlement. 

We  set  out  from  Honfleur  on  the  first  day  of  March.  The 
wind  was  favorable  until  the  eighth,  when  we  were  opposed 
by  a wind  south-southwest  and  west-northwest,  driving  us  as 
far  as  latitude  42°,  without  our  being  able  to  make  a southing, 
so  as  to  sail  straight  forward  on  our  course.  Accordingly  after 
encountering  several  heavy  winds,  and  being  kept  back  by 
bad  weather,  we  nevertheless,  through  great  difficulty  and 
hardship,  and  by  sailing  on  different  tacks,  succeeded  in  arriving 
within  eighty  leagues  of  the  Grand  Bank,  where  the  fresh1 
fishery  is  carried  on.  Here  we  encountered  ice  thirty  or 
forty  fathoms  high,  or  more,  which  led  us  to  consider  what 
course  we  ought  to  take,  fearing  that  we  might  fall  in  with 
more  during  the  night,  or  that  the  wind  changing  would  drive 
us  on  to  it.  We  also  concluded  that  this  would  not  be  the  last, 
since  we  had  set  out  from  France  too  early  in  the  season.  We 
sailed  accordingly  during  that  day  with  short  sail,  as  near 
the  wind  as  we  could.  When  night  came,  the  fog  arose  so  thick 
and  obscure  that  we  could  scarcely  see  the  ship’s  length. 
About  eleven  o’clock  at  night,  more  ice  was  seen,  which  alarmed 

1 Or  rather,  “green  fishing.”  This  was  the  fishing  carried  on  on  the 
banks  by  vessels  remaining  at  sea  for  several  months,  and  was  distinguished 
from  the  “dry  fishing”  carried  on  from  the  shore  in  small  boats,  which 
returned  toward  nightfall,  and  exposed  their  catch  to  be  dried  by  the  sun 
and  wind.  See  Lescarbot,  ed.  1609,  p.  823. 

195 


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[1611 


us.  But  through  the  energy  of  the  sailors  we  avoided  it. 
Supposing  that  we  had  passed  all  danger,  we  met  with  still 
more  ice,  which  the  sailors  saw  ahead  of  our  vessel,  but  not 
until  we  were  almost  upon  it.  When  all  had  committed 
themselves  to  God,  having  given  up  all  hope  of  avoiding  colli- 
sion with  this  ice,  which  was  already  under  our  bowsprit, 
they  cried  to  the  helmsman  to  bear  off;  and  this  ice,  which 
was  very  extensive,  drove  in  such  a manner  that  it  passed  by 
without  striking  our  vessel,  which  stopped  short,  and  remained 
as  still  as  if  it  had  never  moved,  to  let  it  pass.  Although 
the  danger  was  over,  our  blood  was  not  so  quickly  cooled,  so 
great  had  been  our  fear,  and  we  praised  God  for  delivering 
us  from  so  imminent  a peril.  This  experience  being  over, 
we  passed  the  same  night  two  or  three  other  masses  of  ice,  not 
less  dangerous  than  the  former  ones.  There  was  at  the  same 
time  a dripping  fog,  and  it  was  so  cold  that  we  could  scarcely 
get  warm.  The  next  day  we  met  several  other  large  and  very 
high  masses  of  ice,  which,  in  the  distance,  looked  like  islands. 
We,  however,  avoided  them  all,  and  reached  the  Grand  Bank, 
where  we  were  detained  by  bad  weather  for  the  space  of  six 
days.  The  wind  growing  a little  milder,  and  very  favorable, 
we  left  the  banks  in  latitude  44°  30',  which  was  the  farthest 
south  we  could  go.  After  sailing  some  sixty  leagues  west- 
northwest,  we  saw  a vessel  coming  down  to  make  us  out,  but 
which  afterwards  bore  off  to  the  east-northeast,  to  avoid  a 
large  bank  of  ice,  which  covered  the  entire  extent  of  our  line 
of  vision.  Concluding  that  there  was  a passage  through  the 
middle  of  this  great  floe,  which  was  divided  into  two  parts, 
we  entered,  in  pursuance  of  our  course,  between  the  two,  and 
sailed  some  ten  leagues  without  seeing  anything  contrary  to 
our  conjecture  of  a fine  passage  through,  until  evening,  when 
we  found  the  floe  closed  up.  This  gave  us  much  anxiety  as 
to  what  was  to  be  done,  the  night  being  at  hand  and  there  being 
no  moon,  which  deprived  us  of  all  means  of  returning  to  the 
point  whence  we  had  come.  Yet,  after  due  deliberation,  it 
was  resolved  to  try  to  find  again  the  entrance  by  which  we  had 
come,  which  we  set  about  accomplishing.  But  the  night 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


197 


coming  on  with  fog,  rain,  snow,  and  a wind  so  violent  that  w^e 
could  scarcely  carry  our  mainsail,  every  trace  of  our  way  was 
lost.  For,  as  we  were  expecting  to  avoid  the  ice  so  as  to  pass 
out,  the  wind  had  already  closed  up  the  passage,  so  that  we 
were  obliged  to  return  to  the  other  tack.  We  were  unable  to 
remain  longer  than  a quarter  of  an  hour  on  one  tack  before 
taking  another,  in  order  to  avoid  the  numerous  masses  of  ice 
drifting  about  on  all  sides.  We  thought  more  than  twenty 
times  that  we  should  never  escape  with  our  lives.  The  entire 
night  was  spent  amid  difficulties  and  hardships.  Never  was 
the  watch  better  kept,  for  nobody  wished  to  rest,  but  to  strive 
to  escape  from  the  ice  and  danger.  The  cold  was  so  great,  that 
all  the  ropes  of  the  vessel  were  so  frozen  and  covered  with  large 
icicles  that  the  men  could  not  work  her  nor  stick  to  the  deck. 
Thus  we  ran,  on  this  tack  and  that,  awaiting  with  hope  the 
daylight.  But  when  it  came,  attended  by  a fog,  and  we  saw 
that  our  labor  and  hardship  could  not  avail  us  anything,  we 
determined  to  go  to  a mass  of  ice,  where  we  should  be  sheltered 
from  the  violent  wind  which  was  blowing ; to  haul  everything 
down,  and  allow  ourselves  to  be  driven  along  with  the  ice,  so 
that  when  at  some  distance  from  the  rest  of  the  ice  we  could 
make  sail  again,  and  go  back  to  the  above-mentioned  bank 
and  manage  as  before,  until  the  fog  should  pass  away,  when 
we  might  go  out  as  quickly  as  possible.  Thus  we  continued  the 
entire  day  until  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  when  we  set 
sail,  now  on  this  tack  now  on  that,  finding  ourselves  every- 
where enclosed  amid  large  floes  of  ice,  as  if  in  lakes  on  the  main- 
land. At  evening  we  sighted  a vessel  on  the  other  side  of  one 
of  these  banks  of  ice,  which,  I am  sure,  was  in  no  less  anxiety 
than  ourselves.  Thus  we  remained  four  or  five  days,  exposed 
to  these  risks  and  extreme  hardships,  until  one  morning  on 
looking  out  in  all  directions,  although  we  could  see  no  opening, 
yet  in  one  place  it  seemed  as  if  the  ice  was  not  thick,  and  that 
we  could  easily  pass  through.  We  got  under  way,  and  passed 
by  a large  number  of  bourguignons ; that  is,  pieces  of  ice  sepa- 
rated from  the  large  banks  by  the  violence  of  the  winds.  Having 
reached  this  bank  of  ice,  the  sailors  proceeded  to  provide  them- 


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[1611 


selves  with  large  oars  and  pieces  of  wood,  in  order  to  keep  off 
the  blocks  of  ice  we  met.  In  this  way  we  passed  this  bank, 
but  not  without  touching  some  pieces  of  ice,  which  did  no 
good  to  our  vessel,  although  they  inflicted  no  essential  damage. 
Being  outside,  we  praised  God  for  our  deliverance.  Continuing 
our  course  on  the  next  day,  we  encountered  other  pieces,  in 
which  we  became  so  involved  that  we  found  ourselves  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides,  except  where  we  had  entered.  It  was 
accordingly  necessary  to  turn  back,  and  endeavor  to  double 
the  southern  point.  This  we  did  not  succeed  in  doing  until 
the  second  day,  passing  by  several  small  pieces  of  ice,  which 
had  been  separated  from  the  main  bank.  This  latter  was  in 
latitude  44°  30'.  We  sailed  until  the  morning  of  the  next 
day,  towards  the  northwest,  north-northwest,  when  we  met 
another  large  ice  bank,  extending  as  far  as  we  could  see  east 
and  west.  This,  in  the  distance,  seemed  like  land,  for  it  was 
so  level  that  it  might  properly  be  said  to  have  been  made  so 
on  purpose.  It  was  more  than  eighteen  feet  high,  extending 
twice  as  far  under  water.  We  calculated  that  we  were  only 
some  fifteen  leagues  from  Cape  Breton,  it  being  the  26th  day 
of  the  month.  These  numerous  encounters  with  ice  troubled 
us  greatly.  We  were  also  fearful  that  the  passage  1 between 
Capes  Breton  and  Raye  would  be  closed,  and  that  we  should 
be  obliged  to  keep  out  to  sea  a long  time  before  being  able 
to  enter.  Unable  to  do  anything  else,  we  were  obliged  to 
run  out  to  sea  again  some  four  or  five  leagues,  in  order  to 
double  another  point  of  the  above-mentioned  grand  ice  bank, 
which  continued  on  our  west-southwest.  After  turning  on 
the  other  tack  to  the  northwest,  in  order  to  double  this  point, 
we  sailed  some  seven  leagues,  and  then  steered  to  the  north- 
northwest  some  three  leagues,  when  we  observed  another 
ice  bank.  The  night  approached,  and  the  fog  came  on  so 
that  we  put  to  sea  to  pass  the  remainder  of  the  night,  purposing 
at  daybreak  to  return  and  reconnoitre  the  last  mentioned  ice. 
On  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  the  month,  we  sighted  land 

1 The  Cabot  Strait.  Though  not  freezing  over  like  the  Strait  of  Belle- 
Isle,  it  is  sometimes  blocked  by  drift  ice  in  spring  for  a fortnight  or  more. 


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199 


west-northwest  of  us,  seeing  no  ice  on  the  north-northeast. 
We  approached  nearer  for  the  sake  of  a better  observation, 
and  found  that  it  was  Canseau.  This  led  us  to  bear  off  to 
the  north  for  Cape  Breton  Island ; but  we  had  scarcely  sailed 
two  leagues  when  we  encountered  an  ice  bank  on  the  north- 
east. Night  coming  on,  we  were  obliged  to  put  out  to  sea  until 
the  next  day,  when  we  sailed  northeast,  and  encountered  more 
ice,  bearing  east,  east-southeast  from  us,  along  which  we  coasted 
heading  northeast  and  north  for  more  than  fifteen  leagues. 
At  last  we  were  obliged  to  sail  towards  the  west,  greatly  to  our 
regret,  inasmuch  as  we  could  find  no  passage,  and  should  be 
obliged  to  withdraw  and  sail  back  on  our  track.  Unfortunately 
for  us  we  were  overtaken  by  a calm,  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  the 
swell  of  the  sea  would  throw  usupon  theicebank  just  mentioned, 
and  we  got  ready  to  launch  our  little  boat,  to  use  in  case  of 
necessity.  If  we  had  taken  refuge  on  the  above-mentioned 
ice  it  would  only  have  been  to  languish  and  die  in  misery. 
While  we  were  deliberating  whether  to  launch  our  boat,  a 
fresh  breeze  arose  to  our  great  delight,  and  thus  we  escaped 
from  the  ice.  After  we  had  sailed  two  leagues,  night  came  on, 
with  a very  thick  fog,  causing  us  to  haul  down  our  sail,  as  we 
could  not  see,  and  as  there  were  several  large  pieces  of  ice  in  our 
way,  which  we  were  afraid  of  striking.  Thus  we  remained  the 
entire  night  until  the  next  day,  which  was  the  twenty-ninth, 
when  the  fog  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  we  could  scarcely 
see  the  length  of  the  vessel.  There  was  also  very  little  wind. 
Yet  we  did  not  fail  to  set  sail,  in  order  to  avoid  the  ice.  But, 
although  expecting  to  extricate  ourselves,  we  found  ourselves 
so  involved  in  it  that  we  could  not  tell  on  which  side  to  tack. 
We  were  accordingly  again  compelled  to  lower  sail,  and  drift 
until  the  ice  should  allow  us  to  make  sail.  We  made  a hun- 
dred tacks  on  one  side  and  the  other,  several  times  fearing 
that  we  were  lost.  The  most  self-possessed  would  have  lost 
all  judgment  in  such  a juncture;  even  the  greatest  navigator 
in  the  world.  What  alarmed  us  still  more  was  the  short  dis- 
tance we  could  see,  and  the  fact  that  the  night  was  coming  on, 
and  that  we  could  not  make  a shift  of  a quarter  of  a league 


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[1611 


without  finding  a bank  or  some  ice,  and  a great  deal  of  floating 
ice,  the  smallest  piece  of  which  would  have  been  sufficient 
to  cause  the  loss  of  any  vessel  whatever.  Now,  while  we  were 
still  sailing  along  amid  the  ice,  there  arose  so  strong  a wind 
that  in  a short  time  the  fog  broke  away,  affording  us  a view, 
and  suddenly  giving  us  a clear  air  and  fair  sun.  Looking 
around  about  us,  we  found  that  we  were  shut  up  in  a little 
lake,  not  so  much  as  a league  and  a half  in  circuit.  On  the 
north  we  perceived  the  island  of  Cape  Breton,  nearly  four 
leagues  distant,  and  it  seemed  to  us  that  the  passage-way  to 
Cape  Breton  was  still  closed.  We  also  saw  a small  ice  bank 
astern  of  our  vessel,  and  the  ocean  beyond  that,  which  led 
us  to  resolve  to  go  beyond  the  bank,  which  was  divided.  This 
we  succeeded  in  accomplishing  without  striking  our  vessel, 
putting  out  to  sea  for  the  night,  and  passing  to  the  southeast 
of  the  ice.  Thinking  now  that  we  could  double  this  ice  bank, 
we  sailed  east-northeast  some  fifteen  leagues,  perceiving  only 
a little  piece  of  ice.  At  night  we  hauled  down  the  sail  until 
the  next  day,  when  we  perceived  another  ice  bank  to  the  north 
of  us,  extending  as  far  as  we  could  see.  We  had  drifted  to 
within  nearly  half  a league  of  it,  when  we  hoisted  sail,  continuing 
to  coast  along  this  ice  in  order  to  find  the  end  of  it.  While 
sailing  along,  we  sighted  on  the  first  day  of  May  a vessel  amid 
the  ice,  which,  as  well  as  ourselves,  had  found  it  difficult  to 
escape  from  it.  We  backed  our  sails  in  order  to  await  the  for- 
mer, which  came  full  upon  us,  since  we  were  desirous  of  as- 
certaining whether  it  had  seen  other  ice.  On  its  approach 
we  saw  that  it  was  the  son1  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  on  his 
way  to  visit  his  father  at  the  settlement  of  Port  Royal.  He 
had  left  France  three  months  before,  not  without  much  reluc- 
tance, I think,  and  still  they  were  nearly  a hundred  and  forty 
leagues  from  Port  Royal,  and  well  out  of  their  true  course. 
We  told  them  we  had  sighted  the  islands  of  Canseau,  much  to 

1 Charles  de  Biencourt,  Sieur  de  Saint  Just,  was  closely  associated 
with  his  father,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  (see  p.  32)  in  his  work  at  Port  Royal, 
and  after  his  father's  death  endeavored  unsuccessfully  to  carry  it  on.  He 
died  about  1623. 


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201 


their  satisfaction,  I think,  as  they  had  not  as  yet  sighted  any 
land,  and  were  steering  straight  between  Cape  St.  Lawrence  and 
Cape  Raye,  in  which  direction  they  would  not  have  found 
Port  Royal,  except  by  going  overland.  After  a brief  confer- 
ence with  each  other,  we  separated,  each  following  his  own 
course.  The  next  day  we  sighted  the  islands  of  St.  Pierre, 
finding  no  ice.  Continuing  our  course  we  sighted  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  the  third  of  the  month,  Cape  Raye,  also  without 
finding  ice.  On  the  fourth  we  sighted  the  island  of  St.  Paul, 
and  Cape  St.  Lawrence,1  being  some  eight  leagues  north  of 
the  latter.  The  next  day  we  sighted  Gaspe.  On  the  seventh 
we  were  opposed  by  a northwest  wind,  which  drove  us  out  of 
our  course  nearly  thirty-five  leagues,  when  the  wind  lulled, 
and  was  in  our  favor  as  far  as  Tadoussac,  which  we  reached 
on  the  13th  of  May.  Here  we  discharged  a cannon  to  notify 
the  savages,  in  order  to  obtain  news  from  our  settlement  at 
Quebec.  The  country  was  still  almost  entirely  covered  with 
snow.  There  came  out  to  us  some  canoes,  informing  us  that 
one  of  our  pataches  had  been  in  the  harbor  for  a month,  and 
that  three  vessels  had  arrived  eight  days  before.  We  lowered 
our  boat  and  visited  these  savages,  who  were  in  a very  miserable 
condition,  having  only  a few  articles  to  barter  to  satisfy  their 
immediate  wants.  Besides,  they  desired  to  wait  until  several 
vessels  should  meet,  so  that  there  might  be  a better  market 
for  their  merchandise.  Therefore  they  are  mistaken  who 
expect  to  gain  an  advantage  by  coming  first,  for  these  people 
are  very  sagacious  and  cunning. 

On  the  17th  of  the  month  I set  out  from  Tadoussac  for  the 
great  Fall,2  to  meet  the  Algonquin  savages  and  other  tribes, 
who  had  promised  the  year  before  to  go  there  with  my  man, 
whom  I had  sent  to  them,  that  I might  learn  from  him  what 
he  might  see  during  the  winter.  Those  at  this  harbor  who  sus- 
pected where  I was  going,  in  accordance  with  the  promises 
which  I had  made  to  the  savages,  as  stated  above,  began  to 
build  several  small  barques,  that  they  might  follow  me  as  soon 

1 The  northernmost  point  of  Cape  Breton. 

2 The  Lachine  Rapids,  above  Montreal. 


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[1611 


as  possible.  And  several,  as  I learned  before  setting  out  from 
France,  had  some  ships  and  pataches  fitted  out  in  view  of  our 
voyage,  hoping  to  return  rich,  as  from  a voyage  to  the  Indies. 

Pont  Grave  remained  at  Tadoussac,  expecting,  if  he  did 
nothing  there,  to  take  a patache  and  meet  me  at  the  fall. 
Between  Tadoussac  and  Quebec  our  barque  made  much 
water,  which  obliged  me  to  stop  at  Quebec  and  repair  the  leak. 
This  was  on  the  21st  of  May. 

Chapter  2 

Landing  at  Quebec  to  repair  the  barque . Departure  from 

Quebec  for  the  Fall,  to  meet  the  savages , and  search  out 
a place  appropriate  for  a settlement. 

On  going  ashore  I found  Sieur  du  Parc,  who  had  spent 
the  winter  at  the  settlement.  He  and  all  his  companions 
were  very  well,  and  had  not  suffered  any  sickness.  Game,  both 
large  and  small,  had  been  abundant  during  the  entire  winter, 
as  they  told  me.  I found  there  the  Indian  captain,  named 
Batiscan,  and  some  Algonquins,  who  said  they  were  waiting 
for  me,  being  unwilling  to  return  to  Tadoussac  without  seeing 
me.  I proposed  to  them  to  take  one  of  our  company  to  the 
Trois  Rivieres  to  explore  the  place,  but  being  unable  to  obtain 
anything  from  them  this  year  I put  it  off  until  the  next.  Still 
I did  not  fail  to  inform  myself  particularly  regarding  the  origin 
of  the  people  living  there,  of  which  they  told  me  with  exactness. 
I asked  them  for  one  of  their  canoes,  which  they  were  unwilling 
to  part  with  on  any  terms,  because  of  their  own  need  of  it. 
For  I had  planned  to  send  two  or  three  men  to  explore  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Trois  Rivieres,  and  ascertain  what  there 
was  there.  This,  to  my  great  regret,  I was  unable  to  accom- 
plish, and  postponed  the  project  to  the  first  opportunity  that 
might  present  itself. 

Meanwhile  I urged  on  the  repairs  to  our  barque.  When  it 
was  ready,  a young  man  from  La  Rochelle,  named  Tresart, 
asked  me  to  permit  him  to  accompany  me  to  the  above-men- 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


203 


tioned  fall.  This  I refused,  replying  that  I had  special  plans 
of  my  own,  and  that  I did  not  wish  to  conduct  any  one  to  my 
prejudice,  adding  that  there  were  other  companies  than  mine 
there,  and  that  I did  not  care  to  open  up  a way  and  serve  as 
a guide,  and  that  he  could  make  the  voyage  well  enough  alone 
and  without  my  help. 

The  same  day  I set  out  from  Quebec,  and  arrived  at  the 
great  fall  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  May.  But  I found  none  of 
the  savages  who  had  promised  me  to  be  there  on  this  day.  I 
entered  at  once  a poor  canoe,  together  with  the  savage  I had 
taken  to  France  and  one  of  my  own  men.  After  examining 
the  two  shores,  both  in  the  woods  and  on  the  river  bank,  in 
order  to  find  a spot  favorable  for  the  location  of  a settlement, 
and  to  get  a place  ready  for  building,  I went  some  eight  leagues 
by  land  along  the  great  fall  and  through  the  woods,  which  are 
very  open,  as  far  as  a lake,1  whither  our  savage  conducted 
me.  Here  I observed  the  country  very  carefully.  But  in 
all  that  I saw,  I found  no  place  more  favorable  than  a little 
spot  to  which  barques  and  shallops  can  easily  ascend,  with 
the  help  of  a strong  wind  or  by  taking  a winding  course,  in 
consequence  of  the  strong  current.  But  above  this  place, 
which  we  name  La  Place  Royale,  at  the  distance  of  a league 
from  Mont  Royal,  there  are  a great  many  little  rocks  and 
shoals,  which  are  very  dangerous.  Near  Place  Royale  there 
is  a little  river,2  extending  some  distance  into  the  interior,  along 
the  entire  length  of  which  there  are  more  than  sixty  acres  of 
land  cleared  up  and  like  meadows,  where  grain  can  be  sown 
and  gardens  made.  Formerly  savages  tilled  these  lands,  but 
they  abandoned  them  on  account  of  their  wars,  in  which  they 
were  constantly  engaged.3  There  is  also  a large  number  of 
other  fine  pastures,  where  any  number  of  cattle  can  graze. 
There  are  also  the  various  kinds  of  trees  found  in  France, 

1 The  Lake  of  Two  Mountains. 

2 The  Riviere  St.  Pierre,  now  lost  in  the  sewerage  of  the  city  of  Montreal. 

3 In  1535  Jacques  Cartier  had  found  on  the  spot  a flourishing  Indian 
village  known  as  Hochelaga.  The  inhabitants  were  probably  Iroquois. 
See  Early  English  and  French  Voyages , pp,  57-63,  and  Laverdi&re,  III., 
p.  243,  note  2. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


together  with  many  vines,  nut  and  plum  trees,  cherries,  straw- 
berries, and  other  kinds  of  good  fruit.  Among  the  rest  there 
is  a very  excellent  one,  with  a sweet  taste  like  that  of  plan- 
tains, a fruit  of  the  Indies,  as  white  as  snow,  with  a leaf  re- 
sembling that  of  nettles,  and  which  creeps  up  the  trees  and 
along  the  ground  like  ivy.  Fish  are  very  abundant,  including 
all  the  varieties  we  have  in  France,  and  many  very  good  ones 
which  we  do  not  have.  Game  is  also  plenty,  the  birds  being 
of  various  kinds.  There  are  stags,  hinds,  does,  caribous, 
rabbits,  lynxes,  bears,  beavers,  also  other  small  animals,  and 
all  in  such  large  numbers,  that  while  we  were  at  the  fall  we 
were  abundantly  supplied  with  them. 

After  a careful  examination,  we  found  this  place  one  of 
the  finest  on  this  river.  I accordingly  forthwith  gave  orders 
to  cut  down  and  clear  up  the  woods  in  the  Place  Royale,1 
so  as  to  level  it  and  prepare  it  for  building.  The  water  can 
easily  be  made  to  flow  around  it,  making  of  it  a little  island, 
so  that  a habitation  can  be  formed  as  one  may  wish. 

There  is  a little  island  some  twenty  fathoms  from  Place 
Royale,  about  a hundred  paces  long,  where  a good  and  strong 
settlement  might  be  made.  There  are  also  many  meadows, 
containing  very  good  and  rich  potter’s  clay,  as  well  adapted 
for  brick  as  for  building  purposes,  and  consequently  a very 
useful  article.  I had  a portion  of  it  worked  up,  from  which 
I made  a wall  four  feet  thick,  three  or  four  high,  and  ten 
fathoms  long,  to  see  how  it  would  stand  during  the  winter, 
when  the  freshets  came  down,  although  I thought  the  water 
would  not  reach  up  to  it,  the  ground  there  being  twelve  feet 
above  the  river,  which  was  very  high.  In  the  middle  of  the 
river  there  was  an  island  about  three-quarters  of  a league 
around,  where  a good  and  strong  town  could  be  built.  This 
we  named  Isle  de  Sainte  Helene.2  This  river  at  the  fall  is 


1 Now  Pointe  k Calli&res.  “ It  is  the  centre  of  the  present  city  of  Mon- 
treal. The  Custom  House  now  stands  upon  the  site  he  chose,  and  the  Mon- 
treal ocean  steamships  discharge  their  cargoes  there.”  Dawson,  The  St. 
Lawrence , p.  262. 

2 After  his  wife,  H61&ne  Boull6  (see  Introduction).  It  is  still  so  called. 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


205 


like  a lake,  containing  two  or  three  islands,  and  bordered  by 
fine  meadows. 

On  the  first  day  of  June,  Pont  Grav4  arrived  at  the  fall, 
having  been  unable  to  accomplish  anything  at  Tadoussac. 
A numerous  company  attended  and  followed  after  him  to 
share  in  the  booty,  without  the  hope  of  which  they  would  have 
been  far  in  the  rear. 

Now,  while  awaiting  the  savages,  I had  two  gardens  made, 
one  in  the  meadows,  the  other  in  the  woods,  which  I had  cleared 
up.  On  the  2d  of  June  I sowed  some  seeds,  all  of  which  came 
up  finely,  and  in  a short  time,  attesting  the  good  quality  of 
the  soil. 

We  resolved  to  send  Savignon,  our  savage,  together  with 
another,  to  meet  his  countrymen,  so  as  to  hasten  their  ar- 
rival. They  hesitated  about  going  in  our  canoe,  of  which 
they  were  distrustful,  it  being  a very  poor  one.  They  set  out 
on  the  5th.  The  next  day  four  or  five  barques  arrived  as 
an  escort  for  us,  since  they  could  do  nothing  at  Tadoussac. 

On  the  7th  I went  to  explore  a little  river,1  along  which 
the  savages  sometimes  go  to  war,  and  which  flows  into  the 
fall  of  the  river  of  the  Iroquois.  It  is  very  pleasant,  with 
meadow  land  more  than  three  leagues  in  circuit,  and  much 
arable  land.  It  is  distant  a league  from  the  great  fall,  and  a 
league  and  a half  from  Place  Royale. 

On  the  9th  our  savage  arrived.  He  had  gone  "somewhat 
beyond  the  lake,  which  is  ten  leagues  long,  and  which  I had 
seen  before.  But  he  met  no  one,  and  they  were  unable  to 
go  any  farther,  as  their  canoe  gave  out,  which  obliged  them 
to  return.  They  reported  that  after  passing  the  fall  they  saw 
an  island,  where  there  was  such  a quantity  of  herons  that  the 
air  was  completely  filled  with  them.  There  was  a young  man 
belonging  to  Sieur  de  Monts  named  Louis,  who  was  very  fond 
of  the  chase.  Hearing  this,  he  wished  to  go  and  satisfy  his 
curiosity,  earnestly  entreating  our  savage  to  take  him  to  the 
place.  To  this  the  savage  consented,  taking  also  a captain 

1 The  River  St.  Lambert,  whence  a short  portage  leads  to  Little  River, 
which  flows  into  the  basin  of  Chambly.  (Laverdiere.) 


206 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


of  the  Montagnais,  a very  respectable  person,  whose  name 
was  Outetoucos.  On  the  following  morning  Louis  caused  the 
two  savages  to  be  called,  and  went  with  them  in  a canoe  to 
the  island  of  the  herons.  This  island  is  in  the  middle  of  the 
Fall.  Here  they  captured  as  many  herons  and  other  birds 
as  they  wanted,  and  embarked  again  in  their  canoe.  Oute- 
toucos, contrary  to  the  wish  of  the  other  savage,  and  against 
his  remonstrances,  desired  to  pass  through  a very  dangerous 
place,  where  the  water  fell  more  than  three  feet,  saying  that 
he  had  formerly  gone  this  way,  which,  however,  was  false. 
He  had  a long  discussion  in  opposition  to  our  savage,  who 
wished  to  take  him  on  the  south  side,  along  the  mainland, 
where  they  usually  go.  This,  however,  Outetoucos  did  not 
wish,  saying  that  there  was  no  danger.  Our  savage  finding 
him  obstinate  yielded  to  his  desire.  But  he  insisted  that  at 
least  a part  of  the  birds  in  the  canoe  should  be  taken  out, 
as  it  was  overloaded,  otherwise  he  said  it  would  inevitably 
fill  and  be  lost.  But  to  this  he  would  not  consent,  saying  that 
it  would  be  time  enough  when  they  found  themselves  in  the 
presence  of  danger.  They  accordingly  permitted  themselves 
to  be  carried  along  by  the  current.  But  when  they  reached 
the  precipice,  they  wanted  to  throw  overboard  their  load  in 
order  to  escape.  It  was  now,  however,  too  late,  for  they 
were  completely  in  the  power  of  the  rapid  water,  and  were 
straightway  swallowed  up  in  the  whirlpools  of  the  fall,  which 
turned  them  round  a thousand  times.  For  a long  time  they 
clung  to  the  boat.  Finally  the  swiftness  of  the  water  wearied 
them  so  that  this  poor  Louis,  who  could  not  swim  at  all,  entirely 
lost  his  presence  of  mind,  and,  the  canoe  going  down,  he  was 
obliged  to  abandon  it.  As  it  returned  to  the  surface,  the  two 
others,  who  kept  holding  on  to  it,  saw  Louis  no  more,  and  thus 
he  died  a sad  death.  The  two  others  continued  to  hold  on  to 
the  canoe.  When,  however,  they  were  out  of  danger,  this 
Outetoucos,  being  naked  and  having  confidence  in  his  swimming 
powers,  abandoned  it  in  the  expectation  of  reaching  the  shore, 
although  the  water  still  ran  there  with  great  rapidity.  But  he 
was  drowned,  for  he  had  been  so  weakened  and  overcome  by 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


207 


his  efforts  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  save  himself  after 
abandoning  the  canoe.  Our  savage  Savignon,  understanding 
himself  better,  held  firmly  to  the  canoe  until  it  reached  an 
eddy,  whither  the  current  had  carried  it.  Here  he  managed  so 
well  that,  notwithstanding  his  suffering  and  weariness,  he 
approached  the  shore  gradually,  when,  after  throwing  the  water 
out  of  the  canoe,  he  returned  in  great  fear  that  they  would 
take  vengeance  upon  him,  as  the  savages  do  among  themselves, 
and  related  to  us  this  sad  story,  which  caused  us  great  sorrow. 

On  the  next  day  I went  in  another  canoe  to  the  Fall,  to- 
gether with  the  savage  and  another  member  of  our  com- 
pany, to  see  the  place  where  they  had  met  with  their  accident, 
and  find,  if  possible,  the  remains.  But  when  he  showed  me 
the  spot,  I was  horrified  at  beholding  such  a terrible  place, 
and  astonished  that  the  deceased  should  have  been  so  lacking 
in  judgment  as  to  pass  through  such  a fearful  place,  when  they 
could  have  gone  another  way.  For  it  is  impossible  to  go  along 
there,  as  there  are  seven  or  eight  descents  of  water  one  after 
the  other,  the  lowest  three  feet  high,  the  seething  and  boiling 
of  the  water  being  fearful.  A part  of  the  Fall  was  all  white 
with  foam,  indicating  the  worst  spot,  the  noise  of  which  was 
like  thunder,  the  air  resounding  with  the  echo  of  the  cataracts. 
After  viewing  and  carefully  examining  this  place,  and  search- 
ing along  the  river  bank  for  the  dead  bodies,  another  very 
light  shallop  having  proceeded  meanwhile  on  the  other  bank 
also,  we  returned  without  finding  anything. 


Chapter  3 

Two  hundred  savages  return  the  Frenchman  who  had  been  en- 
trusted to  them , and  receive  the  savage  who  had  come  back 
from  France . Various  interviews  on  both  sides . 

On  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  month  two  hundred  Chario- 
quois  1 savages,  together  with  the  captains,  Ochateguin,  Iro- 

1 In  the  edition  of  1632  Champlain  has  Sauvages  Hurons. 


208 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


quet,  and  Tregouaroti,  brother  of  our  savage,  brought  back 
my  servant.1  We  were  greatly  pleased  to  see  them.  I went 
to  meet  them  in  a canoe  with  our  savage.  As  they  were 
approaching  slowly  and  in  order,  our  men  prepared  to  salute 
them,  with  a discharge  of  arquebuses,  muskets,  and  small 
pieces.  When  they  were  near  at  hand,  they  all  set  to  shouting 
together,  and  one  of  the  chiefs  gave  orders  that  they  should 
make  their  harangue,  in  which  they  greatly  praised  us,  com- 
mending us  as  truthful,  inasmuch  as  I had  kept  the  promise 
to  meet  them  at  this  Fall.  After  they  had  made  three  more 
shouts,  there  was  a discharge  of  musketry  twice  from  thirteen 
barques  or  pataches  that  were  there.  This  alarmed  them  so, 
that  they  begged  me  to  assure  them  that  there  should  be  no 
more  firing,  saying  that  the  greater  part  of  them  had  never 
seen  Christians,  nor  heard  thunderings  of  that  sort,  and  that 
they  were  afraid  of  its  harming  them,  but  that  they  were 
greatly  pleased  to  see  our  savage  in  health,  whom  they  sup- 
posed to  be  dead,  as  had  been  reported  by  some  Algonquins, 
who  had  heard  so  from  the  Montagnais.  The  savage  com- 
mended the  treatment  I had  shown  him  in  France,  and  the 
remarkable  objects  he  had  seen,  at  which  all  wondered,  and 
went  away  quietly  to  their  cabins,  expecting  that  on  the 
next  day  I would  show  them  the  place  where  I wished  to 
have  them  dwell.  I saw  also  my  servant,  who  was  dressed 
in  the  costume  of  the  savages,  who  commended  the  treat- 
ment he  had  received  from  them.  He  informed  me  of  all  he 
had  seen  and  learned  during  the  winter,  from  the  savages. 

The  next  day  I showed  them  a spot  for  their  cabins,  in 
regard  to  which  the  elders  and  principal  ones  consulted  very 
privately.  After  their  long  consultation  they  sent  for  me  alone 
and  my  servant,  who  had  learned  their  language  very  well. 
They  told  him  they  desired  a close  alliance  with  me,  and  were 
sorry  to  see  here  all  these  shallops,  and  that  our  savage  had 
told  them  he  did  not  know  them  at  all  nor  their  intentions, 
and  that  it  was  clear  that  they  were  attracted  only  by  their 

1 This  was  the  young  man  previously  mentioned,  apparently  Etienne 
Brul6,  who  had  passed  the  winter  among  them.  See  p.  185. 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


209 


desire  of  gain  and  their  avarice,  and  that  when  their  assistance 
was  needed  they  would  refuse  it,  and  would  not  act  as  I did 
in  offering  to  go  with  my  companions  to  their  country  and 
assist  them,  of  all  of  which  I had  given  them  proofs  in  the  past. 
They  praised  me  for  the  treatment  I had  shown  our  savage, 
which  was  that  of  a brother,  and  had  put  them  under  such 
obligations  of  good  will  to  me,  that  they  said  they  would  en- 
deavor to  comply  with  anything  I might  desire  from  them, 
but  that  they  feared  that  the  other  boats  would  do  them 
some  harm.  I assured  them  that  they  would  not,  and  that  we 
were  all  under  one  king,  whom  our  savage  had  seen,  and  be- 
longed to  the  same  nation,  though  matters  of  business  were 
confined  to  individuals,  and  that  they  had  no  occasion  to  fear, 
but  might  feel  as  much  security  as  if  they  were  in  their  own 
country.  After  considerable  conversation,  they  made  a 
present  of  a hundred  castors.1  I gave  them  in  exchange 
other  kinds  of  merchandise.  They  told  me  there  were  more 
than  four  hundred  savages  of  their  country  who  had  purposed 
to  come,  but  had  been  prevented  by  the  following  representa- 
tions of  an  Iroquois  prisoner,  who  had  belonged  to  me,  but  had 
escaped  to  his  own  country.  He  had  reported,  they  said,  that 
I had  given  him  his  liberty  and  some  merchandise,  and  that 
I purposed  to  go  to  the  Fall  with  six  hundred  Iroquois  to  meet 
the  Algonquins  and  kill  them  all,  adding  that  the  fear  aroused 
by  this  intelligence  had  alone  prevented  them  from  coming. 
I replied  that  the  prisoner  in  question  had  escaped  without 
my  leave,  that  our  savage  knew  very  well  how  he  went  away, 
and  that  there  was  no  thought  of  abandoning  their  alliance, 
as  they  had  heard,  since  I had  engaged  in  war  with  them,  and 
sent  my  servant  to  their  country  to  foster  their  friendship, 
which  was  still  farther  confirmed  by  my  keeping  my  promise 
to  them  in  so  faithful  a manner. 

They  replied  that,  so  far  as  they  were  concerned,  they 
had  never  thought  of  this;  that  they  were  well  aware  that 
all  this  talk  was  far  from  the  truth,  and  that  if  they  had 
believed  the  contrary  they  would  not  have  come,  but  that 

1 I.e.,  beaver-skins. 


210 


VOYAGES  OP  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


the  others  were  afraid,  never  having  seen  a Frenchman  except 
my  servant.  They  told  me  also  that  three  hundred  Algon- 
quins  would  come  in  five  or  six  days,  if  we  would  wait  for 
them,  to  unite  with  themselves  in  war  against  the  Iroquois; 
that,  however,  they  would  return  without  doing  so  unless 
I went.  I talked  a great  deal  with  them  about  the  source 
of  the  great  river  and  their  country,  and  they  gave  me  de- 
tailed information  about  their  rivers,  falls,  lakes,  and  lands, 
as  also  about  the  tribes  living  there,  and  what  is  to  be  found 
in  the  region.  Four  of  them  assured  me  that  they  had  seen 
a sea  at  a great  distance  from  their  country,  but  that  it  was 
difficult  to  go  there,  not  only  on  account  of  the  wars,  but  of 
the  intervening  wilderness.  They  told  me  also  that,  the 
winter  before,  some  savages  had  come  from  the  direction 
of  Florida,  beyond  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  who  lived  near 
our  ocean,  and  were  in  alliance  with  these  savages.  In  a 
word  they  made  me  a very  exact  statement,  indicating  by 
drawings  all  the  places  where  they  had  been,  and  taking 
pleasure  in  talking  to  me  about  them ; and  for  my  part  I did 
not  tire  of  listening  to  them,  as  they  confirmed  points  in  regard 
to  which  I had  been  before  in  doubt.  After  all  this  conversa- 
tion was  concluded,  I told  them  that  we  would  trade  for  the 
few  articles  they  had,  which  was  done  the  next  day.  Each 
one  of  the  barques  carried  away  its  portion;  we  on  our  side 
had  all  the  hardship  and  venture;  the  others,  who  had  not 
troubled  themselves  about  any  explorations,  had  the  booty, 
the  only  thing  that  urges  them  to  activity,  in  which  they  em- 
ploy no  capital  and  venture  nothing. 

The  next  day,  after  bartering  what  little  they  had,  they 
made  a barricade  about  their  dwelling,  partly  in  the  direction 
of  the  wood,  and  partly  in  that  of  our  pataches ; and  this  they 
said  they  did  for  their  security,  in  order  to  avoid  the  surprises 
of  their  enemies,  which  we  took  for  the  truth.  On  the  coming 
night,  they  called  our  savage,  who  was  sleeping  on  my  patache, 
and  my  servant,  who  went  to  them.  After  a great  deal  of 
conversation,  about  midnight  they  had  me  called  also.  En- 
tering their  cabins,  I found  them  all  seated  in  council.  They 


1011] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


211 


had  me  sit  down  near  them,  saying  that  when  they  met  for 
the  purpose  of  considering  a matter,  it  was  their  custom  to 
do  so  at  night,  that  they  might  not  be  diverted  by  anything 
from  attention  to  the  subject  in  hand;  that  at  night  one 
thought  only  of  listening,  while  during  the  day  the  thoughts 
were  distracted  by  other  objects. 

But  in  my  opinion,  confiding  in  me,  they  desired  to  tell  me 
privately  their  purpose.  Besides,  they  were  afraid  of  the 
other  pataches,  as  they  subsequently  gave  me  to  understand. 
For  they  told  me  that  they  were  uneasy  at  seeing  so  many 
Frenchmen,  who  were  not  especially  united  to  one  another, 
and  that  they  had  desired  to  see  me  alone;  that  some  of 
them  had  been  beaten;  that  they  were  as  kindly  disposed 
towards  me  as  towards  their  own  children,  confiding  so  much 
in  me  that  they  would  do  whatever  I told  them  to  do,  but 
that  they  greatly  mistrusted  the  others;  that  if  I returned 
I might  take  as  many  of  their  people  as  I wished,  if  it  were 
under  the  guidance  of  a chief ; and  that  they  sent  for  me  to 
assure  me  anew  of  their  friendship,  which  would  never  be  broken, 
and  to  express  the  hope  that  I might  never  be  ill  disposed 
towards  them;  and  being  aware  that  I had  determined  to 
visit  their  country,  they  said  they  would  show  it  to  me  at  the 
risk  of  their  lives,  giving  me  the  assistance  of  a large  number 
of  men,  who  could  go  everywhere ; and  that  in  future  we  should 
expect  such  treatment  from  them  as  they  had  received  from  us. 

Straightway  they  brought  fifty  castors  and  four  strings  of 
beads,  which  they  value  as  we  do  gold  chains,  saying  that 
I should  share  these  with  my  brother,  referring  to  Pont  Grav6, 
we  being  present  together;  that  these  presents  were  sent 
by  other  captains,  who  had  never  seen  me;  that  they  de- 
sired to  continue  friends  to  me;  that  if  any  of  the  French 
wished  to  go  with  them,  they  should  be  greatly  pleased  to  have 
them  do  so ; and  that  they  desired  more  than  ever  to  estab- 
lish a firm  friendship.  After  much  conversation  with  them 
I proposed  that  inasmuch  as  they  were  desirous  to  have  me 
visit  their  country,  I would  petition  His  Majesty  to  assist  us 
to  the  extent  of  forty  or  fifty  men,  equipped  with  what  was 


212 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


necessary  for  the  journey,  and  that  I would  embark  with  them 
on  condition  that  they  would  furnish  us  the  necessary  pro- 
visions for  the  journey,  and  that  I would  take  presents  for  the 
chiefs  of  the  country  through  which  we  should  pass,  when  we 
would  return  to  our  settlement  to  spend  the  winter;  that 
moreover,  if  I found  their  country  favorable  and  fertile,  we 
would  make  many  settlements  there,  by  which  means  we 
should  have  frequent  intercourse  with  each  other,  living  hap- 
pily in  the  future  in  the  fear  of  God,  whom  we  would  make 
known  to  them.  They  were  well  pleased  with  this  proposition, 
and  begged  me  to  shake  hands  upon  it,  saying  that  they  on 
their  part  would  do  all  that  was  possible  for  its  fulfilment; 
that,  in  regard  to  provisions,  we  should  be  as  well  supplied 
as  they  themselves,  assuring  me  again  that  they  would  show 
me  what  I desired  to  see.  Thereupon,  I took  leave  of  them 
at  daybreak,  thanking  them  for  their  willingness  to  carry 
out  my  wishes,  and  entreating  them  to  continue  to  entertain 
the  same  feelings. 

On  the  next  day,  the  17th,  they  said  that  they  were  going 
castor-hunting,  and  that  they  would  all  return.  On  the  fol- 
lowing morning  they  finished  bartering  what  little  they  had, 
when  they  embarked  in  their  canoes,  asking  us  not  to  take  any 
steps  towards  taking  down  their  dwellings,  which  we  prom- 
ised them.  Then  they  separated  from  each  other,  pretending 
to  go  a hunting  in  different  directions.  They  left  our  savage 
with  me  that  we  might  have  less  distrust  in  them.  But  they 
had  appointed  themselves  a rendezvous  above  the  Fall,  where 
they  knew  well  enough  that  we  could  not  go  with  our  barques. 
Meanwhile,  we  awaited  them  in  accordance  with  what  they 
had  told  us. 

The  next  day  there  came  two  savages,  one  Iroquet,  the 
other  the  brother  of  our  Savignon.  They  came  to  get  the 
latter,  and  ask  me  in  behalf  of  all  their  companions  to  go 
alone  with  my  servant  to  where  they  were  encamped,  as 
they  had  something  of  importance  to  tell  me,  which  they 
were  unwilling  to  communicate  to  any  Frenchmen.  I prom- 
ised them  that  I would  go. 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


213 


The  following  day  I gave  some  trifles  to  Savignon,  who 
set  out  much  pleased,  giving  me  to  understand  that  he  was 
about  to  live  a very  irksome  life  in  comparison  with  that 
which  he  had  led  in  France.  He  expressed  much  regret  at 
separation,  but  I was  very  glad  to  be  relieved  of  the  care 
of  him.  The  two  captains  told  me  that  on  the  morning  of 
the  next  day  they  would  send  for  me,  which  they  did.  I 
embarked,  accompanied  by  my  servant,  with  those  who  came. 
Having  arrived  at  the  Fall,  we  went  some  eight  leagues  into 
the  woods,  where  they  were  encamped  on  the  shore  of  a lake, 
where  I had  been  before.  They  were  much  pleased  at  seeing 
me,  and  began  to  shout  after  their  custom.  Our  Indian  came 
out  to  meet  me,  and  ask  me  to  go  to  the  cabin  of  his  brother, 
where  he  at  once  had  some  meat  and  fish  put  on  the  fire  for 
my  entertainment.  While  I was  there,  a banquet  was  held, 
to  which  all  the  leading  Indians  were  invited.  I was  not 
forgotten,  although  I had  already  eaten  sufficiently;  but,  in 
order  not  to  violate  the  custom  of  the  country,  I attended. 
After  banqueting,  they  went  into  the  woods  to  hold  their 
council,  and  meanwhile  I amused  myself  in  looking  at  the 
country  round  about,  which  is  very  pleasant. 

Some  time  after  they  called  me,  in  order  to  communi- 
cate to  me  what  they  had  resolved  upon.  I proceeded  to 
them  accordingly  with  my  servant.  After  I had  seated  my- 
self by  their  side,  they  said  they  were  very  glad  to  see  me, 
and  to  find  that  I had  not  failed  to  keep  my  word  in  what  I 
had  promised  them ; saying  that  they  felt  it  an  additional  proof 
of  my  affection  that  I continued  the  alliance  with  them,  and 
that  before  setting  out  they  desired  to  take  leave  of  me,  as 
it  would  have  been  a very  great  disappointment  to  them  to 
go  away  without  seeing  me,  thinking  that  I would  in  that 
case  have  been  ill  disposed  towards  them.  They  said  also 
that  what  had  led  them  to  say  they  were  going  a-hunting, 
and  build  the  barricade,  was  not  the  fear  of  their  enemies 
nor  the  desire  of  hunting,  but  their  fear  of  all  the  other  pataches 
accompanying  me,  inasmuch  as  they  had  heard  it  said  that 
on  the  night  they  sent  for  me  they  were  all  to  be  killed,  and 


214  VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIH  [1611 

that  I should  not  be  able  to  protect  them  from  the  others,  who 
were  much  more  numerous;  so  that  in  order  to  get  away 
they  made  use  of  this  ruse.  But  they  said  if  there  had  been 
only  our  two  pataches  they  would  have  stayed  some  days  longer, 
and  they  begged  that,  when  I returned  with  my  companions, 
I would  not  bring  any  others.  To  this  I replied  that  I did  not 
bring  these,  but  that  they  followed  without  my  invitation; 
that  in  the  future,  however,  I would  come  in  another  manner; 
at  which  explanation  they  were  much  pleased. 

And  now  they  began  again  to  repeat  what  they  had  prom- 
ised me  in  regard  to  the  exploration  of  the  country,  while 
I promised,  with  the  help  of  God,  to  fulfil  what  I had  told 
them.  They  besought  me  again  to  give  them  a man,  and  I 
replied  that  if  there  was  any  one  among  us  who  was  willing 
to  go,  I should  be  well  pleased. 

They  told  me  there  was  a merchant,  named  Bouyer,  com- 
mander of  a patache,  who  had  asked  them  to  take  a young 
man,  which  request,  however,  they  had  been  unwilling  to 
grant  before  ascertaining  whether  this  was  agreeable  to  me, 
as  they  did  not  know  whether  we  were  friends,  since  he  had 
come  in  my  company  to  trade  with  them ; also  that  they  were 
in  no  wise  under  any  obligations  to  him,  but  that  he  had 
offered  to  make  them  large  presents. 

I replied  that  we  were  in  no  wise  enemies,  and  that  they 
had  often  seen  us  conversing  with  each  other;  but  that  in 
regard  to  traffic  each  did  what  he  could,  and  that  the  above- 
named  Bouyer  was  perhaps  desirous  of  sending  this  young 
man  as  I had  sent  mine,  hoping  for  some  return  in  the  future, 
which  I could  also  lay  claim  to  from  them;  that,  however, 
they  must  judge  towards  whom  they  had  the  greatest  obliga- 
tions, and  from  whom  they  were  to  expect  the  most. 

They  said  there  was  no  comparison  between  the  obliga- 
tions in  the  two  cases,  not  only  in  view  of  the  help  I had  ren- 
dered them  in  their  wars  against  their  enemies,  but  also  of 
the  offer  of  my  personal  assistance  in  the  future,  in  all  of 
which  they  had  found  me  faithful  to  the  truth,  adding  that 
all  depended  on  my  pleasure.  They  said  moreover  that  what 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


215 


made  them  speak  of  the  matter  was  the  presents  he  had  offered 
them,  and  that,  if  this  young  man  should  go  with  them, 
it  would  not  put  them  under  such  obligations  to  this  Bouyer 
as  they  were  under  to  me,  and  that  it  would  have  no  influence 
upon  the  future,  since  they  only  took  him  on  account  of  the 
presents  from  Bouyer. 

I replied  that  it  was  indifferent  to  me  whether  they  took 
him  or  not,  and  in  fact  that  if  they  took  him  for  a small  con- 
sideration I should  be  displeased  at  it,  but  if  in  return  for 
valuable  presents,  I should  be  satisfied,  provided  he  stayed 
with  Iroquet;  which  they  promised  me.  Then  there  was 
made  on  both  sides  a final  statement  of  our  agreements.  They 
had  with  them  one  who  had  three  times  been  made  prisoner 
by  the  Iroquois,  but  had  been  successful  in  escaping.  This 
one  resolved  to  go,  with  nine  others,  to  war,  for  the  sake  of  re- 
venge for  the  cruelties  his  enemies  had  caused  him  to  suffer. 
All  the  captains  begged  me  to  dissuade  him  if  possible,  since 
he  was  very  valiant,  and  they  were  afraid  that,  advancing 
boldly  towards  the  enemy,  and  supported  by  a small  force 
only,  he  would  never  return.  To  satisfy  them  I endeavored 
to  do  so,  and  urged  all  the  reasons  I could,  which,  however, 
availed  little ; for  he,  showing  me  a portion  of  his  fingers  cut 
off,  also  great  cuts  and  bums  on  his  body,  as  evidences  of  the 
manner  they  had  tortured  him,  said  that  it  was  impossible 
for  him  to  live  without  killing  some  of  his  enemies  and  having 
vengeance,  and  that  his  heart  told  him  he  must  set  out  as  soon 
as  possible,  as  he  did,  firmly  resolved  to  behave  well. 

After  concluding  with  them,  I asked  them  to  take  me  back 
in  our  patache.  To  accomplish  this,  they  got  ready  eight 
canoes  in  order  to  pass  the  Fall,  stripping  themselves  naked, 
and  directing  me  to  go  in  my  shirt.  For  it  often  happens 
that  some  are  lost  in  passing  the  Fall.  Consequently,  they 
keep  close  to  each  other,  so  as  to  render  assistance  at  once,  if 
any  canoe  should  happen  to  turn  over.  They  said  to  me, 
If  yours  should  unfortunately  overturn,  not  knowing  how  to 
swim,  you  must  not  think  of  abandoning  it,  and  must 
cling  to  the  little  pieces  in  the  middle  of  it,  for  we  can  easily 


216 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


rescue  you.  I am  sure  that  even  the  most  self-possessed 
persons  in  the  world,  who  have  not  seen  this  place  nor  passed 
it  in  little  boats  such  as  they  have,  could  not  do  so  without 
the  greatest  apprehension.  But  these  people  are  so  skilful  in 
passing  falls,  that  it  is  an  easy  matter  for  them.  I passed 
with  them,  which  I had  never  before  done,  nor  any  other 
Christian,  except  my  above-mentioned  servant.  Then  we 
reached  our  barques,  where  I lodged  a large  number  of  them, 
and  had  some  conversation  with  the  before-mentioned  Bouyer 
in  view  of  the  fear  he  entertained  that  I should  prevent  his 
servant  from  going  with  the  savages.  They  returned  the  next 
day  with  the  young  man,  who  proved  expensive  to  his  master, 
who  had  expected,  in  my  opinion,  to  recover  the  losses  of  his 
voyage,  which  were  very  considerable,  like  those  of  many 
others. 

One  of  our  young  men  also  determined  to  go  with  these 
savages,  who  are  Charioquois,  living  at  a distance  of  some 
one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  the  Fall.  He  went  with 
the  brother  of  Savignon,  one  of  the  captains,  who  promised 
me  to  show  him  all  that  could  be  seen.  Bouyer’s  man  went 
with  the  above-mentioned  Iroquet,  an  Algonquin,  who  lives 
some  eighty  leagues  from  the  Fall.  Both  went  off  well  pleased 
and  contented. 

After  the  departure  of  the  savages,  we  awaited  the  three 
hundred  others  who,  as  had  been  told  us,  were  to  come,  in 
accordance  with  the  promise  I had  made  them.  Finding  that 
they  did  not  come,  all  the  pataches  determined  to  induce 
some  Algonquin  savages,  who  had  come  from  Tadoussac,  to 
go  to  meet  them,  in  view  of  a reward  that  would  be  given  them 
on  their  return,  which  was  to  be  at  the  latest  not  over  nine 
days  from  the  time  of  their  departure,  so  that  we  might  know 
whether  to  expect  them  or  not,  and  be  able  to  return  to 
Tadoussac.  This  they  agreed  to,  and  a canoe  left  with  this 
purpose. 

On  the  fifth  of  July  a canoe  arrived  from  the  Algonquins, 
who  were  to  come  to  the  number  of  three  hundred.  From 
it  we  learned  that  the  canoe  which  had  set  out  from  us  had 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


217 


arrived  in  their  country,  and  that  their  companions,  wearied 
by  their  journey,  were  resting,  and  that  they  would  soon  ar- 
rive, in  fulfilment  of  the  promise  they  had  made ; that  at  most 
they  would  not  be  more  than  eight  days  behindhand,  but  that 
there  would  be  only  twenty-four  canoes,  as  one  of  their  captains 
and  many  of  their  comrades  had  died  of  a fever  that  had  broken 
out  among  them.  They  also  said  that  they  had  sent  many 
to  the  war,  which  had  hindered  their  progress.  We  deter- 
mined to  wait  for  them. 

But  finding  that  this  period  had  elapsed  without  their 
arrival,  Pont  Grave  set  out  from  the  Fall  on  the  eleventh  of 
the  month,  to  arrange  some  matters  at  Tadoussac,  while  I 
stayed  to  await  the  savages. 

The  same  day  a patache  arrived,  bringing  provisions  for 
the  numerous  barques  of  which  our  party  consisted.  For 
our  bread,  wine,  meat,  and  cider  had  given  out  some  days 
before,  obliging  us  to  have  recourse  to  fishing,  the  fine  river 
water,  and  some  radishes  which  grow  in  great  abundance  in 
the  country;  otherwise  we  should  have  been  obliged  to  return. 
The  same  day  an  Algonquin  canoe  arrived,  assuring  us  that 
on  the  next  day  the  twenty-four  canoes  were  to  come,  twelve 
of  them  prepared  for  war. 

On  the  twelfth  the  Algonquins  arrived  with  some  little 
merchandise.  Before  trafficking  they  made  a present  to  a 
Montagnais  Indian,  the  son  of  Anadabijou,  wTho  had  lately 
died,  in  order  to  mitigate  his  grief  at  the  death  of  his  father. 
Shortly  after  they  resolved  to  make  some  presents  to  all 
the  captains  of  the  pataches.  They  gave  to  each  of  them 
ten  castors,  saying  they  were  very  sorry  they  had  no  more,  but 
that  the  war,  to  which  most  of  them  were  going,  was  the  reason ; 
they  begged,  however,  that  what  they  offered  might  be  accepted 
in  good  part,  saying  that  they  were  all  friends  to  us,  and  to 
me,  who  was  seated  near  them,  more  than  to  all  the  others, 
who  were  well-disposed  towards  them  only  on  account  of  their 
castors,  and  had  not  always  assisted  them  like  myself,  whom 
they  had  never  found  double-tongued  like  the  rest. 

I replied  that  all  those  whom  they  saw  gathered  together 


218 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


were  their  friends ; that,  in  case  an  opportunity  should  present 
itself,  they  would  not  fail  to  do  their  duty ; that  we  were  all 
friends ; that  they  should  continue  to  be  well  disposed  towards 
us;  that  we  would  make  them  presents  in  return  for  those 
they  gave  us;  and  that  they  should  trade  in  peace.  This 
they  did,  and  carried  away  what  they  could. 

The  next  day  they  brought  me  privately  forty  castors, 
assuring  me  of  their  friendship,  and  that  they  were  very  glad 
of  the  conclusion  which  I had  reached  with  the  savages  who 
had  gone  away,  and  that  we  should  make  a settlement  at  the 
fall,  which  I assured  them  we  would  do,  making  them  a present 
in  return. 

After  everything  had  been  arranged,  they  determined  to 
go  and  obtain  the  body  of  Outetoucos,  who  was  drowned 
at  the  Fall,  as  we  have  before  mentioned.  They  went  to 
the  spot  where  he  had  been  buried,  disinterred  him  and  carried 
him  to  the  island  of  St.  Helene,  where  they  performed  their 
usual  ceremony,  which  is  to  sing  and  dance  over  the  grave 
with  festivities  and  banquets  following.  I asked  them  why 
they  disinterred  the  body.  They  replied  that  if  their  enemies 
should  find  the  grave  they  would  do  so,  and  divide  the  body 
into  several  pieces,  which  they  would  then  hang  to  trees  in 
order  to  offend  them.  For  this  reason  they  said  that  they 
transferred  it  to  a place  off  from  the  road,  and  in  the  most 
secret  manner  possible. 

On  the  15th  there  arrived  fourteen  canoes,  the  chief  over 
which  was  named  Tecouehata.  Upon  their  arrival  all  the  other 
savages  took  up  arms  and  performed  some  circular  evolutions. 
After  going  around  and  dancing  to  their  satisfaction,  the  others 
who  were  in  their  canoes  also  began  to  dance,  making  various 
movements  of  the  body.  After  finishing  their  singing,  they 
went  on  shore  with  a small  quantity  of  furs,  and  made  presents 
similar  to  those  of  the  others.  These  were  reciprocated  by 
some  of  equal  value.  The  next  day  they  trafficked  in  what 
little  they  had,  and  presented  me  personally  with  thirty  castors, 
for  which  I made  them  an  acknowledgment.  They  begged 
me  to  continue  my  good  will  to  them,  which  I promised  to 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


219 


do.  They  spoke  with  me  very  especially  respecting  certain 
explorations  towards  the  north,  which  might  prove  advan- 
tageous; and  said,  in  reference  to  them,  that  if  any  one  of 
my  company  would  like  to  go  with  them,  they  would  show 
him  what  would  please  me,  and  would  treat  him  as  one  of 
their  own  children.  I promised  to  give  them  a young  man, 
at  which  they  were  much  pleased.  When  he  took  leave  of 
me  to  go  with  them,  I gave  him  a detailed  memorandum  of 
what  he  was  to  observe  while  with  them.  After  they  had 
bartered  what  little  they  had,  they  separated  into  three  par- 
ties ; one  for  the  war,  another  for  the  great  Fall,  another  for 
a little  river  which  flows  into  that  of  the  great  Fall.  Thus 
they  set  out  on  the  18th  day  of  the  month,  on  which  day 
we  also  departed. 

The  same  day  we  made  the  thirty  leagues  from  this  Fall  to 
the  Trois  Rivieres.  On  the  19th  we  arrived  at  Quebec,  which 
is  also  thirty  leagues  from  the  Trois  Rivi&res.  I induced  the 
most  of  those  in  each  boat  to  stay  at  the  settlement,  when  I 
had  some  repairs  made  and  some  rose-bushes  set  out.  I had 
also  some  oak  wood  put  on  board  to  make  trial  of  in  France, 
not  only  for  marine  wainscoting  but  also  for  windows.  The 
next  day,  the  20th  of  July,  I set  out.  On  the  23d  I arrived 
at  Tadoussac,  whence  I resolved  to  return  to  France,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  advice  of  Pont  Grave.  After  arranging 
matters  relating  to  our  settlement,  according  to  the  directions 
which  Sieur  de  Monts  had  given  me,  I embarked  in  the  vessel 
of  Captain  Tibaut,  of  La  Rochelle,  on  the  11th  of  August. 
During  our  passage  we  had  an  abundance  of  fish,  such  as 
orades,  mackerel,1  and  pilotes , the  latter  similar  to  herrings, 
and  found  about  certain  planks  covered  with  pousse-pieds , 
a kind  of  shell-fish  attaching  itself  thereto,  and  growing  there 
gradually.  Sometimes  the  number  of  these  little  fish  is  so 
great  that  it  is  surprising  to  behold.  We  caught  also  some 
porpoises  and  other  species  of  fish.  The  weather  was  fa- 
vorable as  far  as  Belle-Isle,2  where  we  were  overtaken  by  fogs, 

1 Grande-or exile,  i.e.,  large-ear.  See  p.  192. 

2 Belle-Isle-en-mer,  off  the  west  coast  of  France. 


220  VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN  [1611 

which  continued  three  or  four  days.  The  weather  then  be- 
coming fair,  we  sighted  Alvert,1  and  arrived  at  La  Rochelle 
on  the  16th  of  September,  1611. 


Chapter  4 

Arrival  at  La  Rochelle . Dissolution  of  the  partnership  between 
Sieur  de  Monts  and  his  associates , the  Sieurs  Colier 
and  le  Gendre  of  Rouen.  Jealousy  of  the  French  in 
regard  to  the  new  discoveries  in  New  France. 

Upon  my  arrival  at  La  Rochelle  I proceeded  to  visit  Sieur 
de  Monts,  at  Pons  2 in  Saintonge,  to  inform  him  of  all  that 
had  occurred  during  the  expedition,  and  of  the  promise  which 
the  Ochateguins  and  Algonquins  had  made  me,  on  condition 
that  we  would  assist  them  in  their  wars,  as  I had  agreed. 
Sieur  de  Monts,  after  listening  to  it  all,  determined  to  go  to 
the  Court  to  arrange  the  matter.  I started  before  him  to  go 
there  also.  But  on  the  way  I was  unfortunately  detained 
by  the  falling  of  a horse  upon  me,  which  came  near  killing 
me.  This  fall  detained  me  some  time ; but  as  soon  as  I had 
sufficiently  recovered  from  its  effects  I set  out  again  to  com- 
plete my  journey  and  meet  Sieur  de  Monts  at  Fontainebleau, 
who,  upon  his  return  to  Paris,  had  a conference  with  his  asso- 
ciates. The  latter  were  unwilling  to  continue  in  the  associa- 
tion, as  there  was  no  commission  forbidding  any  others  from 
going  to  the  new  discoveries  and  trading  with  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country.  Sieur  de  Monts,  seeing  this,  bargained  with 
them  for  what  remained  at  the  settlement  at  Quebec,  in  con- 
sideration of  a sum  of  money  which  he  gave  them  for  their 
share.  He  sent  also  some  men  to  take  care  of  the  settlement, 
in  the  expectation  of  obtaining  a commission  from  His  Majesty. 

1 Pointe  dArvert,  a cape  nine  miles  from  Brouage,  and  twenty-seven 
miles  south  of  La  Rochelle. 

2 De  Monts  was  governor  of  this  town,  which  was  about  fifty  miles 
southeast  of  La  Rochelle. 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


221 


But  while  he  was  engaged  in  the  pursuit  of  this  object  some 
important  matters  demanded  his  attention,  so  that  he  was 
obliged  to  abandon  it,  and  he  left  me  the  duty  of  taking  the 
necessary  steps  for  it.  As  I was  about  arranging  the  matter, 
the  vessels  arrived  from  New  France  with  men  from  our  settle- 
ment, those  whom  I had  sent  into  the  interior  with  the  savages. 
They  brought  me  very  important  information,  saying  that 
more  than  two  hundred  savages  had  come,  expecting  to  find 
me  at  the  great  Fall  of  St.  Louis,  where  I had  appointed  a ren- 
dezvous, with  the  intention  of  assisting  them  according  to 
their  request.  But,  finding  that  I had  not  kept  my  promise, 
they  were  greatly  displeased.  Our  men,  however,  made  some 
apologies,  which  were  accepted,  and  assured  them  that  they 
would  not  fail  to  come  the  following  year  or  never.  The  sav- 
ages agreed  to  this  on  their  part.  But  several  others  left 
the  old  trading-station  of  Tadoussac,  and  came  to  the  fall 
with  many  small  barques  to  see  if  they  could  engage  in  traffic 
with  these  people,  whom  they  assured  that  I was  dead,  al- 
though our  men  stoutly  declared  the  contrary.  This  shows 
how  jealousy  against  meritorious  objects  gets  possession  of 
bad  natures;  and  all  they  want  is  that  men  should  expose 
themselves  to  a thousand  dangers,  to  discover  peoples  and 
territories,  that  they  themselves  may  have  the  profit  and  others 
the  hardship.  It  is  not  reasonable  that  one  should  capture 
the  lamb  and  another  go  off  with  the  fleece.  If  they  had  been 
willing  to  participate  in  our  discoveries,  use  their  means,  and 
risk  their  persons,  they  would  have  given  evidence  of  their 
honor  and  nobleness,  but  on  the  contrary  they  show  clearly 
that  they  are  impelled  by  pure  malice  that  they  may  enjoy 
the  fruit  of  our  labors  equally  with  ourselves. 

On  this  subject,  and  to  show  how  many  persons  strive  to 
pervert  praiseworthy  enterprises,  I will  instance  again  the 
people  of  St.  Malo  and  others,  who  say  that  the  profit  of  these 
discoveries  belongs  to  them,  since  Jacques  Cartier,  who  first 
visited  Canada  and  the  islands  of  Newfoundland,  was  from 
their  city;  as  if  that  city  had  contributed  to  the  expenses 
of  these  discoveries  of  Jacques  Cartier,  who  went  there  by 


222 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


the  order  and  at  the  expense  of  King  Francis  I.  in  the  years 
1534  and  1535  to  discover  these  territories  now  called  New 
France.  If  then  Cartier  made  any  discovery  at  the  expense 
of  His  Majesty,  all  his  subjects  have  the  same  rights  and  lib- 
erties in  them  as  the  people  of  St.  Malo,  who  cannot  prevent 
others  who  make  farther  discoveries  at  their  own  expense,  as 
is  shown  in  the  case  of  the  discoveries  above  described,  from 
profiting  by  them  in  peace.  Hence  they  ought  not  to  claim 
any  rights  if  they  themselves  make  no  contributions,  and  their 
reasons  for  doing  so  are  weak  and  foolish. 

To  prove  more  conclusively  that  they  who  maintain  this 
position  do  so  without  any  foundation,  let  us  suppose  that  a 
Spaniard  or  other  foreigner  had  discovered  lands  and  wealth 
at  the  expense  of  the  King  of  France.  Could  the  Spaniards 
or  other  foreigners  claim  these  discoveries  and  this  wealth, 
on  the  ground  that  the  discoverer  was  a Spaniard  or  foreigner  ? 
No ! There  would  be  no  sense  in  doing  so,  and  they  would 
always  belong  to  France.  Hence  the  people  of  St.  Malo  cannot 
make  these  claims  for  the  reason  which  they  give,  that  Cartier 
was  a citizen  of  their  city ; and  they  can  only  take  cognizance 
of  the  fact  that  he  was  a citizen  of  theirs,  and  render  him 
accordingly  the  praise  which  is  his  due. 

Besides,  Cartier  in  the  voyage  which  he  made  never  passed 
the  great  Fall  of  St.  Louis,  and  made  no  discoveries  north  or 
south  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  His  narratives  give  no  evi- 
dence of  it,  in  which  he  speaks  only  of  the  river  Saguenay, 
the  Trois  Rivieres  and  St.  Croix,  where  he  spent  the  winter 
in  a fort  near  our  settlement.  Had  he  done  so,  he  would  not 
have  failed  to  mention  it,  any  more  than  what  he  has  men- 
tioned, which  shows  that  he  left  all  the  upper  part  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  from  Tadoussac  to  the  great  Fall,  being  a territory 
difficult  to  explore,  and  that  he  was  unwilling  to  expose  him- 
self or  let  his  barques  engage  in  the  venture.1  So  that  what 
he  did  has  borne  no  fruit  until  four  years  ago,  when  we  made 

1 This  is  a mistake.  Cartier  went  as  far  as  the  present  city  of  Montreal, 
though  he  does  not  describe  in  detail  the  country  between  Montreal  and 
Quebec.  See  Early  English  and  French  Voyages , pp.  54-71. 


1611] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1611 


223 


our  settlement  at  Quebec,  after  which  I ventured  to  pass  the 
Fall  to  help  the  savages  in  their  wars,  and  send  among  them 
men  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  the  people,  to  learn  their 
mode  of  living,  and  the  character  and  extent  of  their  territory. 
After  devoting  ourselves  to  labors  which  have  been  so  success- 
ful, is  it  not  just  that  we  should  enjoy  their  fruits,  His  Majesty 
not  having  contributed  anything  to  aid  those  who  have  as- 
sumed the  responsibilities  of  these  undertakings  up  to  the 
present  time  ? I hope  that  God  will  at  some  time  incline  him  to 
do  so  much  for  His  service,  his  own  glory  and  the  welfare  of  his 
subjects,  as  to  bring  many  new  peoples  to  the  knowledge  of  our 
faith,  that  they  may  at  last  enjoy  the  heavenly  kingdom.1 

1 The  two  general  maps  mentioned  on  the  title-page  of  the  Voyages  of 
1613  are  inserted  by  Champlain  at  this  point.  A reproduction  of  one  of 
them,  the  “Carte  Geographique  de  la  Novelle  franse  en  son  vray  meri- 
diem/’ is  here  presented.  As  the  explanations  with  which  Champlain 
accompanies  it  are  partly  out  of  place,  it  may  be  well  that  they  should 
be  brought  together  at  this  point,  where  they  will  be  near  the  map.  In  a 
position  corresponding  to  this,  at  the  end  of  the  Voyages  proper,  just  before 
the  Quatriesme  Voyage , under  the  heading  “Explanation  of  two  Geo- 
graphical Maps  of  New  France,”  he  says,  speaking  of  this  one,  “The 
smallest  is  in  its  true  meridian,  in  accordance  with  the  directions  of  the 
Sieur  de  Castelfranc  in  his  book  on  the  mecometry  of  the  magnetic  needle, 
[Mecometrie  de  VEymant,  c’est  a dire  la  Maniere  de  mesurer  les  Longitudes 
par  le  moyen  de  VEymant  (Toulouse,  1603).  See  p.  27,  note  3],  where  I 
have  noted,  as  will  be  seen  on  the  map,  several  declinations,  which  have 
been  of  much  service  to  me,  so  also  all  the  altitudes,  latitudes  and  longi- 
tudes, from  the  forty-first  degree  of  latitude  to  the  fifty-first,  in  the  di- 
rection of  the  North  Pole,  which  are  the  confines  of  Canada,  or  the  Great 
Bay,  where  more  especially  the  Basques  and  Spaniards  engage  in  the 
whale  fishery.”  This  was  the  first  attempt  to  lay  down  the  latitude  and 
longitude  on  any  map  of  the  coast.  Different  “states”  of  this  map  vary 
in  minor  particulars. 

An  additional  statement  explanatory  of  the  map  is  given  in  the  pre- 
liminary matter  of  the  volume,  just  before  the  “Privilege,”  with  the  ap- 
pearance of  having  been  introduced  at  the  last  moment  before  printing : 
“On  the  small  map  is  added  the  strait  above  Labrador  between  the  fifty- 
third  and  sixty-third  degrees  of  latitude,  which  the  English  have  discovered 
during  the  present  year  1612,  in  their  voyage  to  find,  if  possible,  a passage 
to  China  by  way  of  the  North.  They  wintered  at  a place  indicated  by  this 
mark,  Cs.  But  it  was  not  without  enduring  severe  cold,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  return  to  England,  leaving  their  leader  in  the  northern  regions. 
Within  six  months  three  other  vessels  have  set  out,  to  penetrate,  if  possible, 


224 


VOYAGES  OP  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


still  farther,  and  at  the  same  time  to  search  for  the  men  who  were  left  in 
that  region.”  The  reference  is  of  course  to  the  last  and  fatal  voyage  of 
Henry  Hudson,  to  the  mutiny  with  which  it  terminated,  and  to  the  search 
under  Sir  Thomas  Button.  Now  a chart  by  Hudson  fortunately  escaped 
destruction  by  the  mutineers,  and  was  reproduced  in  Holland  by  Hessel 
Gerritsz  in  a map,  Tabula  Nautica  qua  reprcesentantur  orce  maritimce  meatus 
ac  freta,  noviter  a Hudsono  Anglo  ad  Caurum  supra  Novam  Franciam  inda- 
gata  Anno  1612.  This  map  is  reproduced  in  the  frontispiece  of  Asher, 
Henry  Hudson  the  Navigator  (London,  1860),  and  in  Winsor's  America, 
VIII.  2.  Champlain's  engraver  evidently  had  it  before  him.  The  reader 
will  see  in  the  lettering  of  Champlain's  map  curious  evidences  of  the  deriva- 
tion of  this  part  from  an  English  original  through  a Dutch  version.  While  the 
rest  of  the  lettering  is  French,  here  in  the  northwest  we  have  the  following 
legends  taken  over  from  Hudson  without  other  change  than  a Dutch  spell- 
ing of  some  English  words  : “The  bay  wher  Hudson  did  winter  " “C.  Wors- 
nam,"  “Salisberis  ilandt,”  “Quine  annes  forlandt,”  “Holde  With  hoope” 
[hope],  “C.  Elizabeth,”  “fretum  davis,”  “The  iland  of  good  fortun,” 
“Lomles  inlet,”  “Groenlandia.” 

Upon  the  key  to  Champlain's  map  which  is  supplied  beneath  it,  the 
following  remarks  may  be  useful : (a)  “L,  Riviere  des  Ethechemins,”  is  the 
St.  Croix  River.  (6)  “S,  Port  du  rossignol,”  means  the  more  westerly 
of  the  two  S's.  (c)  “SS,  Lac  de  medicis,”  probably  means  the  Lake  of  Two 
Mountains,  (d)  “4,  Saincte  Croix,”  indicates  the  St.  Croix  of  Cartier, 
(e)  “5,  Sault,”  means  the  Falls  of  Montmorency. 

In  the  original  volume,  after  the  explanations  of  his  two  maps  of  New 
France,  Champlain  gives  an  account  of  his  method  of  determining  a meridian 
line. 


' 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAM- 
PLAIN MADE  IN  THE  YEAR  1613 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  OF  SIEUR  DE 
CHAMPLAIN 


CAPTAIN  IN  ORDINARY  TO  THE  KING  IN  THE 
MARINE,  AND  LIEUTENANT  OF  MONSEIGNEUR 
LE  PRINCE  DE  CONDE  IN  NEW  FRANCE 

MADE  IN  THE  YEAR  1613 

To  the  very  high , powerful,  and  excellent  Henri  de  Bourbon, 
Prince  de  Conde,  First  Prince  of  the  Blood,  First  Peer  of 
France , Governor  and  Lieutenant  of  His  Majesty  in  Guienne.1 

Monseigneur, 

The  honor  that  I have  received  from  your  Highness  in  be- 
ing intrusted  with  the  discovery  of  New  France  has  inspired 
in  me  the  desire  to  pursue  with  still  greater  pains  and  zeal 
than  ever  the  search  for  the  North  Sea.  With  this  object  in 
view  I have  made  a voyage  during  the  past  year,  1613,  rely- 
ing on  a man  whom  I had  sent  there  and  who  assured  me  he 
had  seen  it,  as  you  will  perceive  in  this  brief  narrative,  which 
I venture  to  present  to  your  Excellence,  and  in  which  are 
particularly  described  all  the  toils  and  sufferings  I have  had 
in  the  undertaking.  But  although  I regret  having  lost  this 
year  so  far  as  the  main  object  is  concerned,  yet  my  expecta- 
tion, as  in  the  first  voyage,  of  obtaining  more  definite  infor- 
mation respecting  the  subject  from  the  savages,  has  been 
fulfilled.  They  have  told  me  about  various  lakes  and  rivers 
in  the  north,  in  view  of  which,  aside  from  their  assurance 

1 The  third  prince  of  Cond6  was  appointed  in  1612  protector  of  the 
Company  of  New  France,  whose  formation  ended  the  four-years’  period  of 
free  trade  on  the  upper  St.  Lawrence.  Though  Cond6  was  a man  of  little 
ability,  his  rank  as  first  prince  of  the  blood  was  of  service  to  the  company 
amid  the  maze  of  court  and  commercial  intrigues. 

227 


228 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1611 


that  they  know  of  this  sea,  it  seems  to  me  easy  to  conclude 
from  the  maps  that  it  cannot  be  far  from  the  farthest  dis- 
coveries I have  hitherto  made.  Awaiting  a favorable  time 
and  opportunity  to  prosecute  my  plans,  and  praying  God  to 
preserve  you,  most  happy  Prince,  in  all  prosperity,  wherein 
consists  my  highest  wish  for  your  greatness,  I remain  in  the 
quality  of 

Your  most  humble  and  devoted  servant, 

Samuel  de  Champlain. 


Chapter  1 

What  led  me  to  seek  for  terms  of  regulation . A commission 
obtained . Oppositions  to  the  same . Publication  at 
last  in  all  the  ports  of  France . 

The  desire  which  I have  always  had  of  making  new 
discoveries  in  New  France,  for  the  good,  profit,  and  glory  of 
the  French  name,  and  at  the  same  time  to  lead  the  poor  natives 
to  the  knowledge  of  God,  has  led  me  to  seek  more  and  more 
for  the  greater  facility  of  this  undertaking,  which  can  only 
be  secured  by  means  of  good  regulations.  For,  since  individ- 
uals desire  to  gather  the  fruits  of  my  labor  without  contribut- 
ing to  the  expenses  and  great  outlays  requisite  for  the  support 
of  the  settlements  necessary  to  a successful  result,  this  branch 
of  trade  is  ruined  by  the  greediness  of  gain,  which  is  so  great 
that  it  causes  merchants  to  set  out  prematurely  in  order  to 
arrive  first  in  this  country.  By  this  means  they  not  only 
become  involved  in  the  ice,  but  also  in  their  own  ruin,  for, 
from  trading  with  the  savages  in  a secret  manner  and  offering 
through  rivalry  with  each  other  more  merchandise  than  is 
necessary,  they  get  the  worst  of  the  bargain.  Thus,  while 
purposing  to  deceive  their  associates,  they  generally  deceive 
themselves. 

For  this  reason,  when  I returned  to  France  on  the  10th 


1012] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


229 


of  September,  1611,  I spoke  to  Sieur  de  Monts  about  the 
matter,  who  approved  of  my  suggestions ; but  his  engagements 
not  allowing  him  to  prosecute  the  matter  at  court,  he  left  to 
me  its  whole  management. 

I then  drew  up  a statement,  which  I presented  to  President 
Jeannin,1  who,  being  a man  desirous  of  seeing  good  under- 
takings prosper,  commended  my  project,  and  encouraged 
me  in  its  prosecution. 

But  feeling  assured  that  those  who  love  to  fish  in  troubled 
waters  would  be  vexed  at  such  regulations  and  seek  means 
to  thwart  them,  it  seemed  advisable  to  throw  myself  into  the 
hands  of  some  power  whose  authority  would  prevail  over 
their  jealousy. 

Now,  knowing  Monseigneur  le  Comte  de  Soissons  2 to  be 
a prince  devout  and  well  disposed  to  all  holy  undertakings, 
I addressed  myself  to  him  through  Sieur  de  Beaulieu,  councillor 
and  almoner  in  ordinary  to  the  King,  and  urged  upon  him 
the  importance  of  the  matter,  setting  forth  the  means  of 
regulating  it,  the  harm  which  disorder  had  heretofore  produced, 
and  the  total  ruin  with  which  it  was  threatened,  to  the  great 
dishonor  of  the  French  name,  unless  God  should  raise  up  some 
one  who  would  reanimate  it  and  give  promise  of  securing  for 
it  some  day  the  success  which  had  hitherto  been  little  antici- 
pated. After  he  had  been  informed  in  regard  to  all  the  details 
of  the  scheme  and  seen  the  map  of  the  country  which  I had 
made,  he  promised  me,  under  the  sanction  of  the  King,  to 
undertake  the  protectorate  of  the  enterprise. 

I immediately  after  presented  to  His  Majesty,  and  to  the 
gentlemen  of  his  council,  a petition  accompanied  by  articles, 
to  the  end  that  it  might  please  him  to  issue  regulations  for  the 
undertaking,  without  which,  as  I have  said,  it  would  fail. 

1 President  Jeannin  (1540-1622)  was  one  of  the  most  important  law- 
yers and  statesmen  of  the  reigns  of  Henry  III.  and  Henry  IV.,  and  of  the 
regency  which  followed,  and  took  a great  interest  in  all  schemes  of  coloniza- 
tion. Lescarbot  dedicates  to  him  his  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France. 

2 Charles  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Soissons,  a prince  of  the  blood,  young- 
est son  of  the  first  Cond6.  He  preceded  the  third  Cond6  as  lieutenant- 
general  for  the  king  in  New  France.  He  died  November  1,  1612. 


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VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


Accordingly  his  Majesty  gave  the  direction  and  control  to 
the  before-mentioned  count,  who  then  honored  me  with  the 
lieutenancy. 

Now  as  I was  preparing  to  publish  the  commission  1 of 
the  King  in  all  the  ports  and  harbors  of  France,  there  occurred 
the  sickness  and  greatly  lamented  death  of  the  count,  which 
postponed  somewhat  the  undertaking.  But  his  Majesty 
at  once  committed  the  direction  to  Monseigneur  le  Prince,2 3 
who  proceeded  in  the  execution  of  its  duties,  and,  having 
in  like  manner  honored  me  with  the  lieutenancy,  directed  me 
to  go  on  with  the  publication  of  the  commission.  But  as  soon 
as  this  was  done,  some  marplots,  who  had  no  interest  in  the 
matter,  importuned  him  to  annul  it,  representing  to  him,  as 
they  claimed,  the  interests  of  all  the  merchants  of  France, 
who  had  no  cause  for  complaint,  since  all  were  received  into 
the  association  and  could  not  therefore  justly  be  aggrieved. 
Accordingly,  their  evil  intention  being  recognized,  they  were 
dismissed,  with  permission  only  to  enter  into  the  association. 

During  these  altercations,  it  was  impossible  for  me,  as  the 
time  of  my  departure  was  very  near  at  hand,  to  do  anything 
for  the  habitation  at  Quebec,  for  repairing  and  enlarging 
which  I desired  to  take  out  some  workmen.  It  was  accord- 
ingly necessary  to  go  out  this  year  without  any  farther  organ- 
ization. The  passports  of  Monseigneur  le  Prince  were  made 
out  for  four  vessels,  which  were  already  in  readiness  for  the 
voyage,  viz.  three  from  Rouen  and  one  from  La  Rochelle, 
on  condition  that  each  should  furnish  four  men  for  my  assist- 
ance, not  only  in  my  discoveries  but  in  war,  as  I desired 
to  keep  the  promise  which  I had  made  to  the  Ochataiguins 
in  the  year  1611,  to  assist  them  in  their  wars  at  the  time  of 
my  next  voyage. 

As  I was  preparing  to  set  out,  I was  informed  that  the 
Parliamentary  Court  of  Rouen  would  not  permit  the  publi- 
cation of  the  commission  of  the  King,  because  his  Majesty 

1 This  commission,  dated  October  15,  1612,  is  given  in  Champlain's 

Voyages  of  1632,  Bourne's  ed.,  II.  45-51. 

3 1.e.}  Cond6  (see  p.  227,  note  1),  nephew  of  Soissons. 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


231 


had  reserved  to  himself  and  his  council  the  sole  cognizance 
of  the  differences  which  might  arise  in  this  matter;  added  to 
which  was  the  fact  that  the  merchants  of  St.  Malo  were  also 
opposed  to  it.  This  greatly  embarrassed  me,  and  obliged 
me  to  make  three  journeys  to  Rouen,  with  orders  of  his  Majesty, 
in  consideration  of  which  the  Court  desisted  from  their  inhibi- 
tion, and  the  assumptions  of  the  opponents  were  overruled. 
The  commission  was  then  published  in  all  the  ports  of  Nor- 
mandy. 


Chapter  2 

Departure  from  France . What  took  place  up  to  our  arrival 

at  the  Falls. 

I set  out  from  Rouen  on  the  5th  of  March  for  Honfleur, 
accompanied  by  Sieur  L’Ange,  to  assist  me  in  my  explorations, 
and  in  war  if  occasion  should  require. 

On  the  next  day,  the  6th  of  the  month,  we  embarked  in 
the  vessel  of  Sieur  de  Pont  Grave,  immediately  setting  sail, 
with  a favorable  wind. 

On  the  10th  of  April  we  sighted  the  Grand  Bank,  where 
we  several  times  tried  for  fish,  but  without  success. 

On  the  15th  we  had  a violent  gale,  accompanied  by  rain 
and  hail,  which  was  followed  by  another,  lasting  forty-eight 
hours,  and  so  violent  as  to  cause  the  loss  of  several  vessels  on 
the  island  of  Cape  Breton. 

On  the  21st  we  sighted  the  island1  and  Cap  de  Raye.  On 
the  29th  the  Montagnais  savages,  perceiving  us  from  All 
Devils’  Point,2  threw  themselves  into  their  canoes  and  came 
to  meet  us,  being  so  thin  and  hideous-looking  that  I did  not 
recognize  them.  At  once  they  began  crying  for  bread,  say- 
ing that  they  were  dying  of  hunger.  This  led  us  to  conclude 
that  the  winter  had  not  been  severe,  and  consequently  the  hunt- 
ing poor,  which  matter  we  have  alluded  to  in  previous  voyages. 

Having  arrived  on  board  of  our  vessel  they  examined  the 
1 Newfoundland.  3 See  p.  125,  note  2. 


232 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


faces  of  all,  and  as  I was  not  to  be  seen  anywhere  they  asked 
where  Monsieur  de  Champlain  was,  and  were  answered  that 
I had  remained  in  France.  But  this  they  would  not  think 
of  believing,  and  an  old  man  among  them  came  to  me  in  a 1 
corner  where  I was  walking,  not  desiring  to  be  recognized 
as  yet,  and  taking  me  by  the  ear,  for  he  suspected  who  it 
was,  saw  the  scar  of  the  arrow  wound  which  I received  at 
the  defeat  of  the  Iroquois.  At  this  he  cried  out,  and  all  the 
others  after  him,  with  great  demonstrations  of  joy,  saying, 
Your  people  are  awaiting  you  at  the  harbor  of  Tadoussac. 

The  same  day  we  arrived  at  Tadoussac,  and  although  we 
had  set  out  last,  nevertheless  arrived  first,  Sieur  Boyer  1 of 
Rouen  arriving  with  the  same  tide.  From  this  it  is  evident 
that  to  set  out  before  the  season  is  simply  rushing  into  the 
ice.  When  we  had  anchored,  our  friends  came  out  to  us, 
and,  after  informing  us  how  everything  was  at  the  habita- 
tion, began  to  dress  three  outardes2  and  two  hares,  which 
they  had  brought,  throwing  the  entrails  overboard,  after  which 
the  poor  savages  rushed,  and,  like  famished  beasts,  devoured 
them  without  drawing.  They  also  scraped  off  with  their  nails 
the  fat  with  which  our  vessel  had  been  coated,  eating  it  glut- 
tonously as  if  they  had  found  some  great  delicacy. 

The  next  day  two  vessels  arrived  from  St.  Malo,  which 
had  set  out  before  the  oppositions  had  been  settled  and  the 
commission  been  published  in  Normandy.  I proceeded  on 
board,  accompanied  by  L’Ange.  The  Sieurs  de  la  Moinerie 
and  la  Tremblaye  were  in  command,  to  whom  I read  the 
commission  of  the  King,  and  the  prohibition  against  violating 
it  on  penalties  attached  to  the  same.  They  replied  that  they 
were  subjects  and  faithful  servants  of  His  Majesty,  and  that 
they  would  obey  his  commands;  and  I then  had  attached 
to  a post  in  the  port  the  arms  and  commission  of  His  Majesty, 
that  no  ground  for  ignorance  might  be  claimed. 

1 An  old  free-trader,  long  a thorn  in  the  side  of  the  companies  of  de 
Monts  and  his  associates.  See  pp.  214-216. 

2 In  Europe  the  outarde  is  the  bustard.  Champlain  and  other  early 
writers  on  Canada  apply  the  term  to  a species  of  wild  goose,  probably  the 
brant. 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


233 


On  the  2d  of  May,  seeing  two  shallops  equipped  to  go 
to  the  Falls,  I embarked  with  the  before-mentioned  L’Ange 
in  one  of  them.  We  had  very  bad  weather,  so  that  the  masts 
of  our  shallop  were  broken,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  pre- 
serving hand  of  God  we  should  have  been  lost,  as  was  before 
our  eyes  a shallop  from  St.  Malo,  which  was  going  to  the 
Isle  d’Orleans,  those  on  board  of  which,  however,  were  saved. 

On  the  7th  we  arrived  at  Quebec,  where  we  found  in  good 
condition  those  who  had  wintered  there,  they  not  having 
been  sick;  they  told  us  that  the  winter  had  not  been  severe, 
and  that  the  river  had  not  frozen.  The  trees  also  were  be- 
ginning to  put  forth  leaves  and  the  fields  to  be  decked  with 
flowers. 

On  the  13th  we  set  out  from  Quebec  for  the  Falls  of  St. 
Louis,  where  we  arrived  on  the  21st,  finding  there  one  of 
our  barques  which  had  set  out  after  us  from  Tadoussac,  and 
which  had  traded  somewhat  with  a small  troop  of  Algonquins, 
who  came  from  the  war  with  the  Iroquois,  and  had  with  them 
two  prisoners.  Those  in  the  barque  gave  them  to  understand 
that  I had  come  with  a number  of  men  to  assist  them  in  their 
wars,  according  to  the  promise  I had  made  them  in  previous 
years;  also  that  I desired  to  go  to  their  country  and  enter 
into  an  alliance  with  all  their  friends,  at  which  they  were  greatly 
pleased.  And,  inasmuch  as  they  were  desirous  of  returning  to 
their  country  to  assure  their  friends  of  their  victory,  see  their 
wives,  and  put  to  death  their  prisoners  in  a festive  tabagie / 
they  left  as  pledges  of  their  return,  which  they  promised  should 
be  before  the  middle  of  the  first  moon,  according  to  their  reck- 
oning, their  shields  made  of  wood  and  elk  leather,  and  a part 
of  their  bows  and  arrows.  I regretted  very  much  that  I was 
not  prepared  to  go  with  them  to  their  country. 

Three  days  after,  three  canoes  arrived  with  Algonquins, 
who  had  come  from  the  interior,  with  some  articles  of  mer- 
chandise which  they  bartered.  They  told  me  that  the  bad 
treatment  which  the  savages  had  received  the  year  before 
had  discouraged  them  from  coming  any  more,  and  that  they 

1 Banquet. 


234 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


did  not  believe  that  I would  ever  return  to  their  country  on 
account  of  the  wrong  impressions  which  those  jealous  of  me 
had  given  them  respecting  me;  wherefore  twelve  hundred 
men  had  gone  to  the  war,  having  no  more  hope  from  the 
French,  who  they  did  not  believe  would  return  again  to  their 
country. 

This  intelligence  greatly  disheartened  the  merchants,  as 
they  had  made  a great  purchase  of  merchandise,  with  the 
expectation  that  the  savages  would  come,  as  they  had  been 
accustomed  to.  This  led  me  to  resolve,  as  I engaged  in  my 
explorations,  to  pass  through  their  country,  in  order  to  en- 
courage those  who  had  stayed  back,  with  an  assurance  of  the 
good  treatment  they  would  receive,  and  of  the  large  amount 
of  good  merchandise  at  the  Fall,  and  also  of  the  desire  I had 
to  assist  them  in  their  war.  For  carrying  out  this  purpose 
I requested  three  canoes  and  three  savages  to  guide  us,  but 
after  much  difficulty  obtained  only  two  and  one  savage,  and 
this  by  means  of  some  presents  made  them. 

Chapter  3 

Departure  to  discover  the  North  Sea,  on  the  ground  of  the  report 
made  me  in  regard  to  it.  Description  of  several  rivers, 
lakes,  and  islands ; the  Falls  of  the  Chaudiere  and  other 
falls. 

Now,  as  I had  only  two  canoes,  I could  take  with  me  but 
four  men,  among  whom  was  one  named  Nicholas  de  Vignau,  the 
most  impudent  liar  that  has  been  seen  for  a long  time,  as  the 
sequel  of  this  narrative  will  show.  He  had  formerly  spent  the 
winter  with  the  savages,  and  I had  sent  him  on  explorations 
the  preceding  years.  He  reported  to  me,  on  his  return  to 
Paris  in  1612,  that  he  had  seen  the  North  Sea;  that  the  river 
of  the  Algonquins  came  from  a lake  which  emptied  into  it; 
and  that  in  seventeen  days  one  could  go  from  the  Falls  of 
St.  Louis  to  this  sea  and  back  again;  that  he  had  seen  the 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


235 


wreck  and  debris  of  an  English  ship  that  had  been  wrecked, 
on  board  of  which  were  eighty  men,  who  had  escaped  to  the 
shore,  and  whom  the  savages  killed  because  the  English  en- 
deavored to  take  from  them  by  force  their  Indian  corn  and 
other  necessaries  of  life;  and  that  he  had  seen  the  scalps 
which  these  savages  had  flayed  off,  according  to  their  cus- 
tom, which  they  would  show  me,  and  that  they  would  like- 
wise give  me  a young  English  boy  whom  they  had  kept  for 
me.1  This  intelligence  had  greatly  pleased  me,  for  I thought 
that  I had  almost  found  that  for  which  I had  for  a long  time 
been  searching.  Accordingly  I enjoined  upon  him  to  tell  me 
the  truth,  in  order  that  I might  inform  the  King,  and  warned 
him  that  if  he  gave  utterance  to  a lie  he  was  putting  the 
rope  about  his  neck,  assuring  him  on  the  other  hand  that, 
if  his  narrative  were  true,  he  could  be  certain  of  being  well 
rewarded.  He  again  assured  me,  with  stronger  oaths  than 
ever;  and  in  order  to  play  his  role  better  he  gave  me  a de- 
scription of  the  country,  which  he  said  he  had  made  as  well 
as  he  was  able.  Accordingly  the  confidence  which  I saw  in 
him,  his  entire  frankness  as  it  seemed,  the  description  which 
he  had  prepared,  the  wreck  and  debris  of  the  ship,  and  the 
things  above  mentioned,  had  an  appearance  of  probability, 
in  connection  with  the  voyage  of  the  English  to  Labrador  in 
1612,  where  they  found  a strait,  in  which  they  sailed  as  far 
as  the  63d  degree  of  latitude  and  the  290th 2 of  longitude, 
wintering  at  the  53d  degree  and  losing  some  vessels,  as  their 
report  proves.  Their  circumstances  inducing  me  to  believe 
that  what  he  said  was  true,  I made  a report  of  the  same  to  the 
Chancellor,3  which  I showed  to  Marshal  de  Brissac,4  President 

1 Vignau  had  evidently  heard  rumors  of  the  expedition  of  Hudson 
of  1610-1611. 

2 Longitude  at  that  time  was  reckoned  from  the  island  of  Ferro,  one  of 
the  Canaries.  Reckoning  eastward  from  that  island,  the  290th  meridian 
would  pass  through  Hudson’s  Bay.  (Slafter.)  The  voyage  of  1612  to 
Hudson’s  Bay  was  that  of  Sir  Thomas  Button. 

3 Nicolas  Brhlart  de  Sillery  (1544-1624). 

4 Charles  de  Cosse-Brissac  (d.  1621),  who  had  been  a prominent  mem- 
ber of  the  League  in  its  wars  with  Henry  IV. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


Jeannin,  and  other  seigneurs  of  the  Court,  who  told  me  that 
I ought  to  visit  the  place  in  person.  For  this  reason  I requested 
Sieur  Georges,  a merchant  of  La  Rochelle,  to  give  him  a pas- 
sage in  his  ship,  which  he  willingly  did,  and  during  the  voyage 
he  questioned  him  as  to  his  object  in  making  it;  and,  since 
it  was  not  of  any  profit  to  him,  he  asked  if  he  expected  any 
pay,  to  which  the  young  man  answered  that  he  did  not,  that 
he  did  not  expect  anything  from  any  one  but  the  King,  and 
that  he  undertook  the  voyage  only  to  show  me  the  North  Sea, 
which  he  had  seen.  He  made  an  affidavit  of  this  at  La  Rochelle 
before  two  notaries. 

Now,  as  I took  leave  on  Whitsuntide,1  of  all  the  principal 
men  to  whose  prayers  I commended  myself,  and  also  to  those 
of  all  others,  I said  to  him  in  their  presence  that  if  what  he  had 
previously  said  was  not  true  he  must  not  give  me  the  trouble 
to  undertake  the  journey,  which  involved  many  dangers. 
Again  he  affirmed  all  that  he  had  said,  on  peril  of  his 
life. 

Accordingly,  our  canoes  being  laden  with  some  provisions, 
our  arms,  and  a few  articles  of  merchandise  for  making  presents 
to  the  savages,  I set  out  on  Monday  the  27th  of  May,  from 
Isle  St.  Helene  with  four  Frenchmen  and  one  savage,  a parting 
salute  being  given  me  with  some  rounds  from  small  pieces. 
This  day  we  went  only  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  a league  up 
the  river,  the  bad  weather  not  allowing  us  to  go  any  farther. 

On  the  29th  we  passed  the  Falls,  partly  by  land,  partly  by 
water,  it  being  necessary  for  us  to  carry  our  canoes,  clothes, 
victuals,  and  arms  on  our  shoulders,  no  small  matter  for  per- 
sons not  accustomed  to  it.  After  going  two  leagues  beyond 
the  Falls,  we  entered  a lake,2  about  twelve  leagues  in  circuit, 
into  which  three  rivers  empty ; one  coming  from  the  west, 
from  the  direction  of  the  Ochateguins,  distant  from  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  leagues  from  the  great 
Falls ; 3 another  from  the  south  and  the  country  of  the  Iro- 
quois, a like  distance  off;4  and  the  other  from  the  north 

1 May  26,  1613.  3 The  St.  Lawrence. 

2 Lake  St.  Louis.  4 The  Chateauguay. 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


237 


and  the  country  of  the  Algonquins  and  Nebicerini,1  also  about 
the  same  distance.2  This  river  on  the  north,  according  to 
the  report  of  the  savages,  comes  from  a source  more  remote, 
and  passes  by  tribes  unknown  to  them  and  about  three  hun- 
dred leagues  distant. 

This  lake  is  filled  with  fine  large  islands,  containing  only 
pasturage  land,  where  there  is  fine  hunting,  deer  and  fowl 
being  plenty.  Fish  are  abundant.  The  country  bordering 
the  lake  is  covered  with  extensive  forests.  We  proceeded 
to  pass  the  night  at  the  entrance  to  this  lake,  making  barri- 
cades against  the  Iroquois,  who  roam  in  these  regions  in  order 
to  surprise  their  enemies;  and  I am  sure  that  if  they  were 
to  find  us  they  would  give  us  as  good  a welcome  as  them, 
for  which  reason  we  kept  a good  watch  all  night.  On  the  next 
day  I took  the  altitude  of  the  place,  and  found  it  in  latitude 
45°  18'.  About  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  we  entered  the 
river  which  comes  from  the  north,  and,  passing  a small  fall 
by  land  so  as  to  favor  our  canoes,  we  proceeded  to  a little  island, 
where  we  spent  the  remainder  of  the  night. 

On  the  last  day  of  May  we  passed  another  lake,3  seven 
or  eight  leagues  long  and  three  broad,  containing  several 
islands.  The  neighboring  country  is  very  level,  except  in  some 
places,  where  there  are  pine-covered  hills.  We  passed  a 
fall  called  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  Quenechouan,4 
which  is  filled  with  stones  and  rocks,  and  where  the  water 
runs  with  great  velocity.  We  had  to  get  into  the  water  and 
drag  our  canoes  along  the  shore  with  a rope.  Half  a league 
from  there  we  passed  another  little  fall  by  rowing,  which 
makes  one  sweat.  Great  skill  is  required  in  passing  these 
falls,  in  order  to  avoid  the  eddies  and  surf,  in  which  they 
abound;  but  the  savages  do  this  with  the  greatest  possible 
dexterity,  winding  about  and  going  by  the  easiest  places, 
which  they  recognize  at  a glance. 

On  Saturday,  the  1st  of  June,  we  passed  two  other  falls; 
the  first  half  a league  long,  the  second  a league,  in  which  we 

1 The  Nipissings.  2 The  Ottawa.  3 Lake  of  Two  Mountains. 

4 The  first  of  a series  now  known  as  the  Long  Sault. 


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VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


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had  much  difficulty ; for  the  rapidity  of  the  current  is  so  great 
that  it  makes  a frightful  noise,  and  produces,  as  it  descends 
from  stage  to  stage,  so  white  a foam  everywhere  that  the 
water  cannot  be  seen  at  all.  This  fall  is  strewn  with  rocks, 
and  contains  some  islands  here  and  there  covered  with  pines 
and  white  cedars.  This  was  the  place  where  we  had  a hard 
time ; for,  not  being  able  to  carry  our  canoes  by  land  on  ac- 
count of  the  density  of  the  wood,  we  had  to  drag  them  in  the 
water  with  ropes,  and  in  drawing  mine  I came  near  losing  my 
life,  as  it  crossed  into  one  of  the  eddies,  and  if  I had  not  had  the 
good  fortune  to  fall  between  two  rocks  the  canoe  would  have 
dragged  me  in,  inasmuch  as  I was  unable  to  undo  quickly 
enough  the  rope  which  was  wound  around  my  hand,  and  which 
hurt  me  severely  and  came  near  cutting  it  off.  In  this  danger 
I cried  to  God  and  began  to  pull  my  canoe,  which  was  returned 
to  me  by  the  refluent  water,  such  as  occurs  in  these  falls. 
Having  thus  escaped  I thanked  God,  begging  Him  to  preserve 
us.  Later  our  savage  came  to  help  me,  but  I was  out  of  danger. 
It  is  not  strange  that  I was  desirous  of  preserving  my  canoe, 
for  if  it  had  been  lost  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  remain, 
or  wait  until  some  savages  came  that  way,  a poor  hope  for 
those  who  have  nothing  to  dine  on,  and  who  are  not  accustomed 
to  such  hardship.  As  for  our  Frenchmen,  they  did  hot  have 
any  better  luck,  and  several  times  came  near  losing  their 
lives ; but  the  Divine  Goodness  preserved  us  all.  During  the 
remainder  of  the  day  we  rested,  having  done  enough. 

The  next  day  we  fell  in  with  fifteen  canoes  of  savages 
called  Quenongebin,1  in  a river,  after  we  had  passed  a small 
lake,  four  leagues  long  and  two  broad.  They  had  been  informed 
of  my  coming  by  those  who  had  passed  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis, 
on  their  way  from  the  war  with  the  Iroquois.  I was  very  glad 
to  meet  them,  as  were  they  also  to  meet  me,  but  they  were 
astonished  to  see  me  in  this  country  with  so  few  companions, 
and  with  only  one  savage.  Accordingly,  after  saluting  each 
other  after  the  manner  of  the  country,  I desired  them  not  to 


1 An  Algonquin  nation  situated  south  of  Allumette  Island.  (Laverdiere.) 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


239 


go  any  farther  until  I had  informed  them  of  my  plan.  To 
this  they  assented,  and  we  encamped  on  an  island. 

The  next  day  I explained  to  them  that  I was  on  my  way 
to  their  country  to  visit  them,  and  fulfil  the  promise  I had 
previously  made  them,  and  that  if  they  had  determined  to 
go  to  the  war  it  would  be  very  agreeable  to  me,  inasmuch  as 
I had  brought  some  companions  with  this  view,  at  which  they 
were  greatly  pleased ; and  having  told  them  that  I wished  to 
go  farther  in  order  to  notify  the  other  tribes,  they  wanted  to 
deter  me,  saying  that  the  way  was  bad,  and  that  we  had  seen 
nothing  up  to  this  point.  Wherefore  I asked  them  to  give  me 
one  of  their  number  to  take  charge  of  our  second  canoe,  and 
also  to  serve  us  as  guide,  since  our  conductors  were  not  ac- 
quainted any  farther.  This  they  did  willingly,  and  in  return 
I made  them  a present  and  gave  them  one  of  our  Frenchmen, 
the  least  indispensable,  whom  I sent  back  to  the  Falls  with  a 
leaf  of  my  note-book,  on  which  for  want  of  paper  I made  a 
report  of  myself. 

Thus  we  parted,  and  continuing  our  course  up  the  river 
we  found  another  one,  very  fair,  and  broad,  which  comes 
from  a nation  called  Ouescharini,1  who  live  north  of  it,  a 
distance  of  four  days’  journey  from  the  mouth.  This  river 
is  very  pleasant  in  consequence  of  the  fine  islands  it  contains, 
and  the  fair  and  open  woods  with  which  its  shores  are  bordered. 
The  land  is  very  good  for  tillage. 

On  the  fourth  day  we  passed  near  another  river  coming 
from  the  north,  where  tribes  called  Algonquins  live.  This 
river  falls  into  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  three  leagues 
below  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  forming  a large  island  of  nearly 
forty  leagues.2  This  river  is  not  broad,  but  filled  with  a 

1 Subsequently  called  the  Little  Nation  of  the  Algonquins,  living  on 
the  Riviere  de  la  Petite  Nation.  (Laverdiere.) 

2 This  passage  as  it  stands  in  Champlain’s  text,  here  and  in  the  edition 
of  1632,  cannot  be  squared  with  the  facts  of  Canadian  geography.  Laver- 
diere’s  conjecture,  III.  299,  note  3,  is  almost  certainly  correct.  It  is  that 
the  original  reading  was  not  “laquelle  [the  Gatineau]  va  tomber,”  but, 
“ laquelle  va  joindre  dans  les  terres  une  autre  riviere  [the  St.  Maurice]  qui  va 
tomber  30  lieues  [instead  of  3]  aval  le  saut  St.  Louys,”  and  that  the  com- 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


countless  number  of  falls,  very  hard  to  pass.  Sometimes 
these  tribes  go  by  way  of  this  river  in  order  to  avoid  encoun- 
ters with  their  enemies,  knowing  that  they  will  not  try  to  find 
them  in  places  so  difficult  of  access. 

Where  this  river  has  its  debouchure  is  another  coming  from 
the  south,1  at  the  mouth  of  which  is  a marvellous  fall.  For 
it  descends  a height  of  twenty  or  twenty-five  fathoms  with 
such  impetuosity  that  it  makes  an  arch  nearly  four  hundred 
paces  broad.  The  savages  take  pleasure  in  passing  under  it, 
not  wetting  themselves,  except  from  the  spray  that  is  thrown 
off.  There  is  an  island  in  the  middle  of  the  river  which,  like 
all  the  country  round  about,  is  covered  with  pines  and  white 
cedars.  When  the  savages  desire  to  enter  the  river  they 
ascend  the  mountain,  carrying  their  canoes,  and  go  half  a 
league  by  land.  The  neighboring  country  is  filled  with  all 
sorts  of  game,  so  that  the  savages  often  make  a stop  here. 
The  Iroquois  also  go  there  sometimes  and  surprise  them  while 
making  the  passage. 

We  passed  a fall 2 a league  from  there,  which  is  half  a 
league  broad,  and  has  a descent  of  six  or  seven  fathoms.  There 
are  many  little  islands,  which  are,  however,  nothing  more 
than  rough  and  dangerous  rocks  covered  with  a poor  sort  of 
brushwood.  The  water  falls  in  one  place  with  such  force 
upon  a rock  that  it  has  hollowed  out  in  course  of  time  a large 
and  deep  basin,  in  which  the  water  has  a circular  motion 
and  forms  large  eddies  in  the  middle,  so  that  the  savages 
call  it  Asticou,  which  signifies  boiler.3  This  cataract  pro- 
duces such  a noise  in  this  basin  that  it  is  heard  for  more  than 
two  leagues.  The  savages  when  passing  here  observe  a cere- 
mony which  we  shall  speak  of  in  its  place.  We  had  much 

posi tor's  eye  passed  from  va  to  va,  omitting  the  words  italicized  above  or 
their  equivalents.  This  would  meet  the  geographical  facts  and  make  good 
sense,  for  the  upper  waters  of  the  Gatineau  connect  closely  with  an  affluent 
of  the  St.  Maurice. 

1 The  Rideau,  at  the  mouth  of  which,  close  by  Ottawa,  is  Green  Island. 
The  fall  is  really  only  40  or  45  feet  in  height. 

2 The  Chaudiere  Falls,  just  above  the  present  city  of  Ottawa. 

3 The  French  name  Chaudikre  has  a similar  meaning. 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


241 


trouble  in  ascending  by  rowing  against  a strong  current,  in 
order  to  reach  the  foot  of  the  fall.  Here  the  savages  took 
their  canoes,  my  Frenchmen  and  myself  our  arms,  provisions, 
and  other  necessaries,  and  we  passed  over  the  rough  rocks 
for  the  distance  of  about  a quarter  of  a league,  the  extent  of 
the  fall.  Then  we  embarked,  being  obliged  afterwards  to 
land  a second  time  and  go  about  three  hundred  paces  through 
copse-wood,  after  which  we  got  into  the  water  in  order  to  get 
our  canoes  over  the  sharp  rocks,  the  trouble  attending  which 
may  be  imagined.  I took  the  altitude  of  this  place,  which  I 
found  to  be  in  latitude  45°  38'. 

In  the  afternoon  we  entered  a lake,1  five  leagues  long  and 
two  wide,  in  which  there  are  very  fine  islands  covered  with 
vines,  nut-trees,  and  other  excellent  kinds  of  trees.  Ten  or 
twelve  leagues  above  we  passed  some  islands  covered  with 
pines.  The  land  is  sandy,  and  there  is  found  here  a root 
which  dyes  a crimson  color,  with  which  the  savages  paint 
their  faces,  as  also  little  gewgaws  after  their  manner.  There 
is  also  a mountain  range  along  this  river,  and  the  surround- 
ing country  seems  to  be  very  unpromising.  The  rest  of  the 
day  we  passed  on  a very  pleasant  island. 

The  next  day  we  proceeded  on  our  course  to  a great  fall, 
nearly  three  leagues  broad,  in  which  the  water  falls  a height 
of  ten  or  twelve  fathoms  in  a slope,  making  a marvellous 
noise.2  It  is  filled  with  a vast  number  of  islands,  covered 
with  pines  and  cedars.  In  order  to  pass  it  we  were  obliged 
to  give  up  our  maize  or  Indian  corn,  and  some  few  other  pro- 
visions we  had,  together  with  our  least  necessary  clothes, 
retaining  only  our  arms  and  lines,  to  afford  us  means  of  sup- 
port from  hunting  and  fishing  as  place  and  luck  might  per- 
mit. Thus  lightened  we  passed,  sometimes  rowing,  sometimes 
carrying  our  canoes  and  arms  by  land,  the  fall,  which  is  a 
league  and  a half  long,  and  in  which  our  savages,  who  are 
indefatigable  in  this  work  and  accustomed  to  endure  such 
hardships,  aided  us  greatly. 

1 Chaudiere  Lake,  an  expansion  of  the  Ottawa  River. 

2 Rapide  des  Chats,  from  the  raccoons  ( chats  sauvages). 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


Continuing  our  course,  we  passed  two  other  falls,  one  by 
land,  the  other  with  oar  and  poles  standing  up.  Then  we 
entered  a lake,1  six  or  seven  leagues  long,  into  which  flows 
a river  coming  from  the  south,2  on  which  at  a distance  of 
five  days’  journey  from  the  other  river  live  a people  called 
Matou-ouescarini.  The  lands  about  the  before-mentioned 
lake  are  sandy  and  covered  with  pines,  which  have  been  al- 
most entirely  burned  down  by  the  savages.  There  are  some 
islands,  in  one  of  which  we  rested  ourselves.  Here  we  saw 
a number  of  fine  red  cypresses,  the  first  I had  seen  in  this 
country,  out  of  which  I made  a cross,  which  I planted  at  one 
end  of  the  island,  on  an  elevated  and  conspicuous  spot,  with 
the  arms  of  France,  as  I had  done  in  other  places  where  we  had 
stopped.  I called  this  island  Sainte  Croix. 

On  the  6th  we  set  out  from  this  island  of  St.  Croix,  where 
the  river  is  a league  and  a half  broad,  and  having  made  eight 
or  ten  leagues  we  passed  a small  fall  by  oar,  and  a number 
of  islands  of  various  sizes.  Here  our  savages  left  the  sacks 
containing  their  provisions  and  their  less  necessary  articles, 
in  order  to  be  lighter  for  going  overland  and  avoiding  several 
falls  which  it  was  necessary  to  pass.  There  was  a great  dis- 
pute between  our  savages  and  our  impostor,  who  affirmed 
that  there  was  no  danger  by  way  of  the  falls,  and  that  we 
ought  to  go  that  way.  Our  savages  said  to  him,  You  are 
tired  of  living,  and  to  me,  that  I ought  not  to  believe  him,  and 
that  he  did  not  tell  the  truth.  Accordingly,  having  several 
times  observed  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  places,  I fol- 
lowed the  advice  of  the  savages,  which  was  fortunate  for  me, 
for  he  sought  for  dangers  in  order  to  ruin  me  or  to  disgust  me 
with  the  undertaking,  as  he  has  since  confessed,  a statement 
of  which  will  be  given  hereafter.  We  crossed  accordingly 
towards  the  west  of  the  river,  which  extended  northward. 
I took  the  altitude  of  this  place  and  found  it  in  latitude  46°  40'. 
We  had  much  difficulty  in  going  this  distance  overland.  I, 
for  my  part,  was  loaded  only  with  three  arquebuses,  as  many 
oars,  my  cloak,  and  some  small  articles.  I cheered  on  our 

1 Lake  des  Chats.  2 The  Madawaska. 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


243 


men,  who  were  somewhat  more  heavily  loaded,  but  more 
troubled  by  the  mosquitoes  than  by  their  loads.  Thus  after 
passing  four  small  ponds  and  having  gone  a distance  of  two 
and  a half  leagues,  we  were  so  wearied  that  it  was  impossible 
to  go  farther,  not  having  eaten  for  twenty-four  hours  anything 
but  a little  broiled  fish  without  seasoning,  for  we  had  left  our 
provisions  behind,  as  I mentioned  before.  Accordingly  we 
rested  on  the  border  of  a pond,  which  was  very  pleasant, 
and  made  a fire  to  drive  away  the  mosquitoes,  which  annoyed 
us  greatly,  whose  persistency  is  so  marvellous  that  one  cannot 
describe  it.  Here  we  cast  our  lines  to  catch  some  fish. 

The  next  day  we  passed  this  pond,  which  was  perhaps  a 
league  long.  Then  we  went  by  land  three  leagues  through 
a country  worse  than  we  had  yet  seen,  since  the  winds  had 
blown  down  the  pines  on  top  of  each  other.  This  was  no 
slight  inconvenience,  as  it  was  necessary  to  go  now  over,  now 
under,  these  trees.  In  this  way  we  reached  a lake,  six  leagues 
long  and  two  wide,1  very  abundant  in  fish,  the  neighboring 
people  doing  their  fishing  there.  Near  this  lake  is  a settle- 
ment of  savages,  who  till  the  soil  and  gather  harvests  of  maize. 
Their  chief  is  named  Nibachis,  who  came  to  visit  us  with  his 
followers,  astonished  that  we  could  have  passed  the  falls  and 
bad  roads  in  order  to  reach  them.  After  offering  us  tobacco, 
according  to  their  custom,  he  began  to  address  his  companions, 
saying,  that  we  must  have  fallen  from  the  clouds,  for  he  knew 
not  how  we  could  have  made  the  journey,  and  that  they  who 
lived  in  the  country  had  much  trouble  in  traversing  these 
bad  ways:  and  he  gave  them  to  understand  that  I accom- 
plished all  that  I set  my  mind  upon ; in  short,  that  he  believed 
respecting  me  all  that  the  other  savages  had  told  him.  Aware 

1 Muskrat  Lake.  In  this  neighborhood  was  found  in  1867  an  astro- 
labe with  the  date  1603,  probably  lost  by  Champlain  during  this  expedition. 
The  astrolabe,  an  instrument  for  taking  the  altitude  of  the  sun  or  stars,  has 
long  since  been  superseded  by  the  quadrant  or  sextant.  It  is  observable 
that  after  this  point  Champlain  no  longer  states  the  latitude  in  degrees  and 
minutes,  according  to  his  previous  custom,  but  only  in  degrees.  His  lati- 
tudes, it  may  be  well  to  observe,  are  throughout  this  expedition  overstated 
by  somewhat  more  than  a degree. 


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[1613 


that  we  were  hungry,  he  gave  us  some  fish,  which  we  ate,  and 
after  our  meal  I explained  to  him,  through  Thomas,  our  inter- 
preter, the  pleasure  I had  in  meeting  them,  that  I had  come 
to  this  country  to  assist  them  in  their  wars,  and  that  I desired 
to  go  still  farther  to  see  some  other  chiefs  for  the  same  object, 
at  which  they  were  glad  and  promised  me  assistance.  They 
showed  me  their  gardens  and  the  fields,  where  they  had  maize. 
Their  soil  is  sandy,  for  which  reason  they  devote  themselves 
more  to  hunting  than  to  tillage,  unlike  the  Ochateguins. 
When  they  wish  to  make  a piece  of  land  arable,  they  burn 
down  the  trees,  which  is  very  easily  done,  as  they  are  all  pines, 
and  filled  with  rosin.  The  trees  having  been  burned,  they  dig 
up  the  ground  a little,  and  plant  their  maize  kernel  by  kernel, 
like  those  in  Florida.  At  the  time  I was  there  it  was  only 
four  fingers  high. 


Chapter  4 

Continuation . Arrival  at  the  abode  of  Tessouat , and  his 

favorable  reception  of  me.  Character  of  their  cemeteries. 
The  savages  promise  me  four  canoes  for  continuing 
my  journey ; which  they  however  shortly  after  refuse. 
Address  of  the  savages  to  dissuade  me  from  my  under- 
taking, in  which  they  represent  its  difficulties.  My 
reply  to  these  objections.  Tessouat  accuses  my  guide 
of  lying , and  of  not  having  been  where  he  said  he  had. 
The  latter  maintains  his  veracity.  I urge  them  to  give 
me  canoes.  Several  refusals.  My  guide  convicted  of 
falsehood , and  his  confession. 

Nibachis  had  two  canoes  fitted  out,  to  conduct  me  to 
another  chief,  named  Tessouat,  who  lived  eight  leagues  from 
him,  on  the  border  of  a great  lake,  through  which  flows  the 
river  which  we  had  left,  and  which  extends  northward.  Ac- 
cordingly, we  crossed  the  lake  in  a west-northwesterly  direc- 
tion, a distance  of  nearly  seven  leagues.  Landing  there,  we 
went  a league  towards  the  northeast  through  a very  fine  coun- 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


245 


try,  where  are  small  beaten  paths,  along  which  one  can  go 
easily.  Thus  we  arrived  on  the  shore  of  the  lake,1  where  the 
dwelling  of  Tessouat  was.  He  was  accompanied  by  a neigh- 
boring chieftain,  and  was  greatly  amazed  to  see  me,  saying 
that  he  thought  I was  a dream,  and  that  he  did  not  believe  his 
eyes.  Thence  we  crossed  on  to  an  island,  where  their  cabins 
are,  which  are  poorly  constructed  out  of  the  bark  of  trees. 
The  island  is  covered  with  oaks,  pines,  and  elms,  and  is  not 
subject  to  inundations,  like  the  other  islands  in  the  lake. 

This  island  is  strongly  situated;  for  at  its  two  ends,  and 
where  the  river  enters  the  lake,  there  are  troublesome  falls, 
the  roughness  of  which  makes  the  island  difficult  of  access. 
They  have  accordingly  taken  up  their  abode  here  in  order 
to  avoid  the  pursuit  of  their  enemies.  It  is  in  latitude  47°, 
as  also  the  lake,  which  is  twenty  leagues  long,2  and  three  or 
four  wide.  It  abounds  in  fish;  the  hunting,  however,  is  not 
especially  good. 

On  visiting  the  island,  I observed  their  cemeteries,  and 
was  struck  with  wonder  as  I saw  sepulchres  of  a shape  like 
shrines,  made  of  pieces  of  wood  fixed  in  the  ground  at  a dis- 
tance of  about  three  feet  from  each  other,  and  intersecting 
at  the  upper  end.  On  the  intersections  above  they  place  a 
large  piece  of  wood,  and  in  front  another  upright  piece,  on 
which  is  carved  roughly,  as  would  be  expected,  the  figure  of 
the  male  or  female  interred.  If  it  is  a man,  they  add  a shield, 
a sword  attached  to  a handle  after  their  manner,  a mace,  and 
bow  and  arrows.  If  it  is  a chief,  there  is  a plume  on  his  head, 
and  some  other  matachia  or  embellishment.  If  it  is  a child, 
they  give  it  a bow  and  arrow ; if  a woman  or  girl,  a boiler,  an 
earthen  vessel,  a wooden  spoon,  and  an  oar.  The  entire  sepul- 
chre is  six  or  seven  feet  long  at  most,  and  four  wide ; others 

1 Lake  Allumette,  an  expansion  of  the  Ottawa  on  the  southern  side  of 
Allumette  Island.  The  name  Algonquin,  afterwards  applied  in  a generic 
sense  to  a large  and  scattered  family  of  cognate  tribes,  seems  originally  to 
have  been  restricted  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  island,  whose  strategic  position 
enabled  them  to  play  a large  part  in  the  early  history  of  the  colony. 

2 In  his  edition  of  1632  Champlain  alters  this  to  ten.  It  is  now  about 
fifteen  miles  by  four. 


246 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


are  smaller.  They  are  painted  yellow  and  red,  with  various 
ornaments  as  neatly  done  as  the  carving.  The  deceased  is 
buried  with  his  dress  of  beaver  or  other  skins  which  he  wore 
when  living,  and  they  lay  by  his  side  all  his  possessions,  as 
hatchets,  knives,  boilers,  and  awls,  so  that  these  things  may 
serve  him  in  the  land  whither  he  goes ; for  they  believe  in  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  as  I have  elsewhere  observed.  These 
carved  sepulchres  are  only  made  for  the  warriors ; for  in  respect 
to  others  they  add  no  more  than  in  the  case  of  women,  who 
are  considered  a useless  class,  accordingly  but  little  is  added 
in  their  case. 

Observing  the  poor  quality  of  the  soil,  I asked  them  what 
pleasure  they  took  in  cultivating  land  so  unpromising,  since 
there  was  some  much  better,  which  they  left  barren  and 
waste,  as  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis.  They  answered  that  they 
were  forced  to  do  so  in  order  to  dwell  in  security,  and  that 
the  roughness  of  the  locality  served  them  as  a defence  against 
their  enemies.  But  they  said  that  if  I would  make  a settle- 
ment of  French  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  as  I had  promised, 
they  would  leave  their  abode  and  go  and  live  near  us,  confi- 
dent that  their  enemies  would  do  them  no  harm  while  we 
were  with  them.  I told  them  that  we  would  this  year  col- 
lect wood  and  stone  in  order  the  coming  year  to  build  a fort 
and  cultivate  the  land;  upon  hearing  which  they  raised  a 
great  cry  of  applause.  This  conference  having  been  finished, 
I asked  all  the  chiefs  and  prominent  men  among  them  to 
assemble  the  next  day  on  the  main  land,  at  the  cabin  of  Tes- 
souat,  who  purposed  to  celebrate  a tabagie  in  my  honor,  adding 
that  I would  there  tell  them  my  plans.  This  they  promised, 
and  sent  word  to  their  neighbors  to  convene  at  the  appointed 
place. 

The  next  day  all  the  guests  came,  each  with  his  porringer 
and  wooden  spoon.  They  seated  themselves  without  order 
or  ceremony  on  the  ground  in  the  cabin  of  Tessouat,  who 
distributed  to  them  a kind  of  broth  made  of  maize  crushed 
between  two  stones,  together  with  meat  and  fish  which  was 
cut  into  little  pieces,  the  whole  being  boiled  together  without 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


247 


salt.  They  also  had  meat  roasted  on  coals,  and  fish  boiled 
apart,  which  he  also  distributed.  In  respect  to  myself,  as  I did 
not  wish  any  of  their  chowder,  which  they  prepare  in  a very 
dirty  manner,  I asked  them  for  some  fish  and  meat,  that  I 
might  prepare  it  my  own  way,  which  they  gave  me.  For  drink, 
we  had  fine  clear  water.  Tessotiat,  who  gave  the  tabagie, 
entertained  us  without  eating  himself,  according  to  their 
custom. 

The  tabagie  being  over,  the  young  men,  who  are  not  present 
at  the  harangues  and  councils,  and  who  during  the  tabagies 
remain  at  the  door  of  the  cabins,  withdrew,  when  all  who 
remained  began  to  fill  their  pipes,  one  and  another  offering 
me  one.  We  then  spent  a full  half-hour  in  this  occupation, 
not  a word  being  spoken,  as  is  their  custom. 

After  smoking  amply  during  so  long  a period  of  silence, 
I explained  to  them,  through  my  interpreter,  that  the  object 
of  my  journey  was  none  other  than  to  assure  them  of  my 
friendship,  and  of  the  desire  I had  to  assist  them  in  their  wars, 
as  I had  before  done;  that  I had  been  prevented  from  com- 
ing the  preceding  year,  as  I had  promised  them,  because  the 
King  had  employed  me  in  other  wars,  but  that  now  he  had 
ordered  me  to  visit  them  and  to  fulfil  my  promises,  and  that 
for  this  purpose  I had  a number  of  men  at  the  Falls  of  St. 
Louis.  I told  them  that  I was  making  an  excursion  in  their 
territory  to  observe  the  fertility  of  their  soil,  their  lakes  and 
rivers,  and  the  sea  which  they  had  told  me  was  in  their  coun- 
try ; and  that  I desired  to  see  a tribe  distant  six  days'  journey 
from  them,  called  the  Nebicerini,1  in  order  to  invite  them  also 
to  the  war,  and  accordingly  I asked  them  to  give  me  four  canoes 
with  eight  savages  to  guide  me  to  these  lands.  And  since  the 
Algonquins  are  not  great  friends  of  the  Nebicerini,  they  seemed 
to  listen  to  me  with  greater  attention. 

After  I had  finished  my  discourse,  they  began  again  to 
smoke,  and  to  confer  among  themselves  in  a very  low  voice 
respecting  my  propositions.  Then  Tessotiat  in  behalf  of  all 

1 The  Nipissings,  on  the  border  of  Lake  Nipissing,  a tribe  famed  for 
sorcery. 


248 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


the  rest  began  and  said,  that  they  had  always  regarded  me  more 
friendly  towards  them  than  any  Frenchman  they  had  seen; 
that  the  proofs  they  had  of  this  in  the  past  made  their  con- 
fidence easier  for  the  future:  moreover,  that  I had  shown 
myself  in  reality  their  friend,  by  encountering  so  many  risks 
in  coming  to  see  them  and  invite  them  to  the  war,  and  that 
all  these  considerations  obliged  them  to  feel  as  kindly  dis- 
posed towards  me  as  towards  their  own  children.  But  they 
said  that  I had  the  preceding  year  broken  my  promise,  that 
two  thousand  savages  had  gone  to  the  Falls  with  the  expecta- 
tion of  finding  me  ready  to  go  to  the  war,  and  making  me  pres- 
ents, but  that  they  had  not  found  me  and  were  greatly  saddened, 
supposing  that  I was  dead,  as  some  persons  had  told  them. 
He  said  also,  that  the  French  who  were  at  the  Falls  did  not 
want  to  help  them  in  their  wars,  that  they  had  been  badly 
treated  by  certain  ones,  so  that  they  had  resolved  among  them- 
selves not  to  go  to  the  Falls  again,  and  that  this  had  caused 
them,  as  they  did  not  expect  to  see  me  again,  to  go  alone  to 
the  war,  and  that  in  fact  twelve  hundred  of  them  had  already 
gone.  And  since  the  greater  part  of  their  warriors  were  absent, 
they  begged  me  to  postpone  the  expedition  to  the  following 
year,  saying  that  they  would  communicate  the  matter  to  all 
the  people  of  their  country.  In  regard  to  the  four  canoes, 
which  I asked  for,  they  granted  them  to  me,  but  with  great 
reluctance,  telling  me  that  they  were  greatly  displeased  at  the 
idea  of  such  an  undertaking,  in  view  of  the  hardships  which  I 
would  endure ; that  the  people  there  were  sorcerers,  that  they 
had  caused  the  death  of  many  of  their  own  tribe  by  charms 
and  poisoning,  on  which  account  they  were  not  their  friends : 
moreover  they  said  that,  as  it  regards  war,  I was  not  to  think 
of  them,  as  they  were  little-hearted.  With  these  and  many 
other  considerations  they  endeavored  to  deter  me  from  my 
purpose. 

But  my  sole  desire  on  the  other  hand  was  to  see  this  people, 
and  enter  into  friendship  with  them,  so  that  I might  visit 
the  North  Sea.  Accordingly,  with  a view  to  lessening  the 
force  of  their  objections,  I said  to  them,  that  it  was  not  far 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


249 


to  the  country  in  question;  that  the  bad  roads  could  not  be 
worse  than  those  I had  already  passed ; that  their  witchcraft 
would  have  no  power  to  harm  me,  as  my  God  would  preserve 
me  from  them;  that  I was  also  acquainted  with  their  herbs, 
and  would  therefore  beware  of  eating  them ; that  I desired  to 
make  the  two  tribes  mutual  friends,  and  that  I would  to  this 
end  make  presents  to  the  other  tribe,  being  assured  that  they 
would  do  something  for  me.  In  view  of  these  reasons  they 
granted  me,  as  I have  said,  four  canoes,  at  which  I was  very 
happy,  forgetting  all  past  hardships  in  the  hope  of  seeing  this 
sea,  as  I so  much  desired. 

For  the  remainder  of  the  day,  I went  out  walking  in  their 
gardens,  which  were  filled  with  squashes,  beans,  and  our 
peas,  which  they  were  beginning  to  cultivate,  when  Thomas, 
my  interpreter,  who  understands  the  language  very  well, 
came  to  inform  me  that  the  savages,  after  I had  left  them, 
had  come  to  the  conclusion,  that  if  I were  to  undertake  this 
journey  I should  die  and  they  also,  and  that  they  could  not 
furnish  the  promised  canoes,  as  there  was  no  one  of  them  who 
would  guide  me,  but  that  they  wished  me  to  postpone  the 
journey  until  the  next  year,  when  they  would  conduct  me  with 
a good  train  to  protect  me  from  that  people,  in  case  they  should 
attempt  to  harm  me,  as  they  are  evil-disposed. 

This  intelligence  greatly  disturbed  me,  and  I at  once  went 
to  them  and  told  them,  that  up  to  this  day  I had  regarded 
them  as  men  and  truthful  persons,  but  that  now  they  had 
shown  themselves  children  and  liars,  and  that  if  they  would 
not  fulfil  their  promises,  they  would  fail  to  show  me  their 
friendship ; that,  however,  if  they  felt  it  an  inconvenience  to 
give  me  four  canoes,  they  should  only  furnish  two  and  four 
savages. 

They  represented  to  me  anew  the  difficulties  attending  the 
journey,  the  number  of  the  falls,  the  bad  character  of  the 
people,  and  that  their  reason  for  refusing  my  request  was 
their  fear  of  losing  me. 

I replied  that  I was  sorry  to  have  them  show  themselves 
to  so  slight  an  extent  my  friends,  and  that  I should  never 


250 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


have  believed  it;  that  I had  a young  man,  showing  them 
my  impostor,  who  had  been  in  their  country,  and  had  not 
found  all  these  difficulties  which  they  represented,  nor  the 
people  in  question  so  bad  as  they  asserted.  Then  they  began 
to  look  at  him,  in  particular  Tessotiat  the  old  captain,  with 
whom  he  had  passed  the  winter,  and  calling  him  by  name 
he  said  to  him  in  his  language : Nicholas,  is  it  true  that  you 
said  you  were  among  the  Nebicerini?  It  was  long  before  he 
spoke,  when  he  said  to  them  in  their  language,  which  he  spoke 
to  a certain  extent:  Yes,  I was  there.  They  immediately 
looked  at  him  awry,  and  throwing  themselves  upon  him,  as 
if  they  would  eat  him  up  or  tear  him  in  pieces,  raised  loud 
cries,  when  Tessoiiat  said  to  him : You  are  a downright  liar, 
you  know  well  that  you  slept  at  my  side  every  night  with  my 
children,  where  you  arose  every  morning ; if  you  were  among 
the  people  mentioned,  it  was  while  sleeping.  How  could  you 
have  been  so  bold  as  to  lead  your  chief  to  believe  lies,  and  so 
wicked  as  to  be  willing  to  expose  his  life  to  so  many  dangers  ? 
You  are  a worthless  fellow,  and  he  ought  to  put  you  to  death 
more  cruelly  than  we  do  our  enemies.  I am  not  astonished 
that  he  should  so  importune  us  on  the  assurance  of  your  words. 

I at  once  told  him  that  he  must  reply  to  these  people; 
and  since  he  had  been  in  the  regions  indicated,  that  he  must 
give  me  proofs  of  it,  and  free  me  from  the  suspense  in  which 
he  had  placed  me.  But  he  remained  silent  and  greatly  ter- 
rified. 

I immediately  withdrew  him  from  the  savages,  and  con- 
jured him  to  declare  the  truth  of  the  matter,  telling  him  that, 
if  he  had  seen  the  sea  in  question,  I would  give  him  the  re- 
ward which  I had  promised  him,  and  that,  if  he  had  not  seen 
it,  he  must  tell  me  so  without  causing  me  farther  trouble. 
Again  he  affirmed  with  oaths  all  he  had  before  said,  and  that 
he  would  demonstrate  to  me  the  truth  of  it,  if  the  savages 
would  give  us  canoes. 

Upon  this,  Thomas  came  and  informed  me,  that  the  sav- 
ages of  the  island  had  secretly  sent  a canoe  to  the  Nebicerini, 
to  notify  them  of  my  arrival.  Thereupon,  in  order  to  profit 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


251 


by  the  opportunity,  I went  to  the  savages  to  tell  them,  that 
I had  dreamed  the  past  night  that  they  purposed  to  send  a 
canoe  to  the  Nebicerini  without  notifying  me  of  it,  at  which 
I was  greatly  surprised,  since  they  knew  that  I was  desirous 
of  going  there.  Upon  which  they  replied  that  I did  them  a 
great  wrong  in  trusting  a liar,  who  wanted  to  cause  my  death, 
more  than  so  many  brave  chiefs,  who  were  my  friends  and 
who  held  my  life  dear.  I replied  that  my  man,  meaning  our 
impostor,  had  been  in  the  aforesaid  country  with  one  of  the 
relatives  of  Tessouat  and  had  seen  the  sea,  the  wreck  and  ruins 
of  an  English  vessel,  together  with  eighty  scalps  which  the 
savages  had  in  their  possession,  and  a young  English  boy  whom 
they  held  as  prisoner,  and  whom  they  wished  to  give  me  as  a 
present. 

When  they  heard  me  speak  of  the  sea,  vessels,  scalps  of 
the  English,  and  the  young  prisoner,  they  cried  out  more  than 
before  that  he  was  a liar,  and  thus  they  afterwards  called  him, 
as  if  it  were  the  greatest  insult  they  could  have  done  him, 
and  they  all  united  in  saying  that  he  ought  to  be  put  to  death, 
or  else  that  he  should  tell  with  whom  he  had  gone  to  the  place 
indicated,  and  state  the  lakes,  rivers,  and  roads,  by  which  he 
had  gone.  To  this  he  replied  with  assurance,  that  he  had 
forgotten  the  name  of  the  savage,  although  he  had  stated  to 
me  his  name  more  than  twenty  times,  and  even  on  the  previous 
day.  In  respect  to  the  peculiarities  of  the  country,  he  had 
described  them  in  a paper  which  he  had  handed  me.  Then 
I brought  forward  the  map  and  had  it  explained  to  the  savages, 
who  questioned  him  in  regard  to  it.  To  this  end  he  made  no 
reply,  but  rather  manifested  by  his  sullen  silence  his  perverse 
nature. 

As  my  mind  was  wavering  in  uncertainty,  I withdrew  by 
myself,  and  reflected  upon  the  above-mentioned  particulars 
of  the  voyage  of  the  English,  and  how  the  reports  of  our  liar 
were  quite  in  conformity  with  it,  also  that  there  was  little 
probability  of  this  young  man’s  having  invented  all  that,  in 
which  case  he  would  not  have  been  willing  to  undertake  the 
journey,  but  that  it  was  more  probable  that  he  had  seen  these 


252 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


things,  and  that  his  ignorance  did  not  permit  him  to  reply  to 
the  questions  of  the  savages.  To  the  above  is  to  be  added 
the  fact  that,  if  the  report  of  the  English  be  true,  the  North 
Sea  cannot  be  farther  distant  from  this  region  than  a hundred 
leagues  in  latitude,  for  I was  in  latitude  47°  and  in  longitude 
296°.  But  it  may  be  that  the  difficulties  attending  the  passage 
of  the  falls,  the  roughness  of  the  mountains  covered  with  snows, 
is  the  reason  why  this  people  have  no  knowledge  of  the  sea 
in  question;  indeed  they  have  always  said  that  from  the 
country  of  the  Ochateguins  it  is  a journey  of  thirty-five  or 
forty  days  to  the  sea,  which  they  see  in  three  places,  a thing 
which  they  have  again  assured  me  of  this  year.  But  no  one 
has  spoken  to  me  of  this  sea  on  the  north,  except  this  liar, 
who  had  given  me  thereby  great  pleasure  in  view  of  the  short- 
ness of  the  journey. 

Now,  when  this  canoe  was  ready,  I had  him  summoned  into 
the  presence  of  his  companions;  and  after  laying  before  him 
all  that  had  transpired,  I told  him  that  any  further  dissimula- 
tion was  out  of  the  question,  and  that  he  must  say  whether 
he  had  seen  these  things  or  not;  that  I was  desirous  of  im- 
proving the  opportunity  that  presented  itself ; that  I had  for- 
gotten the  past ; but  that,  if  I went  farther,  I would  have  him 
hung  and  strangled,  which  should  be  his  sole  reward.  After 
meditating  by  himself,  he  fell  on  his  knees  and  asked  my  pardon, 
declaring  that  all  he  had  said,  both  in  France  and  this  country, 
in  respect  to  the  sea  in  question  was  false ; that  he  had  never 
seen  it,  and  that  he  had  never  gone  farther  than  the  village 
of  Tessoiiat ; that  he  had  said  these  things  in  order  to  return  to 
Canada.  Overcome  with  wrath  at  this,  I had  him  removed, 
being  unable  to  endure  him  any  longer  in  my  presence,  and 
giving  orders  to  Thomas  to  inquire  into  the  whole  matter  in 
detail ; to  whom  he  stated,  that  he  did  not  believe  that  I would 
undertake  the  journey  on  account  of  the  dangers,  thinking 
that  some  difficulty  would  present  itself  to  prevent  me  from 
going  on,  as  in  the  case  of  these  savages,  who  were  not  disposed 
to  lend  me  canoes;  and  accordingly  that  the  journey  would 
be  put  off  until  another  year,  when  he  being  in  France  would 


1013] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


253 


be  rewarded  for  his  discovery ; but  that,  if  I would  leave  him 
in  this  country,  he  would  go  until  he  found  the  sea  in  question, 
even  if  he  should  die  in  the  attempt.  These  were  his  words 
as  reported  to  me  by  Thomas,  but  they  did  not  give  me  much 
satisfaction,  astounded  as  I was  at  the  effrontery  and  mali- 
ciousness of  this  liar : and  I cannot  imagine  how  he  could  have 
devised  this  imposition,  unless  that  he  had  heard  of  the  above- 
mentioned  voyage  of  the  English,  and  in  the  hope  of  some 
reward,  as  he  said,  had  the  temerity  to  venture  on  it. 

Shortly  after  I proceeded  to  notify  the  savages,  to  my 
great  regret,  of  the  malignity  of  this  liar,  stating  that  he  had 
confessed  the  truth ; at  which  they  were  delighted,  reproaching 
me  with  the  little  confidence  I put  in  them,  who  were  chiefs 
and  my  friends,  and  who  always  spoke  the  truth;  and  who 
said  that  this  liar  ought  to  be  put  to  death,  being  extremely 
malicious ; and  they  added,  Do  you  not  see  that  he  meant  to 
cause  your  death.  Give  him  to  us,  and  we  promise  you  that 
he  shall  not  lie  any  more.  And  as  they  all  went  after  him 
shouting,  their  children  also  shouting  still  more,  I forbade  them 
to  do  him  any  harm,  directing  them  to  keep  their  children  also 
from  doing  so,  inasmuch  as  I wished  to  take  him  to  the  Falls 
to  show  him  to  the  gentlemen  there,  to  whom  he  was  to  bring 
some  salt  water;  and  I said  that,  when  I arrived  there,  I 
would  consult  as  to  what  should  be  done  with  him. 

My  journey  having  been  in  this  manner  terminated,  and 
without  any  hope  of  seeing  the  sea  in  this  direction,  except  in 
imagination,  I felt  a regret  that  I should  not  have  employed 
my  time  better,  and  that  I should  have  had  to  endure  the 
difficulties  and  hardships,  which  however  I was  obliged  pa- 
tiently to  submit  to.  If  I had  gone  in  another  direction,  ac- 
cording to  the  report  of  the  savages,  I should  have  made  a 
beginning  in  a thing  which  must  be  postponed  to  another  time. 
At  present  my  only  wish  being  to  return,  I desired  the  savages 
to  go  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  where  there  were  four  vessels 
loaded  with  all  kinds  of  merchandise,  and  where  they  would 
be  well  treated.  This  they  communicated  to  all  their  neigh- 
bors. Before  setting  out,  I made  a cross  of  white  cedar, 


254 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


which  I planted  in  a prominent  place  on  the  border  of  the 
lake,  with  the  arms  of  France,  and  I begged  the  savages  to 
have  the  kindness  to  preserve  it,  as  also  those  which  they 
would  find  along  the  ways  we  had  passed ; telling  them  that, 
if  they  broke  them,  misfortune  would  befall  them,  but  that, 
if  they  preserved  them,  they  would  not  be  assaulted  by  their 
enemies.  They  promised  to  do  so,  and  said  that  I should 
find  them  when  I came  to  visit  them  again. 


Chapter  5 

Our  return  to  the  Falls . False  alarm.  Ceremony  at  the 
Chaudiere  Falls.  Confession  of  our  liar  before  all  the 
chief  men.  Our  return  to  France . 

On  the  10th  of  June  I took  leave  of  Tessotiat,  a good  old 
captain,  making  him  presents,  and  promising  him,  if  God 
preserved  me  in  health,  to  come  the  next  year,  prepared  to  go 
to  war.  He  in  turn  promised  to  assemble  a large  number 
by  that  time,  declaring  that  I should  see  nothing  but  savages 
and  arms  which  would  please  me;  he  also  directed  his  son 
to  go  with  me  for  the  sake  of  company.  Thus  we  set 
out  with  forty  canoes,  and  passed  by  way  of  the  river  we 
had  left,  which  extends  northward,  and  where  we  went  on 
shore  in  order  to  cross  the  lakes.  On  the  way  we  met  nine 
large  canoes  of  the  Ouescharini,  with  forty  strong  and  power- 
ful men,  who  had  come  upon  the  news  they  had  received; 
we  also  met  others,  making  altogether  sixty  canoes;  and 
we  overtook  twenty  others,  who  had  set  out  before  us,  each 
heavily  laden  with  merchandise. 

We  passed  six  or  seven  falls  between  the  island  of  the 
Algonquins  and  the  little  fall,  where  the  country  was  very 
unpleasant.  I readily  realized  that,  if  we  had  gone  in  that 
direction,  we  should  have  had  much  more  trouble,  and  should 
with  difficulty  have  succeeded  in  getting  through:  and  it 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


255 


was  not  without  reason  that  the  savages  opposed  our  liar,  as 
his  only  object  was  to  cause  my  ruin. 

Continuing  our  course  ten  or  twelve  leagues  below  the 
island  of  the  Algonquins,  we  rested  on  a very  pleasant  island, 
which  was  covered  with  vines  and  nut-trees,  and  where  we 
caught  some  fine  fish.  About  midnight,  there  arrived  two 
canoes,  which  had  been  fishing  farther  off,  and  which  reported 
that  they  had  seen  four  canoes  of  their  enemies.  At  once  three 
canoes  were  despatched  to  reconnoitre,  but  they  returned 
without  having  seen  anything.  With  this  assurance  all  gave 
themselves  up  to  sleep,  excepting  the  women,  who  resolved 
to  spend  the  night  in  their  canoes,  not  feeling  at  ease  on  land. 
An  hour  before  daylight  a savage,  having  dreamed  that  the 
enemy  were  attacking  them,  jumped  up  and  started  on  a run 
towards  the  water,  in  order  to  escape,  shouting,  They  are  killing 
me.  Those  belonging  to  his  band  all  awoke  dumfounded  and, 
supposing  that  they  were  being  pursued  by  their  enemies, 
threw  themselves  into  the  water,  as  did  also  one  of  our  French- 
men, who  supposed  that  they  were  being  overpowered.  At 
this  great  noise,  the  rest  of  us,  who  were  at  a distance,  were  at 
once  awakened,  and  without  making  farther  investigation  ran 
towards  them:  but  as  we  saw  them  here  and  there  in  the 
water,  we  were  greatly  surprised,  not  seeing  them  pursued 
by  their  enemies,  nor  in  a state  of  defence,  in  case  of  necessity, 
but  only  ready  to  sacrifice  themselves.  After  I had  inquired 
of  our  Frenchman  about  the  cause  of  this  excitement,  he 
told  me  that  a savage  had  had  a dream,  and  that  he  with  the 
rest  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  water  in  order  to  escape, 
supposing  that  they  were  being  attacked.  Accordingly,  the 
state  of  the  case  being  ascertained,  it  all  passed  off  in  a laugh. 

Continuing  our  way,  we  came  to  the  Chaudiere  Falls, 
where  the  savages  went  through  with  the  customary  ceremony, 
which  is  as  follows.  After  carrying  their  canoes  to  the  foot 
of  the  Fall,  they  assembled  in  one  spot,  where  one  of  them 
takes  up  a collection  with  a wooden  plate,  into  which  each 
one  puts  a bit  of  tobacco.  The  collection  having  been  made, 
the  plate  is  passed  in  the  midst  of  the  troupe,  and  all  dance 


m 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1613 


about  it,  singing  after  their  style.  Then  one  of  the  captains 
makes  an  harangue,  setting  forth  that  for  a long  time  they 
have  been  accustomed  to  make  this  offering,  by  which  means 
they  are  insured  protection  against  their  enemies,  that  other- 
wise misfortune  would  befall  them,  as  they  are  convinced  by 
the  evil  spirit ; and  they  live  on  in  this  superstition,  as  in  many 
others,  as  we  have  said  in  other  places.  This  done,  the  maker 
of  the  harangue  takes  the  plate,  and  throws  the  tobacco  into 
the  midst  of  the  caldron,  whereupon  they  all  together  raise  a 
loud  cry.  These  poor  people  are  so  superstitious  that  they 
would  not  believe  it  possible  for  them  to  make  a prosperous 
journey  without  observing  this  ceremony  at  this  place,  since 
their  enemies  await  them  at  this  portage,  not  venturing  to 
go  any  farther  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  the  journey, 
whence  they  say  they  surprise  them  there,  as  they  have  some- 
times done. 

The  next  day  we  arrived  at  an  island  at  the  entrance  to 
a lake,  and  seven  or  eight  leagues  distant  from  the  great  Falls 
of  St.  Louis.  Here  while  reposing  at  night  we  had  another 
alarm,  the  savages  supposing  that  they  had  seen  the  canoes 
of  their  enemies.  This  led  them  to  make  several  large  fires, 
which  I had  them  put  out,  representing  to  them  the  harm 
which  might  result,  namely,  that  instead  of  concealing  they 
would  disclose  themselves. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  we  arrived  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis, 
where  I found  L’Ange,  who  had  come  to  meet  me  in  a canoe 
to  inform  me,  that  Sieur  de  Maisonneuve  of  St.  Malo  had 
brought  a passport  from  the  Prince  for  three  vessels.  In 
order  to  arrange  matters  until  I should  see  him,  I assembled 
all  the  savages  and  informed  them  that  I did  not  wish  them 
to  traffic  in  any  merchandise  until  I had  given  them  per- 
mission, and  that  I would  furnish  them  provisions  as  soon  as 
we  should  arrive ; which  they  promised,  saying  that  they  were 
my  friends.  Thus,  continuing  our  course,  we  arrived  at  the 
barques,  where  we  were  saluted  by  some  discharges  of  cannon, 
at  which  some  of  our  savages  were  delighted,  and  others 
greatly  astonished,  never  having  heard  such  music.  After  I 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OE  1613 


257 


had  landed,  Maisonneuve 1 came  to  me  with  the  passport  of 
the  Prince.  As  soon  as  I had  seen  it,  I allowed  him  and  his 
men  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  it  like  the  rest  of  us ; and  I sent 
word  to  the  savages  that  they  might  trade  on  the  next  day. 

After  seeing  all  the  chief  men  and  relating  the  particulars 
of  my  journey  and  the  malice  of  my  liar,  at  which  they  were 
greatly  amazed,  I begged  them  to  assemble,  in  order  that  in 
their  presence,  and  that  of  the  savages  and  his  companions, 
he  might  make  declaration  of  his  maliciousness ; which  they 
gladly  did.  Being  thus  assembled,  they  summoned  him,  and 
asked  him,  why  he  had  not  shown  me  the  sea  in  the  north, 
as  he  had  promised  me  at  his  departure.  He  replied  that 
he  had  promised  something  impossible  for  him,  since  he  had 
never  seen  the  sea,  and  that  the  desire  of  making  the  journey 
had  led  him  to  say  what  he  did,  also  that  he  did  not  suppose 
that  I would  undertake  it ; and  he  begged  them  to  be  pleased 
to  pardon  him,  as  he  also  begged  me  again,  confessing  that  he 
had  greatly  offended,  and  if  I would  leave  him  in  the  country, 
he  would  by  his  efforts  repair  the  offence,  and  see  this  sea, 
and  bring  back  trustworthy  intelligence  concerning  it  the  fol- 
lowing year ; and  in  view  of  certain  considerations  I pardoned 
him  on  this  condition. 

xAfter  relating  to  them  in  detail  the  good  treatment  I had 
received  at  the  abodes  of  the  savages,  and  how  I had  been 
occupied  each  day,  I inquired  what  they  had  done  during 
my  absence,  and  what  had  been  the  result  of  their  hunting 
excursions,  and  they  said  they  had  had  such  success  that  they 
generally  brought  home  six  stags.  Once  on  St.  Barnabas’s 
day,2  Sieur  du  Parc,  having  gone  hunting  with  two  others, 
killed  nine.  These  stags  are  not  at  all  like  ours,  and  there 
are  different  kinds  of  them,  some  larger,  others  smaller,  which 
resemble  closely  our  deer.  They  had  also  a very  large  num- 
ber of  pigeons,  and  also  fish,  such  as  pike,  carp,  sturgeon, 
shad,  barbel,  turtles,  bass,  and  other  kinds  unknown  to  us, 

1 Paul  de  Chomedy,  Sieur  de  Maisonneuve,  founded  Montreal  on  this 
spot  in  1642.  His  permit  was  from  the  Prince  of  CondA 

3 June  11. 


258 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIK 


[1613 


on  which  they  dined  and  supped  every  day.  They  were  also 
all  in  better  condition  than  myself,  who  was  reduced  from 
work  and  the  anxiety  which  I had  experienced,  not  having 
eaten  more  than  once  a day,  and  that  of  fish  badly  cooked 
and  half  broiled. 

On  the  22d  of  June,  about  8 o’clock  in  the  evening,  the 
savages  sounded  an  alarm  because  one  of  them  had  dreamed 
he  had  seen  the  Iroquois.  In  order  to  content  them,  all  the 
men  took  their  arms,  and  some  were  sent  to  their  cabins  to 
reassure  them,  and  into  the  approaches  to  reconnoitre,  so 
that,  finding  it  was  a false  alarm,  they  were  satisfied  with 
the  firing  of  some  two  hundred  musket  and  arquebus  shots, 
after  which  arms  were  laid  down,  the  ordinary  guard  only 
being  left.  This  reassured  them  greatly,  and  they  were  very 
glad  to  see  the  French  ready  to  help  them. 

After  the  savages  had  bartered  their  articles  of  merchan- 
dise and  had  resolved  to  return,  I asked  them  to  take  with 
them  two  young  men,  to  treat  them  in  a friendly  manner, 
show  them  the  country,  and  bind  themselves  to  bring  them 
back.  But  they  strongly  objected  to  this,  representing  to  me 
the  trouble  our  liar  had  given  me,  and  fearing  that  they  would 
bring  me  false  reports,  as  he  had  done.  I replied  that  they 
were  men  of  probity  and  truth,  and  that  if  they  would  not  take 
them  they  were  not  my  friends,  whereupon  they  resolved  to 
do  so.  As  for  our  liar,  none  of  the  savages  wanted  him,  not- 
withstanding my  request  to  them  to  take  him,  and  we  left 
him  to  the  mercy  of  God. 

Finding  that  I had  no  further  business  in  this  country,  I 
resolved  to  cross  in  the  first  vessel  that  should  return  to  France. 
Sieur  de  Maisonneuve,  having  his  ready,  offered  me  a passage, 
which  I accepted ; and  on  the  27th  of  June  I set  out  with  Sieur 
L’Ange  from  the  Falls,  where  we  left  the  other  vessels,  which 
were  awaiting  the  return  of  the  savages  who  had  gone  to  the 
war,  and  we  arrived  at  Tadoussac  on  the  6th  of  July. 

On  the  8th  of  August 1 we  were  enabled  by  favorable 
weather  to  set  sail.  On  the  18th  we  left  Gaspe  and  Isle  Percee. 

1 July  must  be  meant. 


1613] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1613 


259 


On  the  28th  we  were  on  the  Grand  Bank,  where  the  green 
fishery  is  carried  on,  and  where  we  took  as  many  fish  as  we 
wanted. 

On  the  26th  of  August  we  arrived  at  St.  Malo,  where  I 
saw  the  merchants,  to  whom  I represented  the  ease  of  forming 
a good  association  in  the  future,  which  they  resolved  to  do, 
as  those  of  Rouen  and  La  Rochelle  had  done,  after  recogniz- 
ing the  necessity  of  the  regulations,  without  which  it  is  impos- 
sible to  hope  for  any  profit  from  these  lands.  May  God  by 
His  grace  cause  this  undertaking  to  prosper  to  His  honor  and 
glory,  the  conversion  of  these  poor  benighted  ones,  and  to  the 
welfare  and  honor  of  France. 


VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES  IN  NEW 
FRANCE  FROM  THE  YEAR  1615 
TO  THE  END  OF  THE 
YEAR  1618 


VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES  IN  NEW 
FRANCE  FROM  THE  YEAR  1615 
TO  THE  END  OF  THE 
YEAR  1618 

BY  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN,  CAPTAIN  IN  ORDINARY 
TO  THE  KING  IN  THE  WESTERN  SEA 

WHERE  ARE  DESCRIBED  THE  MANNERS , CUS- 
toms,  dress , mode  of  warfare , hunting , dances , festivals, 
and  method  of  burial  of  various  savage  peoples , with 
many  remarkable  experiences  of  the  author  in  this  coun- 
try, and  an  account  of  the  beauty,  fertility,  and  temper- 
ature of  the  same . 

Paris:  Claude  Collet,  in  the  Palace,  at  the  Gallery  of  the  Pris- 
oners. MDCXIX.  With  authority  of  the  King.1 

TO  THE  KING 

Sire, 

This  is  a third  volume2  containing  a narrative  of  what 
has  transpired  most  worthy  of  note  during  the  voyages  I have 
made  to  New  France,  and  its  perusal  will,  I think,  afford  your 
Majesty  greater  pleasure  than  that  of  those  preceding,  which 
only  designate  the  ports,  harbors,  situations,  declinations,  and 
other  particulars,  having  more  interest  for  navigators  and 
sailors  than  for  other  persons.  In  this  narrative  you  will  be 
able  to  observe  more  especially  the  manners  and  mode  of  life 
of  these  peoples  both  in  particular  and  in  general,  their  wars, 

1 This  italic  heading  is  a translation  of  the  title-page  of  the  original  of 
1619. 

2 Reckoning  the  Sauvages  of  1604  as  the  first,  the  Voyages  of  1613  as 
the  second,  and  this,  the  Voyages  et  Descouvertures  of  1619,  as  the  third. 

263 


264 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


ammunition,  method  of  attack  and  of  defence,  their  expeditions 
and  retreats  in  various  circumstances,  matters  about  which 
those  interested  desire  information.  You  will  perceive  also 
that  they  are  not  savages  to  such  an  extent  that  they  could  not 
in  course  of  time  and  through  association  with  others  become 
civilized  and  cultivated.  You  will  likewise  perceive  how 
great  hopes  we  cherish  from  the  long  and  arduous  labors  we 
have  for  the  past  fifteen  years  sustained,  in  order  to  plant  in 
this  country  the  standard  of  the  cross,  and  to  teach  the  people 
the  knowledge  of  God  and  the  glory  of  His  holy  name,  it  being 
our  desire  to  cultivate  a feeling  of  charity  towards  His  unfortu- 
nate creatures,  which  it  is  our  duty  to  practise  more  patiently 
than  any  other  thing,  especially  as  there  are  many  who  have 
not  entertained  such  purposes,  but  have  been  influenced  only 
by  the  desire  of  gain.  Nevertheless,  we  may,  I suppose,  be- 
lieve that  these  are  the  means  which  God  makes  use  of  for  the 
greater  promotion  of  the  holy  desire  of  others.  As  the  fruits 
which  the  trees  bear  are  from  God,  the  Lord  of  the  soil,  who 
has  planted,  watered,  and  nourished  them  with  an  especial 
care,  so  your  Majesty  can  be  called  the  legitimate  lord  of  our 
labors,  and  the  good  resulting  from  them,  not  only  because  the 
land  belongs  to  you,  but  also  because  you  have  protected  us 
against  so  many  persons,  whose  only  object  has  been  by  troubling 
us  to  prevent  the  success  of  so  holy  a determination,  taking 
from  us  the  power  to  trade  freely  in  a part  of  your  country, 
and  striving  to  bring  everything  into  confusion,  which  would 
be,  in  a word,  preparing  the  way  for  the  ruin  of  everything 
to  the  injury  of  your  state.  To  this  end  your  subjects  have 
employed  every  conceivable  artifice  and  all  possible  means 
which  they  thought  could  injure  us.  But  all  these  efforts 
have  been  thwarted  by  your  Majesty,  assisted  by  your  prudent 
council,  who  have  given  us  the  authority  of  your  name,  and 
supported  us  by  your  decrees  rendered  in  our  favor.  This 
is  an  occasion  for  increasing  in  us  our  long-cherished  desire 
to  send  communities  and  colonies  there,  to  teach  the  people 
the  knowledge  of  God,  and  inform  them  of  the  glory  and  tri- 
umphs of  your  Majesty,  so  that  together  with  the  French  lan- 


VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES,  1615-1618 


265 


guage  they  may  also  acquire  a French  heart  and  spirit,  which, 
next  to  the  fear  of  God,  will  be  inspired  with  nothing  so  ar- 
dently as  the  desire  to  serve  you.  Should  our  design  succeed, 
the  glory  of  it  will  be  due,  after  God,  to  your  Majesty,  who  will 
receive  a thousand  benedictions  from  Heaven  for  so  many 
souls  saved  by  your  instrumentality,  and  your  name  will 
be  immortalized  for  carrying  the  glory  and  sceptre  of  the 
French  as  far  to  the  Occident  as  your  precursors  have  extended 
it  to  the  Orient,  and  over  the  entire  habitable  earth.  This 
will  augment  the  quality  of  Most  Christian  belonging  to 
you  above  all  the  kings  of  the  earth,  and  show  that  it  is  as 
much  your  due  by  merit  as  it  is  your  own  of  right,  it  having 
been  transmitted  to  you  by  your  predecessors,  who  acquired 
it  by  their  virtues ; for  you  have  been  pleased,  in  addition  to 
so  many  other  important  affairs,  to  give  your  attention  to 
this  one,  so  seriously  neglected  hitherto,  God’s  special  grace 
reserving  to  your  reign  the  publication  of  His  gospel,  and  the 
knowledge  of  His  holy  name  to  so  many  tribes  who  had  never 
heard  of  it.  And  some  day  may  God’s  grace  lead  them,  as  it 
does  us,  to  pray  to  Him  without  ceasing  to  extend  your  empire, 
and  to  vouchsafe  a thousand  blessings  to  your  Majesty. 

Sire, 

Your  most  humble,  most  faithful, 

and  most  obedient  servant  and  subject, 

Champlain. 


PREFACE 

As  in  the  various  affairs  of  the  world  each  thing  strives 
for  its  perfection  and  the  preservation  of  its  being,  so  on  the 
other  hand  does  man  interest  himself  in  the  different  concerns 
of  others  on  some  account,  either  for  the  public  good,  or  to 
acquire,  apart  from  the  common  interest,  praise,  and  reputa- 
tion with  some  profit.  Wherefore  many  have  pursued  this 
course,  but  as  for  myself  I have  made  choice  of  the  most  un- 
pleasant and  difficult  one  of  the  perilous  navigation  of  the 
seas;  with  the  purpose,  however,  not  so  much  of  gaining 


266 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


wealth,  as  the  honor  and  glory  of  God  in  behalf  of  my  King 
and  country,  and  contributing  by  my  labors  something  useful 
to  the  public  good.  And  I make  declaration  that  I have 
not  been  tempted  by  any  other  ambition,  as  can  be  clearly 
perceived,  not  only  by  my  conduct  in  the  past,  but  also  by 
the  narratives  of  my  voyages,  made  by  the  command  of  His 
Majesty,  in  New  France,  contained  in  my  first  and  second 
books,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  same. 

Should  God  bless  our  purpose,  which  aims  only  for  His 
glory,  and  should  any  fruit  result  from  our  discoveries  and 
arduous  labors,  I will  return  thanks  to  Him,  and  for  Your 
Majesty’s  protection  and  assistance  will  continue  my  prayers 
for  the  aggrandizement  and  prolongation  of  your  reign. 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  LICENSE  OF  THE  KING 

By  favor  and  license  of  the  King,  permission  is  given  to 
Claude  Collet,  merchant  bookseller  in  our  city  of  Paris,  to  print, 
or  have  printed  by  such  printer  as  shall  seem  good  to  him,  a 
book  entitled,  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  New  France , from 
the  Year  1615  to  the  End  of  the  Year  1618.  By  Sieur  de  Cham- 
plain, Captain  in  Ordinary  to  the  King  in  the  Western  Sea. 
All  booksellers  and  printers  of  our  kingdom  are  forbidden  to 
print  or  have  printed,  to  sell  wholesale  or  retail,  said  book, 
except  with  the  consent  of  said  Collet,  for  the  time  and  term 
of  six  years,  beginning  with  the  day  when  said  book  is  printed, 
on  penalty  of  confiscation  of  the  copies,  and  a fine  of  four  hun- 
dred livres,  a half  to  go  to  us  and  a half  to  said  petitioner. 
It  is  our  will,  moreover,  that  this  license  should  be  placed  at 
the  commencement  or  end  of  said  book.  This  is  our  pleasure. 

Given  at  Paris,  the  18th  day  of  May,  1619,  and  of  our  reign 
the  tenth. 

By  the  Council, 

De  Cescaud. 


VOYAGE  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN 
TO  NEW  FRANCE,  MADE  IN 
THE  YEAR  1615 


VOYAGE  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN 
TO  NEW  FRANCE,  MADE  IN 
THE  YEAR  16151 

The  strong  love,  which  I have  always  cherished  for  the 
exploration  of  New  France,  has  made  me  desirous  of  extending 
more  and  more  my  travels  over  the  country,  in  order,  by  means 
of  its  numerous  rivers,  lakes,  and  streams,  to  obtain  at  last 
a complete  knowledge  of  it,  and  also  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  inhabitants,  with  the  view  of  bringing  them  to 
the  knowledge  of  God.  To  this  end  I have  toiled  constantly 
for  the  past  fourteen  or  fifteen  years,  yet  have  been  able  to 
advance  my  designs  but  little,  because  I have  not  received 
the  assistance  which  was  necessary  for  the  success  of  such  an 
undertaking.  Nevertheless,  without  losing  courage,  I have 
not  ceased  to  push  on,  and  visit  various  nations  of  the  savages ; 
and,  by  associating  familiarly  with  them,  I have  concluded, 
as  well  from  their  conversation  as  from  the  knowledge  already 
attained,  that  there  is  no  better  way  than,  disregarding  all 
storms  and  difficulties,  to  have  patience  until  His  Majesty 
shall  give  the  requisite  attention  to  the  matter,  and  meanwhile, 
not  only  to  continue  the  exploration  of  the  country,  but  also 
to  learn  the  language,  and  form  relations  and  friendships  with 
the  leading  men  of  the  villages  and  tribes,  in  order  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  a permanent  edifice,  as  well  for  the  glory  of 
God  as  for  the  renown  of  the  French. 

And  His  Majesty  having  transferred  and  intrusted  the 
superintendence  of  this  work  to  Monseigneur  the  Prince  de 
Conde,  the  latter  has,  by  his  management,  under  the  authority 
of  His  Majesty,  sustained  us  against  all  sorts  of  jealousies 

1 Much  to  the  disappointment  of  the  savages,  Champlain  did  not  visit 
Canada  during  1614.  This  was  probably  due  to  the  civil  war  which  his 
patron  Conde  was  carrying  on  against  the  Queen  Mother. 

269 


270 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1614 


and  obstacles  concerted  by  evil  wishers.  This  has,  as  it  were, 
animated  me  and  redoubled  my  courage  for  the  continuation 
of  my  labors  in  the  exploration  of  New  France,  and  with  in- 
creased effort  I have  pushed  forward  in  my  undertaking  into 
the  mainland,  and  farther  on  than  I had  previously  been, 
as  will  be  hereafter  indicated  in  the  course  of  this  narrative. 

But  it  is  appropriate  to  state  first  that,  as  I had  observed 
in  my  previous  journeys,  there  were  in  some  places  people 
permanently  settled,  who  were  fond  of  the  cultivation  of  the 
soil,  but  who  had  neither  faith  nor  law,  and  lived  without 
God  and  religion,  like  brute  beasts.  In  view  of  this,  I felt 
convinced  that  I should  be  committing  a grave  offence  if  I 
did  not  take  it  upon  myself  to  devise  some  means  of  bringing 
them  to  the  knowledge  of  God.  To  this  end  I exerted  myself 
to  find  some  good  friars,  with  zeal  and  affection  for  the  glory 
of  God,  that  I might  persuade  them  to  send  some  one,  or  go 
themselves,  with  me  to  these  countries,  and  try  to  plant  there 
the  faith,  or  at  least  do  what  was  possible  according  to  their 
calling,  and  thus  to  observe  and  ascertain  whether  any  good 
fruit  could  be  gathered  there.  But  since  to  attain  this  object 
an  expenditure  would  be  required  exceeding  my  means,  and 
for  other  reasons,  I deferred  the  matter  for  a while,  in  view 
of  the  difficulties  there  would  be  in  obtaining  what  was  neces- 
sary and  requisite  in  such  an  enterprise;  and  since,  further- 
more, no  persons  offered  to  contribute  to  it.  Nevertheless, 
while  continuing  my  search,  and  communicating  my  plan  to 
various  persons,  a man  of  distinction  chanced  to  present  him- 
self, whose  intimate  acquaintance  I enjoyed.  This  was  Sieur 
Houel,  secretary  of  the  King  and  controller-general  of  the  salt 
works  at  Brouage,1  a man  of  devoted  piety,  and  of  great 
zeal  and  love  for  the  honor  of  God  and  the  extension  of  His 
religion.  He  gave  me  the  following  information,  which  afforded 
me  great  pleasure.  He  said  that  he  was  acquainted  with  some 
good  religious  fathers,  of  the  order  of  the  Recollects,2  in  whom 
he  had  confidence;  and  that  he  enjoyed  such  intimacy  and 

1 The  salt  marshes  in  this  district  are  still  worked. 

2 A branch  of  the  Franciscans. 


1614] 


THE  VOYAGE  OE  1615 


271 


confidence  with  them  that  he  could  easily  induce  them  to  con- 
sent to  undertake  the  voyage;  and  that,  as  to  the  necessary 
means  for  sending  out  three  or  four  friars,  there  would  be  no 
lack  of  people  of  property  who  would  give  them  what  they 
needed,  offering  for  his  part  to  assist  them  to  the  extent  of 
his  ability;  and,  in  fact,  he  wrote  in  relation  to  the  subject 
to  Father  du  Verger,  who  welcomed  with  joy  the  undertaking, 
and,  in  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  Sieur  Houel, 
communicated  it  to  some  of  his  brethren,  who,  burning  with 
charity,  offered  themselves  freely  for  this  holy  undertaking. 

Now  he  was  at  that  time  in  Saintonge,  whence  he  sent 
two  men  to  Paris  with  a commission,  though  not  with  abso- 
lute power,  reserving  the  rest  to  the  nuncio  1 of  our  Holy 
Father  the  Pope,  who  was  at  that  time,  in  1614,  in  France. 
He  called  upon  these  friars  at  their  house  in  Paris,  and  was 
greatly  pleased  with  their  resolution.  We  then  went  all  to- 
gether to  see  the  Sieur  Nuncio,  in  order  to  communicate  to 
him  the  commission,  and  entreat  him  to  interpose  his  author- 
ity in  the  matter.  But  he,  on  the  contrary,  told  us  that  he 
had  no  power  whatever  in  such  matters,  and  that  it  was  to 
their  General  that  they  were  to  address  themselves.  Not- 
withstanding this  reply,  the  Recollects,  in  consideration  of 
the  difficulty  of  the  mission,  were  unwilling  to  undertake 
the  journey  on  the  authority  of  Father  du  Verger,  fearing 
that  it  might  not  be  sufficient,  and  that  the  commission 
might  not  be  valid,  on  which  account  the  matter  was  post- 
poned to  the  following  year.  Meanwhile  they  took  counsel, 
and  came  to  a determination,  according  to  which  all 
arrangements  were  made  for  the  undertaking,  which  was  to 
be  carried  out  in  the  following  spring;  awaiting  which  the 
two  friars  returned  to  their  convent  at  Brouage. 

I for  my  part  improved  the  time  in  arranging  my  affairs 
in  preparation  for  the  voyage. 

Some  months  after  the  departure  of  the  two  friars,  the 
Reverend  Father  Chapouin,  Provincial  of  the  Recollect  Fathers, 
a man  of  great  piety,  returned  to  Paris.  Sieur  Houel  called  on 
1 Roberto  Ubaldini  by  name. 


272 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1614 


him,  and  narrated  what  had  taken  place  respecting  the  author- 
ity of  Father  du  Verger,  and  the  mission  he  had  given  to  the 
Recollect  Fathers.  After  which  narrative  the  Provincial 
Father  proceeded  to  extol  the  plan,  and  to  interest  himself 
with  zeal  in  it,  promising  to  promote  it  with  all  his  power, 
and  adding  that  he  had  not  before  well  comprehended  the  sub- 
ject of  this  mission ; and  it  is  to  be  believed  that  God  inspired 
him  more  and  more  to  prosecute  the  matter.  Subsequently, 
he  spoke  of  it  to  Monseigneur  the  Prince  de  Conde,  and  to  all 
the  cardinals  and  bishops  who  were  then  assembled  at  Paris 
for  the  session  of  the  Estates.1  All  of  them  approved  and 
commended  the  plan ; and  to  show  that  they  were  favorably 
disposed  towards  it,  they  assured  the  Sieur  Provincial  that 
they  would  devise  among  themselves  and  the  members  of  the 
court  means  for  raising  a small  fund,  and  that  they  would  col- 
lect some  money  for  assisting  four  friars  to  be  chosen,  and  who 
were  then  chosen  for  the  execution  of  so  holy  a work.  And 
in  order  to  facilitate  the  undertaking,  I visited  at  the  Estates 
the  cardinals  and  bishops,  and  urgently  represented  to  them 
the  advantage  and  usefulness  which  might  one  day  result,  in 
order  by  my  entreaties  to  move  them  to  give,  and  cause  others 
who  might  be  stimulated  by  their  example  to  give,  contribu- 
tions and  presents,  leaving  all  to  their  good  will  and  judgment. 

The  contributions  which  were  made  for  the  expenses  of 
this  expedition  amounted  to  nearly  fifteen  hundred  livres, 
which  were  put  into  my  hands,  and  then  employed,  accord- 
ing to  the  advice  and  in  the  presence  of  the  fathers,  for  the 
purchase  of  what  was  necessary,  not  only  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  fathers  who  should  undertake  the  journey  into 
New  France,  but  also  for  their  clothing,  and  the  attire  and 
ornaments  necessary  for  performing  divine  service.  The 
friars  were  sent  on  in  advance  to  Honfleur,  where  their  em- 
barkation was  to  take  place. 

Now  the  fathers  who  were  appointed  for  this  holy  enter- 
prise were  Father  Denis 2 as  commissary,  Jean  d’Olbeau, 

xThe  great  sitting  of  the  States  General  in  1614,  the  last  before  the 
gathering  of  1789  which  brought  on  the  Revolution.  2 Denis  Jamay. 


1616] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


273 


Joseph  le  Caron,  and  Pacifique  du  Plessis,1  each  of  whom 
was  moved  by  a holy  zeal  and  ardor  to  make  the  journey, 
through  God’s  grace,  in  order  to  see  if  they  might  produce 
some  good  fruit,  and  plant  in  these  regions  the  standard  of 
Jesus  Christ,  determined  to  live  and  to  die  for  His  holy  name, 
should  it  be  necessary  to  do  so  and  the  occasion  require  it. 
Everything  having  been  prepared,  they  provided  themselves 
with  church  ornaments,  and  we  with  what  was  necessary  for 
our  voyage. 

I left  Paris  the  last  day  of  February  to  meet  at  Rouen 
our  associates,  and  represent  to  them  the  will  of  Monseigneur 
the  Prince,  and  also  his  desire  that  these  good  fathers  should 
make  the  journey,  since  he  recognized  the  fact  that  the  affairs 
of  the  country  could  hardly  reach  any  perfection  or  advance- 
ment, if  God  should  not  first  of  all  be  served ; with  which  our 
associates  were  highly  pleased,  promising  to  assist  the  fathers 
to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  and  provide  them  with  the  sup- 
port they  might  need. 

The  fathers  arrived  at  Rouen  the  twentieth  of  March 
following,  where  we  stayed  some  time.  Thence  we  went  to 
Honfleur  to  embark,  where  we  also  stayed  some  days,  waiting 
for  our  vessel  to  be  got  ready,  and  loaded  with  the  neces- 
saries for  so  long  a voyage.  Meanwhile  preparations  were 
made  in  matters  of  conscience,  so  that  each  one  of  us  might 
examine  himself,  and  cleanse  himself  from  his  sins  by  peni- 
tence and  confession,  in  order  to  celebrate  the  sacrament 
and  attain  a state  of  grace,  so  that,  being  thereby  freer  in 
conscience,  we  might,  under  the  guidance  of  God,  expose  our- 
selves to  the  mercy  of  the  waves  of  the  great  and  perilous 
sea. 

This  done,  we  embarked  on  the  vessel  of  the  association, 
which  was  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  tons  burden,  and  was 
called  the  Saint  Etienne , commanded  by  Sieur  de  Pont  Grave. 

1 Pacifique  du  Plessis  was  a lay-brother,  though  sometimes  given  the 
title  of  Father.  For  further  information  concerning  the  Recollect  mission, 
consult  Laverdiere,  especially  IV.  7,  10,  and  the  Histoire  du  Canada  (1636, 
reprinted  by  Tross,  1866)  by  Gabriel  Sagard,  himself  a Recollect  friar. 


274 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


We  departed  from  Honfleur  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  Au- 
gust,1 in  the  above-mentioned  year,  and  set  sail  with  a very 
favorable  wind.  We  continued  on  our  voyage  without  en- 
countering ice  or  other  dangers,  through  the  mercy  of  God, 
and  in  a short  time  arrived  off  the  place  called  Tadoussac, 
on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  May,  when  we  rendered  thanks  to 
God  for  having  conducted  us  so  favorably  to  the  harbor  of  our 
destination. 

Then  we  began  to  set  men  at  work  to  fit  up  our  barques 
in  order  to  go  to  Quebec,  the  place  of  our  abode,  and  to  the 
great  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  the  rendezvous  of  the  savages, 
who  come  there  to  traffic. 

The  barques  having  been  fitted  up,  we  went  on  board 
with  the  fathers,  one  of  whom,  named  Father  Joseph,  desired, 
without  stopping  or  making  any  stay  at  Quebec,  to  go  directly 
to  the  great  Falls,  where  he  saw  all  the  savages  and  their  mode 
of  life.  This  induced  him  to  go  and  spend  the  winter  in  their 
country  and  that  of  other  tribes  who  have  a fixed  abode,  not 
only  in  order  to  learn  their  language,  but  also  to  see  what  the 
prospect  was  of  their  conversion  to  Christianity.  This  reso- 
lution having  been  formed,  he  returned  to  Quebec  the  twen- 
tieth day  of  June  for  some  church  ornaments  and  other  neces- 
saries. Meanwhile  I had  stayed  at  Quebec  in  order  to  arrange 
matters  relating  to  our  habitation,  as  the  lodgings  of  the  fathers, 
church  ornaments,  the  construction  of  a chapel  for  the  cele- 
bration of  the  mass,  as  also  the  employment  of  persons  for 
clearing  up  lands.  I embarked  for  the  Falls  together  with 
Father  Denis,  who  had  arrived  the  same  day  from  Tadoussac 
with  Sieur  de  Pont  Grave. 

As  to  the  other  friars,  viz.,  Fathers  Jean  and  Pacifique, 
they  stayed  at  Quebec  in  order  to  fit  up  their  chapel  and 
arrange  their  lodgings.  They  were  greatly  pleased  at  seeing 
the  place  so  different  from  what  they  had  imagined,  which 
increased  their  zeal. 

We  arrived  at  the  Riviere  des  Prairies,  five  leagues  below 
the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  whither  the  savages  had  come  down. 

1 Sagard  says  April,  which  is  certainly  correct. 

i 


1616] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


275 


I will  not  attempt  to  speak  of  the  pleasure  which  our  fathers 
experienced  at  seeing,  not  only  so  long  and  large  a river, 
filled  with  many  fine  islands  and  bordered  by  a region  appar- 
ently so  fertile,  but  also  a great  number  of  strong  and  robust 
men,  with  natures  not  so  savage  as  their  manners,  nor  as  they 
acknowledged  they  had  conceived  them  to  be,  and  very  dif- 
ferent from  what  they  had  been  given  to  understand,  owing 
to  their  lack  of  cultivation.  I will  not  enter  into  a descrip- 
tion of  them,  but  refer  the  reader  to  what  I have  said  about 
them  in  my  preceding  books,  printed  in  the  year  1614. 1 

To  continue  my  narrative:  We  met  Father  Joseph,  who 
was  returning  to  Quebec  in  order  to  make  preparations,  and 
take  what  he  needed  for  wintering  in  their  country.  This 
I did  not  think  advisable  at  this  season,  but  counselled  him 
rather  to  spend  the  winter  at  our  settlement  as  being  more 
for  his  comfort,  and  undertake  the  journey  when  spring  came 
or  at  least  in  summer,  offering  to  accompany  him,  and  adding 
that  by  doing  so  he  would  not  fail  to  see  what  he  might  have 
seen  by  going,  and  that  by  returning  and  spending  the  winter 
at  Quebec  he  would  have  the  society  of  his  brothers  and  others 
who  remained  at  the  settlement,  by  which  he  would  be  more 
profited  than  by  staying  alone  among  these  people,  with  whom 
he  could  not,  in  my  opinion,  have  much  satisfaction.  Never- 
theless, in  spite  of  all  that  could  be  said  to  him  and  all  repre- 
sentations, he  would  not  change  his  purpose,  being  urged  by 
a godly  zeal  and  love  for  this  people,  and  hoping  to  make 
known  to  them  their  salvation. 

His  motive  in  undertaking  this  enterprise,  as  he  stated  to 
us,  was  that  he  thought  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  go  there 
not  only  in  order  to  become  better  acquainted  with  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  people,  but  also  to  learn  more  easily  their 
language.  In  regard  to  the  difficulties  which  it  was  repre- 
sented to  him  that  he  would  have  to  encounter  in  his  inter- 
course with  them,  he  felt  assured  that  he  could  bear  and  over- 
come them,  and  that  he  could  adapt  himself  very  well  and 

1 The  volume  bears  date  1613,  but  may  not  have  been  actually  issued 
till  1614. 


276 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


cheerfully  to  the  manner  of  living  and  the  inconveniences 
he  would  find,  through  the  grace  of  God,  of  whose  goodness 
and  help  he  felt  clearly  assured,  being  convinced  that,  since 
he  went  on  His  service,  and  since  it  was  for  the  glory  of  His 
name,  and  the  preaching  of  His  holy  gospel  that  he  undertook 
freely  this  journey,  He  would  never  abandon  him  in  his  under- 
taking. And  in  regard  to  temporal  provisions  very  little 
was  needed  to  satisfy  a man  who  demands  nothing  but 
perpetual  poverty,  and  who  seeks  for  nothing  but  heaven, 
not  only  for  himself  but  also  for  his  brethren,  it  being 
inconsistent  with  his  rule  of  life  to  have  any  other  ambition 
than  the  glory  of  God,  and  it  being  his  purpose  to  endure  to 
this  end  all  the  hardships,  sufferings,  and  labors  which  might 
offer. 

Seeing  him  impelled  by  so  holy  a zeal  and  so  ardent  a char- 
ity, I was  unwilling  to  try  any  more  to  restrain  him.  Thus 
he  set  out  with  the  purpose  of  being  the  first  to  announce 
through  His  holy  favor  to  this  people  the  name  of  God,  having 
the  great  satisfaction  that  an  opportunity  presented  itself 
for  suffering  something  for  the  name  and  glory  of  our  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ. 

As  soon  as  I had  arrived  at  the  Falls,  I visited  the  people, 
who  were  very  desirous  of  seeing  us  and  delighted  at  our 
return.  They  hoped  that  we  would  furnish  them  some  of 
our  number  to  assist  them  in  their  wars  against  our  enemies, 
representing  to  us  that  they  could  with  difficulty  come  to  us 
if  we  should  not  assist  them ; for  the  Iroquois,  they  said,  their 
old  enemies,  were  always  on  the  road  obstructing  their  passage. 
Moreover,  I had  constantly  promised  to  assist  them  in  their 
wars,  as  they  gave  us  to  understand  by  their  interpreter. 
Whereupon  Sieur  Pont  Grave  and  myself  concluded  that  it 
was  very  necessary  to  assist  them,  not  only  in  order  to  put  them 
the  more  under  obligations  to  love  us,  but  also  to  facilitate 
my  undertakings  and  explorations  which,  as  it  seemed,  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  their  help,  and  also  as  this  would  be 
a preparatory  step  to  their  conversion  to  Christianity.  There- 
fore I resolved  to  go  and  explore  their  country  and  assist 


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277 


them  in  their  wars,  in  order  to  oblige  them  to  show  me  what 
they  had  so  many  times  promised  to  do. 

We  accordingly  caused  them  all  to  assemble  together,  that 
we  might  communicate  to  them  our  intention.  When  they 
had  heard  it,  they  promised  to  furnish  us  two  thousand  five 
hundred  and  fifty  men  of  war,  who  would  do  wonders,  with 
the  understanding  that  I with  the  same  end  in  view  should 
furnish  as  many  men  as  possible.  This  I promised  to  do,  be- 
ing very  glad  to  see  them  decide  so  well.  Then  I proceeded 
to  make  known  to  them  the  methods  to  be  adopted  for  fighting, 
in  which  they  took  especial  pleasure,  manifesting  a strong 
hope  of  victory.  Everything  having  been  decided  upon,  we 
separated  with  the  intention  of  returning  for  the  execution 
of  our  undertaking.  But  before  entering  upon  this  journey, 
which  would  require  not  less  than  three  or  four  months,  it 
seemed  desirable  that  I should  go  to  our  settlement  to  make 
the  necessary  arrangements  there  for  my  absence. 

On  the day  of following  I set  out  on  my 

return  to  the  Riviere  des  Prairies.1  While  there  with  two 
canoes  of  savages  I met  Father  Joseph,  who  was  returning 
from  our  settlement  with  some  church  ornaments  for  cele- 
brating the  holy  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  which  was  chanted  on 
the  border  of  the  river  with  all  devotion  by  the  Reverend 
Fathers  Denis  and  Joseph,  in  presence  of  all  the  people,  who 
were  amazed  at  seeing  the  ceremonies  observed  and  the 
ornaments  which  seemed  to  them  so  handsome.  It  was 
something  which  they  had  never  before  seen,  for  these  Fathers 
were  the  first  who  celebrated  here  the  holy  mass. 

To  return  and  continue  the  narrative  of  my  journey:  I 
arrived  at  Quebec  on  the  26th,  where  I found  the  Fathers 
Jean  and  Pacifique  in  good  health.  They  on  their  part  did 


He  probably  left  the  falls  on  June  23.  The  first  celebration  of  the  mass 
in  New  France  took  place  on  June  24,  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
(Laverdiere.)  It  may  be  safer,  despite  Champlain’s  statement  below,  to 
say  the  first  celebration  of  the  mass  since  Cartier’s  time ; for  Cartier  seems 
to  have  had  priests  with  him  upon  his  second  voyage.  Early  English  and 
French  Voyages , p.  53. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


their  duty  at  that  place  in  getting  all  things  ready.  They  cele- 
brated the  holy  mass,  which  had  never  been  said  there  before, 
nor  had  there  ever  been  any  priest  in  this  region. 

Having  arranged  all  matters  at  Quebec,  I took  with  me 
two  men  and  returned  to  the  Riviere  des  Prairies,  in  order 
to  go  with  the  savages.  I left  Quebec  on  the  fourth  day  of 
July,  and  on  the  eighth  of  the  month  while  en  route  I met 
Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  and  Father  Denis,  who  were  returning 
to  Quebec,  and  who  told  me  that  the  savages  had  departed 
greatly  disappointed  at  my  not  going  with  them;  and  that 
many  of  them  declared  that  we  were  dead  or  had  been  taken 
by  the  Iroquois,  since  I was  to  be  gone  only  four  or  five  days, 
but  had  been  gone  ten.  This  made  them  and  even  our  own 
Frenchmen  give  up  hope,  so  much  did  they  long  to  see  us 
again.  They  told  me  that  Father  Joseph  had  departed  with 
twelve  Frenchmen,  who  had  been  furnished  to  assist  the 
savages.  This  intelligence  troubled  me  somewhat;  since,  if  I 
had  been  there,  I should  have  arranged  many  things  for  the 
journey,  which  I could  not  now  do.  I was  troubled  not  only 
on  account  of  the  small  number  of  men,  but  also  because 
there  were  only  four  or  five  who  were  acquainted  with  the  hand- 
ling of  arms,  while  in  such  an  expedition  the  best  are  not  too 
good  in  this  particular.  All  this,  however,  did  not  cause  me 
to  lose  courage  at  all  for  going  on  with  the  expedition,  on 
account  of  the  desire  I had  of  continuing  my  explorations. 
I separated  accordingly  from  Sieurs  du  Pont  Grave  and  Father 
Denis,  determined  to  go  on  in  the  two  canoes  which  I had,  and 
follow  after  the  savages,  having  provided  myself  with  what 
I needed. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month  I embarked  with  two  others, 
namely,  one  of  our  interpreters  and  my  man,  accompanied 
by  ten  savages  in  the  two  canoes,  these  being  all  they  could 
carry,  as  they  were  heavily  loaded  and  encumbered  with 
clothes,  which  prevented  me  from  taking  more  men. 

We  continued  our  voyage  up  the  River  St.  Lawrence  some 
six  leagues,  and  then  went  by  the  Riviere  des  Prairies,  which 
discharges  into  that  river.  Leaving  on  the  left  the  Falls  of 


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279 


St.  Louis,  which  are  five  or  six  leagues  higher  up,  and  passing 
several  small  falls  on  this  river,  we  entered  a lake,  after  passing 
which  we  entered  the  river  where  I had  been  before,  which 
leads  to  the  Algonquins,  a distance  of  eighty-nine  leagues  1 
from  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis.  Of  this  river  I have  made  an 
ample  description,  with  an  account  of  my  explorations,  in 
my  preceding  book,  printed  in  1614.  For  this  reason  I shall 
not  speak  of  it  in  this  narrative,  but  pass  on  directly  to  the 
lake  of  the  Algonquins.2  Here  we  entered  a river  3 which 
flows  into  this  lake,  up  which  we  went  some  thirty-five  leagues, 
passing  a large  number  of  falls  both  by  land  and  water,  the 
country  being  far  from  attractive,  and  covered  with  pines, 
birches,  and  some  oaks,  being  also  very  rocky,  and  in  many 
places  somewhat  hilly.  Moreover,  it  was  very  barren  and  ster- 
ile, being  but  thinly  inhabited  by  certain  Algonquin  savages, 
called  Otaguottouemin,  who  dwell  in  the  country,  and  live 
by  hunting  and  the  fish  they  catch  in  the  rivers,  ponds,  and 
lakes,  with  which  the  region  is  well  provided.  It  seems  indeed 
that  God  has  been  pleased  to  give  to  these  forbidding  and 
desert  lands  some  things  in  their  season  for  the  refreshment 
of  man  and  the  inhabitants  of  these  places.  For  I assure  you 
that  there  are  along  the  rivers  many  strawberries,  also  a mar- 
vellous quantity  of  blueberries,  a little  fruit  very  good  to  eat, 
and  other  small  fruits.  The  people  here  dry  these  fruits  for 
the  winter,  as  we  do  plums  in  France  for  Lent.  We  left  this 
river,4  which  comes  from  the  north,  and  by  which  the  savages 
go  to  the  Saguenay  5 to  barter  their  furs  for  tobacco.  This 


1 If  this  refers  to  the  distance  from  the  Algonquins  ( i.e .,  Allumette 
Island)  to  the  Lachine  Rapids,  he  is  very  nearly  correct,  as  it  is  just  over 
200  miles;  if  to  that  between  the  rapids  and  the  mouth  of  the  Ottawa,  or 
the  spot  where  they  struck  that  river  after  crossing  the  Lake  of  Two  Moun- 
tains, 89  must  be  a misprint  for  8 or  9.  The  former  explanation  is  the  more 
probable,  though  Laverdiere  and  apparently  Slafter  adopt  the  latter. 

2 Allumette  Lake. 

3 The  Ottawa. 

4 They  left  the  Ottawa,  at  its  junction  with  the  Mattawa. 

5 I.e.,  by  ascending  the  Ottawa  and  then  making  a series  of  short 
portages  to  the  Chamouchouan,  which  flows  into  Lake  St.  John. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


place  is  situated  in  latitude  46°,  and  is  very  pleasant,  but 
otherwise  of  little  account. 

Continuing  our  journey  by  land,  after  leaving  the  river  of 
the  Algonquins,  we  passed  several  lakes  where  the  savages 
carry  their  canoes,  and  entered  the  lake  of  the  Nipissings, 
in  latitude  46°  15',  on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  the  month, 
having  gone  by  land  and  the  lakes  twenty-five  leagues,  or 
thereabouts.  We  then  arrived  at  the  cabins  of  the  savages, 
with  whom  we  stayed  two  days.  There  was  a large  number 
of  them,  who  gave  us  a very  welcome  reception.  They  are  a 
people  who  cultivate  the  land  but  little.  A shows  the  dress  of 
these  people  as  they  go  to  war ; B that  of  the  women,1  which 
differs  in  nowise  from  that  of  the  Montagnais  and  the  great 
people  of  the  Algonquins,  extending  far  into  the  interior. 

During  the  time  that  I was  with  them  the  chief  of  this 
tribe  and  their  most  prominent  men  entertained  us  with 
many  banquets  according  to  their  custom,  and  took  the 
trouble  to  go  fishing  and  hunting  with  me,  in  order  to  treat 
me  with  the  greatest  courtesy  possible.  These  people  are 
very  numerous,  there  being  from  seven  to  eight  hundred 
souls,  who  live  in  general  near  the  lake.  This  contains  a 
large  number  of  very  pleasant  islands,  among  others  one 
more  than  six  leagues  long,  with  three  or  four  fine  ponds  and 
a number  of  fine  meadows ; it  is  bordered  by  very  fine  woods, 
that  contain  an  abundance  of  game,  which  frequent  the  little 
ponds,  where  the  savages  also  catch  fish.  The  northern  side 
of  the  lake  is  very  pleasant,  with  fine  meadows  for  the  grazing 
of  cattle,  and  many  little  streams,  discharging  into  the  lake. 

They  were  fishing  at  that  time  in  a lake  very  abundant  in 
various  kinds  of  fish,  among  others  one  a foot  long  that  was 
very  good.  There  are  also  other  kinds  which  the  savages 
catch  for  the  purpose  of  drying  and  storing  away.  The  lake 
is  some  eight  leagues  broad  and  twenty-five  long,2  into  which 
a river  3 flows  from  the  northwest,  along  which  they  go  to 
barter  the  merchandise,  which  we  give  them  in  exchange  for 

1 References  to  illustrations  not  reproduced  in  this  volume. 

2 Really  about  50  miles  by  14.  3 Sturgeon  River. 


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281 


their  peltry,  with  those  who  live  on  it,  and  who  support  them- 
selves by  hunting  and  fishing,  their  country  containing  great 
quantities  of  animals,  birds,  and  fish. 

After  resting  two  days  with  the  chief  of  the  Nipissings 
we  re-embarked  in  our  canoes,  and  entered  a river,1  by  which 
this  lake  discharges  itself.  We  proceeded  down  it  some 
thirty-five  leagues,  and  descended  several  little  falls  by  land 
and  by  water,  until  we  reached  Lake  Attigouautan.2  All 
this  region  is  still  more  unattractive  than  the  preceding,  for 
I saw  along  this  river  only  ten  acres  of  arable  land,  the  rest 
being  rocky  and  very  hilly.  It  is  true  that  near  Lake  Atti- 
gouautan we  found  some  Indian  corn,  but  only  in  small  quan- 
tity. Here  our  savages  proceeded  to  gather  some  squashes, 
which  were  acceptable  to  us,  for  our  provisions  began  to  give 
out  in  consequence  of  the  bad  management  of  the  savages, 
who  ate  so  heartily  at  the  beginning  that  towards  the  end 
very  little  was  left,  although  we  had  only  one  meal  a day. 
But,  as  I have  mentioned  before,  we  did  not  lack  for  blue- 
berries and  strawberries;  otherwise  we  should  have  been  in 
danger  of  being  reduced  to  straits. 

We  met  three  hundred  men  of  a tribe  we  named  Cheveux 
Releves ,3  since  their  hair  is  very  high  and  carefully  arranged, 
and  better  dressed  beyond  all  comparison  than  that  of  our 
courtiers,  in  spite  of  their  irons  and  refinements.  This  gives 
them  a handsome  appearance.  They  have  no  breeches,  and 
their  bodies  are  very  much  pinked4  in  divisions  of  various 

1 French  River. 

2 Lake  Huron.  To  connect  it  with  Ottawa  by  canals  and  by  deepen- 
ing the  channel  of  French  River  is  a project  long  discussed  in  Canada.  The 
route  which  Champlain  had  just  followed  to  it  “continued  to  be  the  fur 
traders’  highroad  to  the  west  until  the  days  of  steamboat  navigation.  In 
the  early  years  of  the  colony  it  was  beyond  the  usual  reach  of  Iroquois  war 
parties,  and  it  is,  in  fact,  the  shortest  and  most  direct  course  to  Lake  Superior, 
for  from  the  Strait  of  Michilimackinac  to  the  head  of  tide  water,  at  Lake 
St.  Peter,  below  Montreal,  is  an  absolutely  due  east  line  — the  parallel  of 
46°  N.”  Dawson,  The  St.  Lawrence,  p.  273. 

3 Their  place  of  abode  lay  between  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Huron. 

4 Decouppez;  i.e.,  with  the  skin  punctured  or  cut  away  to  form  a 
pattern. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


shapes.  They  paint  their  faces  in  various  colors,  have  their 
nostrils  pierced,  and  their  ears  adorned  with  beads.  When 
they  go  out  of  their  houses  they  carry  a club.  I visited  them, 
became  somewhat  acquainted,  and  formed  a friendship  with 
them.  I gave  a hatchet  to  their  chief,  who  was  as  much  pleased 
and  delighted  with  it  as  if  I had  given  him  some  rich  present. 
Entering  into  conversation  with  him,  I inquired  in  regard  to 
the  extent  of  his  country,  which  he  pictured  to  me  with  coal 
on  the  bark  of  a tree.  He  gave  me  to  understand  that  he  had 
come  into  this  place  for  drying  the  fruit  called  blues,1  to  serve 
for  manna  in  winter,  and  when  they  can  find  nothing  else.  A 
and  C show  the  manner  in  which  they  arm  themselves  when 
they  go  to  war.2  They  have  as  arms  only  the  bow  and  arrow, 
made  in  the  manner  you  see  depicted,  and  which  they  regularly 
carry;  also  a round  shield  of  dressed  leather  made  from  an 
animal  like  the  buffalo. 

The  next  day  we  separated,  and  continued  our  course 
along  the  shore  of  the  lake  of  the  Attigouautan,  which  con- 
tains a large  number  of  islands.  We  went  some  forty-five 
leagues,  all  the  time  along  the  shore  of  the  lake.  It  is  very 
large,  nearly  four  hundred  leagues  long  from  east  to  west, 
and  fifty  leagues  broad,  and  in  view  of  its  great  extent  I have 
named  it  the  Mer  Douce .3  It  is  very  abundant  in  various 
sorts  of  very  good  fish,  both  those  which  we  have  and  those 
we  do  not,  but  especially  in  trout,  which  are  enormously  large, 
some  of  which  I saw  as  long  as  four  feet  and  a half,  the  least 
being  two  feet  and  a half.  There  are  also  pike  of  like  size,  and 
a certain  kind  of  sturgeon,  a very  large  fish  and  of  remarkable 
excellence.  The  country  bordering  this  lake  is  partly  hilly, 
as  on  the  north  side,  and  partly  flat,  inhabited  by  savages,  and 
thinly  covered  with  wood,  including  oaks.  After  crossing  a 
bay,  which  forms  one  of  the  extremities  of  the  lake,4  we  went 

1 Blueberries. 

2 References  to  illustrations  not  reproduced  in  the  present  volume. 

3 I.e.,  the  Fresh-water  Sea.  Its  greatest  dimensions  are  186  miles 
north  to  south,  and  220  east  to  west. 

4 They  were  really  coasting  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Georgian  Bay. 
The  bay  here  referred  to  is  Matchedash. 


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283 


some  seven  leagues  until  we  arrived  in  the  country  of  the  Atti- 
gouautan  1 at  a village  called  Otoiiacha,  on  the  first  day  of 
August.  Here  we  found  a great  change  in  the  country.  It 
was  here  very  fine,  the  largest  part  being  cleared  up,  and 
many  hills  and  several  rivers  rendering  the  region  agreeable. 
I went  to  see  their  Indian  corn,  which  was  at  that  time  far 
advanced  for  the  season. 

These  localities  seemed  to  me  very  pleasant,  in  compari- 
son with  so  disagreeable  a region  as  that  from  which  we  had 
come.  The  next  day  I went  to  another  village,  called  Car- 
maron,  a league  distant  from  this,  where  they  received  us  in 
a very  friendly  manner,  making  for  us  a banquet  with  their 
bread,  squashes,  and  fish.  As  to  meat,  that  is  very  scarce 
there.  The  chief  of  this  village  earnestly  begged  me  to  stay, 
to  which  I could  not  consent,  but  returned  to  our  village, 
where  on  the  next  night  but  one,  as  I went  out  of  the  cabin 
to  escape  the  fleas,  of  which  there  were  large  numbers  and 
by  which  we  were  tormented,  a girl  of  little  modesty  came 
boldly  to  me  and  offered  to  keep  me  company,  for  which 
I thanked  her,  sending  her  away  with  gentle  remonstrances, 
and  spent  the  night  with  some  savages. 

The  next  day  I departed  from  this  village  to  go  to  an- 
other, called  Touaguainchain,  and  to  another,  called  Teque- 
nonquiaye,  in  which  we  were  received  in  a very  friendly  man- 
ner by  the  inhabitants,  who  showed  us  the  best  cheer  they 
could  with  their  Indian  corn  served  in  various  styles.  This 
country  is  very  fine  and  fertile,  and  travelling  through  it  is 
very  pleasant. 

Thence  I had  them  guide  me  to  Carhagouha,  which  was 
fortified  by  a triple  palisade  of  wood  thirty-five  feet  high  for 
its  defence  and  protection.  In  this  village  Father  Joseph 
was  staying,  whom  we  saw  and  were  very  glad  to  find  well. 
He  on  his  part  was  no  less  glad,  and  was  expecting  nothing 
so  little  as  to  see  me  in  this  country.  On  the  twelfth  day  of 
August  the  Recollect  Father  celebrated  the  holy  mass,  and 

1 They  were  a principal  tribe  of  the  Hurons,  living  within  the  limits 
of  the  present  county  of  Simcoe.  (Slafter.) 


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[1615 


a cross  was  planted  near  a small  house  apart  from  the  village, 
which  the  savages  built  while  I was  staying  there,  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  our  men  and  their  preparation  to  go  to  the  war, 
in  which  they  had  been  for  a long  time  engaged. 

Finding  that  they  were  so  slow  in  assembling  their  army, 
and  that  I should  have  time  to  visit  their  country,  I resolved 
to  go  by  short  days’  journeys  from  village  to  village  as  far 
as  Cahiague,1  where  the  rendezvous  of  the  entire  army  was  to 
be,  and  which  was  fourteen  leagues  distant  from  Carhagouha, 
from  which  village  I set  out  on  the  fourteenth  of  August  with 
ten  of  my  companions.  I visited  five  of  the  more  impor- 
tant villages,  which  were  enclosed  with  palisades  of  wood, 
and  reached  Cahiague,  the  principal  village  of  the  country, 
where  there  were  two  hundred  large  cabins  and  where  all 
the  men  of  war  were  to  assemble.  Now  in  all  these  villages 
they  received  us  very  courteously  with  their  simple  welcome. 
All  the  country  where  I went  contains  some  twenty  to  thirty 
leagues,  is  very  fine,  and  situated  in  latitude  44°  30'.  It  is 
very  extensively  cleared  up.  They  plant  in  it  a great  quan- 
tity of  Indian  corn,  which  grows  there  finely.  They  plant 
likewise  squashes,  and  sunflowers,  from  the  seed  of  which 
they  make  oil,  with  which  they  anoint  the  head.  The  region 
is  extensively  traversed  with  brooks,  discharging  into  the 
lake.  There  are  many  very  good  vines  and  plums,  which 
are  excellent,  raspberries,  strawberries,  little  wild  apples, 
nuts,  and  a kind  of  fruit  of  the  form  and  color  of  small  lemons, 
with  a similar  taste,  but  having  an  interior  which  is  very  good 
and  almost  like  that  of  figs.  The  plant  which  bears  this  fruit 
is  two  and  a half  feet  high,  with  but  three  or  four  leaves  at 
most,  which  are  of  the  shape  of  those  of  the  fig-tree,  and  each 
plant  bears  but  two  pieces  of  fruit.  There  are  many  of  these 
plants  in  various  places,  the  fruit  being  very  good  and  sa- 
vory.2 Oaks,  elms,  and  beeches  are  numerous  here,  as  also 
forests  of  fir,  the  regular  retreat  of  partridges  and  hares.  There 
are  also  quantities  of  small  cherries  and  black  cherries,  and  the 

1 Near  the  lower  end  of  Lake  Simcoe,  in  Ontario. 

2 The  May-apple.  (Slafter.) 


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same  varieties  of  wood  that  we  have  in  our  forests  in  France. 
The  soil  seems  to  me  indeed  a little  sandy,  yet  it  is  for  all  that 
good  for  their  kind  of  cereal.  The  small  tract  of  country 
which  I visited  is  thickly  settled  with  a countless  number  of 
human  beings,  not  to  speak  of  the  other  districts  where  I did 
not  go,  and  which,  according  to  general  report,  are  as  thickly 
settled  or  more  so  than  those  mentioned  above.  I reflected 
what  a great  misfortune  it  is  that  so  many  poor  creatures  live 
and  die  without  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  even  without  any 
religion  or  law  established  among  them,  whether  divine, 
political,  or  civil;  for  they  neither  worship,  nor  pray  to  any 
object,  at  least  so  far  as  I could  perceive  from  their  conversa- 
tion. But  they  have,  however,  some  sort  of  ceremony,  which 
I shall  describe  in  its  proper  place,  in  regard  to  the  sick,  or 
in  order  to  ascertain  what  is  to  happen  to  them,  and  even  in 
regard  to  the  dead.  These,  however,  are  the  works  of  certain 
persons  among  them,  who  want  to  be  confidentially  consulted 
in  such  matters,  as  was  the  case  among  the  ancient  pagans, 
who  allowed  themselves  to  be  carried  away  by  the  persuasions 
of  magicians  and  diviners.  Yet  the  greater  part  of  the  people 
do  not  believe  at  all  in  what  these  charlatans  do  and  say. 
They  are  very  generous  to  one  another  in  regard  to  provisions, 
but  otherwise  very  avaricious.  They  do  not  give  in  return. 
They  are  clothed  with  deer  and  beaver  skins,  which  they  obtain 
from  the  Algonquins  and  Nipissings  in  exchange  for  Indian 
corn  and  meal. 

On  the  17th  of  August  I arrived  at  Cahiague,  where  I 
was  received  with  great  joy  and  gladness  by  all  the  savages 
of  the  country,  who  had  abandoned  their  undertaking,  in  the 
belief  that  they  would  see  me  no  more,  and  that  the  Iroquois 
had  captured  me,  as  I have  before  stated.  This  was  the 
cause  of  the  great  delay  experienced  in  this  expedition,  they 
even  having  postponed  it  to  the  following  year.  Meanwhile 
they  received  intelligence  that  a certain  nation  of  their  allies,1 

1 The  Andastes,  Conestogas,  or  Susquehannocks.  “This  tribe  was 
probably  situated  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  consequently 
south  of  the  Five  Nations.”  (Slafter.) 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


dwelling  three  good  days’ journeys  beyond  the  Entouhonorons,1 
on  whom  the  Iroquois  also  make  war,  desired  to  assist  them 
in  this  expedition  with  five  hundred  good  men ; also  to  form 
an  alliance  and  establish  a friendship  with  us,  that  we  might 
all  engage  in  the  war  together;  moreover  that  they  greatly 
desired  to  see  us  and  give  expression  to  the  pleasure  they  would 
have  in  making  our  acquaintance. 

I was  glad  to  find  this  opportunity  for  gratifying  my  desire 
of  obtaining  a knowledge  of  their  country.2  It  is  situated 
only  seven  days  from  where  the  Dutch 3 go  to  traffic  on  the 
fortieth  degree.  The  savages  there,  assisted  by  the  Dutch, 
make  war  upon  them,  take  them  prisoners,  and  cruelly  put 
them  to  death;  and  indeed  they  told  us  that  the  preceding 
year,  while  making  war,  they  captured  three  of  the  Dutch, 
who  were  assisting  their  enemies,  as  we  do  the  Attigouautans, 
and  while  in  action  one  of  their  own  men  was  killed.  Never- 
theless they  did  not  fail  to  send  back  the  three  Dutch  pris- 
oners, without  doing  them  any  harm,  supposing  that  they 
belonged  to  our  party,  since  they  had  no  knowledge  of  us 
except  by  hearsay,  never  having  seen  a Christian;  other- 
wise, they  said,  these  three  prisoners  would  not  have  got  off  so 
easily,  and  would  not  escape  again  should  they  surprise  and 
take  them.  This  nation  is  very  warlike,  as  those  of  the  nation 
of  the  Attigouautans  maintain.  They  have  only  three  vil- 
lages, which  are  in  the  midst  of  more  than  twenty  others,  on 
which  they  make  war  without  assistance  from  their  friends; 
for  they  are  obliged  to  pass  through  the  thickly  settled  coun- 
try of  the  Chouontouaroiion,4  or  else  they  would  have  to 
make  a very  long  circuit. 

1 Champlain  appears  to  apply  the  name  Iroquois  only  to  the  Eastern 
portion  of  the  Confederacy  of  the  Five  Nations,  giving  this  Indian  name  to 
those  farther  west. 

2 I.e.,  the  middle  portions  of  the  present  state  of  New  York. 

3 In  1609  Hudson,  then  in  the  Dutch  service,  sailed  up  the  river  which 
bears  his  name,  and  from  that  time  desultory  trading  was  carried  on  at  Man- 
hattan Island.  In  1615  a trading  fort  was  built  at  Fort  Nassau,  afterwards 
Orange,  the  modern  Albany. 

4 I.e.,  the  Entouhonorons,  previously  mentioned.  From  this  is  derived 
the  modern  word  Ontario. 


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After  arriving  at  the  village,  it  was  necessary  for  me  to 
remain  until  the  men  of  war  should  come  from  the  surround- 
ing villages,  so  that  we  might  be  off  as  soon  as  possible.  During 
this  time  there  was  a constant  succession  of  banquets  and 
dances  on  account  of  the  joy  they  experienced  at  seeing  me 
so  determined  to  assist  them  in  their  war,  just  as  if  they  were 
already  assured  of  victory. 

The  greater  portion  of  our  men  having  assembled,  we  set 
out  from  the  village  on  the  first  day  of  September,  and  passed 
along  the  shore  of  a small  lake1  distant  three  leagues  from 
the  village,  where  they  catch  large  quantities  of  fish,  which 
they  preserve  for  the  winter.  There  is  another  lake,2  closely 
adjoining,  which  is  twenty-five  leagues  in  circuit,  and  flows 
into  the  small  one  by  a strait,  where  the  above-mentioned 
extensive  fishing  is  carried  on.  This  is  done  by  means  of 
a large  number  of  stakes  which  almost  close  the  strait,  only 
some  little  openings  being  left  where  they  place  their  nets,  in 
which  the  fish  are  caught.  These  two  lakes  discharge  into 
the  Mer  Douce.  We  remained  some  time  in  this  place  to  await 
the  rest  of  our  savages.  When  they  were  all  assembled, 
with  their  arms,  meal,  and  necessaries,  it  was  decided  to  choose 
some  of  the  most  resolute  men  to  compose  a party  to  go  and 
give  notice  of  our  departure  to  those  who  were  to  assist  us 
with  five  hundred  men,  that  they  might  join  us,  and  that  we 
might  appear  together  before  the  fort  of  the  enemy.  The 
decision  having  been  made,  they  dispatched  two  canoes,  with 
twelve  of  the  most  stalwart  savages,  and  also  with  one  of  our 
interpreters,  who  asked  me  to  permit  him  to  make  the  journey, 
which  I readily  accorded,  inasmuch  as  he  was  led  to  do  so  of  his 
own  will,  and  as  he  might  in  this  way  see  their  country  and  get 
a knowledge  of  the  people  living  there.  The  danger,  however, 
was  not  small,  since  it  was  necessary  to  pass  through  the  midst 
of  enemies.  They  set  out  on  the  8th  of  the  month,  and  on 
the  10th  following  there  was  a heavy  white  frost. 

We  continued  our  journey  towards  the  enemy,  and  went 
some  five  or  six  leagues  through  these  lakes,  where  the 

1 Lake  Couchiching.  2 Lake  Simcoe. 


288 


VOYAGES  OP  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


savages  carried  their  canoes  about  ten  leagues  by  land.  We 
then  came  to  another  lake,1  six  to  seven  leagues  in  length 
and  three  broad.  From  this  flows  a river  which  discharges 
into  the  great  lake  of  the  Entouhonorons.  After  traversing 
this  lake  we  passed  a fall,  and  continuing  our  course  down 
this  river  for  about  sixty-four  leagues  entered  the  lake  of  the 
Entouhonorons,  having  passed,  on  our  way  by  land,  five 
falls,  some  being  from  four  to  five  leagues  long.  We  also  passed 
several  lakes  of  considerable  size,  through  which  the  river 
passes.2  The  latter  is  large  and  very  abundant  in  good  fish. 

It  is  certain  that  all  this  region  is  very  fine  and  pleasant. 
Along  the  banks  it  seems  as  if  the  trees  had  been  set  out  for 
ornament  in  most  places,  and  that  all  these  tracts  were  in 
former  times  inhabited  by  savages,  who  were  subsequently 
compelled  to  abandon  them  from  fear  of  their  enemies.  Vines 
and  nut-trees  are  here  very  numerous.  Grapes  mature,  yet 
there  is  always  a very  pungent  tartness  which  is  felt  remain- 
ing in  the  throat  when  one  eats  them  in  large  quantities, 
arising  from  defect  of  cultivation.  These  localities  are  very 
pleasant  when  cleared  up. 

Stags  and  bears  are  here  very  abundant.  We  tried  the 
hunt  and  captured  a large  number  as  we  journeyed  down. 
It  was  done  in  this  way.  They  place  four  or  five  hundred 
savages  in  line  in  the  woods,  so  that  they  extend  to  certain 
points  on  the  river;  then  marching  in  order  with  bow  and 
arrow  in  hand,  shouting  and  making  a great  noise  in  order 
to  frighten  the  beasts,  they  continue  to  advance  until  they 
come  to  the  end  of  the  point.  Then  all  the  animals  between 
the  point  and  the  hunters  are  forced  to  throw  themselves  into 
the  water,  as  many  at  least  as  do  not  fall  by  the  arrows  shot 
at  them  by  the  hunters.  Meanwhile  the  savages,  who  are 

1 Sturgeon  Lake. 

2 The  route,  here  described  as  consisting  of  the  course  of  one  river, 
would  now  be  defined  as  passing  successively  down  the  Otonabee  River, 
through  Rice  Lake,  and  down  the  River  Trent.  It  entered  Lake  Ontario 
through  the  Bay  of  Quinte.  Coming  thus  into  Lake  Ontario  at  its  north- 
eastern corner,  the  war  party  skirted  the  east  shore  of  the  lake,  and  left  it 
at  its  southeastern  corner. 


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289 


expressly  arranged  and  posted  in  their  canoes  along  the  shore, 
easily  approach  the  stags  and  other  animals,  tired  out  and 
greatly  frightened  in  the  chase,  when  they  readily  kill  them 
with  the  spear-heads  attached  to  the  extremity  of  a piece  of 
wood  of  the  shape  of  a half-pike.  This  is  the  way  they  engage 
in  the  chase ; and  they  do  likewise  on  the  islands  where  there 
are  large  quantities  of  game.  I took  especial  pleasure  in  seeing 
them  hunt  thus  and  in  observing  their  dexterity.  Many 
animals  were  killed  by  the  shot  of  the  arquebus,  at  which  the 
savages  were  greatly  surprised.  But  it  unfortunately  happened 
that,  while  a stag  was  being  killed,  a savage,  who  chanced  to 
come  in  range,  was  wounded  by  a shot  of  an  arquebus.  Thence 
a great  commotion  arose  among  them,  which  however  subsided 
when  some  presents  were  given  to  the  wounded.  This  is  the 
usual  manner  of  allaying  and  settling  quarrels,  and,  in  case  of 
the  death  of  the  wounded,  presents  are  given  to  the  relatives 
of  the  one  killed. 

As  to  smaller  game  there  is  a large  quantity  of  it  in  its 
season.  There  are  also  many  cranes,  white  as  swans,  and 
other  varieties  of  birds  like  those  in  France. 

We  proceeded  by  short  days'  journeys  as  far  as  the  shore 
of  the  lake  of  the  Entouhonorons,  constantly  hunting  as 
before  mentioned.  Here  at  its  eastern  extremity,  which  is 
the  entrance  to  the  great  River  St.  Lawrence,  we  made  the 
traverse,  in  latitude  43°,  where  in  the  passage  there  are  very 
large  beautiful  islands.  We  went  about  fourteen  leagues  in 
passing  to  the  southern  side  of  the  lake  towards  the  territory 
of  the  enemy.  The  savages  concealed  all  their  canoes  in  the 
woods  near  the  shore.  We  went  some  four  leagues  over  a 
sandy  strand,  where  I observed  a very  pleasant  and  beautiful 
country,  intersected  by  many  little  streams  and  two  small 
rivers,  which  discharge  into  the  before-mentioned  lake,  also 
many  ponds  and  meadows,  where  there  was  an  endless  amount 
of  game,  many  vines,  fine  woods,  and  a large  number  of  chest- 
nut trees,  whose  fruit  was  still  in  the  burr.  The  chestnuts  are 
small,  but  of  a good  flavor.  The  country  is  covered  with  forests, 
which  over  its  greater  portion  have  not  been  cleared  up.  All 


u 


290  VOYAGES  OF  SAMtJEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN  [1615 

the  canoes  being  thus  hidden,  we  left  the  border  of  the  lake, 
which  is  some  eighty  leagues  long  and  twenty-five  wide.1 
The  greater  portion  of  its  shores  is  inhabited  by  savages. 
We  continued  our  course  by  land  for  about  twenty-five  or 
thirty  leagues.  In  the  space  of  four  days  we  crossed  many 
brooks,  and  a river  which  proceeds  from  a lake  that  discharges 
into  that  of  the  Entouhonorons.2  This  lake  is  twenty-five 
or  thirty  leagues  in  circuit,  contains  some  fine  islands,  and  is 
the  place  where  our  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  catch  their  fish,  in 
which  it  abounds. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month  of  October,  our  savages  going 
out  to  reconnoitre  met  eleven  savages,  whom  they  took  pris- 
oners. They  consisted  of  four  women,  three  boys,  one  girl, 
and  three  men,  who  were  going  fishing  and  were  distant  some 
four  leagues  from  the  fort  of  the  enemy.  Now  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  one  of  the  chiefs,  on  seeing  the  prisoners,  cut  off  the  finger 
of  one  of  these  poor  women  as  a beginning  of  their  usual  punish- 
ment; upon  which  I interposed  and  reprimanded  the  chief, 
Iroquet,  representing  to  him  that  it  was  not  the  act  of  a war- 
rior, as  he  declared  himself  to  be,  to  conduct  himself  with 
cruelty  towards  women,  who  have  no  defence  but  their  tears, 
and  that  one  should  treat  them  with  humanity  on  account  of 
their  helplessness  and  weakness;  and  I told  him  that  on  the 
contrary  this  act  would  be  deemed  to  proceed  from  a base  and 
brutal  courage,  and  that  if  he  committed  any  more  of  these 
cruelties  he  would  not  give  me  heart  to  assist  them  or  favor 
them  in  the  war.  To  which  the  only  answer  he  gave  me  was 
that  their  enemies  treated  them  in  the  same  manner,  but  that, 
since  this  was  displeasing  to  me,  he  would  not  do  anything 
more  to  the  women,  although  he  would  to  the  men. 

The  next  day,  at  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  we  arrived 
before  the  fort 3 of  their  enemies,  where  the  savages  made 

1 About  180  miles  by  50. 

2 Oneida  River,  flowing  from  Oneida  Lake  into  Lake  Ontario. 

3 Some  miles  south  of  Oneida  Lake.  It  was  probably  situated  on 
Nichols’s  Pond  and  on  two  streams  which  enter  and  leave  it,  in  the  township 
of  Fenner,  in  Madison  County,  New  York. 


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291 


some  skirmishes  with  each  other,  although  our  design  was 
not  to  disclose  ourselves  until  the  next  day,  which  however 
the  impatience  of  our  savages  would  not  permit,  both  on  ac- 
count of  their  desire  to  see  fire  opened  upon  their  enemies, 
and  also  that  they  might  rescue  some  of  their  own  men  who 
had  become  too  closely  engaged,  and  were  hotly  pressed.  Then 
I approached  the  enemy,  and  although  I had  only  a few  men, 
yet  we  showed  them  what  they  had  never  seen  nor  heard 
before ; for,  as  soon  as  they  saw  us  and  heard  the  arquebus 
shots  and  the  balls  whizzing  in  their  ears,  they  withdrew  speed- 
ily to  their  fort,  carrying  the  dead  and  wounded  in  this  charge. 
We  also  withdrew  to  our  main  body,  with  five  or  six  wounded, 
one  of  whom  died. 

This  done,  we  withdrew  to  the  distance  of  cannon  range, 
out  of  sight  of  the  enemy,  but  contrary  to  my  advice  and  to 
what  they  had  promised  me.  This  moved  me  to  address 
them  very  rough  and  angry  words  in  order  to  incite  them  to 
do  their  duty,  foreseeing  that  if  everything  should  go  accord- 
ing to  their  whim  and  the  guidance  of  their  council,  their 
utter  ruin  would  be  the  result.  Nevertheless  I did  not  fail 
to  send  to  them  and  propose  means  which  they  should  use  in 
order  to  get  possession  of  their  enemies. 

These  were,  to  make  with  certain  kinds  of  wood  a cava - 
Her 1 which  should  be  higher  than  the  palisades.  Upon  this 
were  to  be  placed  four  or  five  of  our  arquebusiers,  who  should 
keep  up  a constant  fire  over  their  palisades  and  galleries, 
which  were  well  provided  with  stones,  and  by  this  means  dis- 
lodge the  enemy  who  might  attack  us  from  their  galleries. 
Meanwhile  orders  were  to  be  given  to  procure  boards  for  mak- 
ing a sort  of  mantelet 2 to  protect  our  men  from  the  arrows 
and  stones  of  which  the  savages  generally  make  use.  These 
instruments,  namely  the  cavalier  and  mantelets,  were  capable 
of  being  carried  by  a large  number  of  men.  One  mantelet  was 

1 A wooden  framework  with  an  enclosed  platform  on  top.  In  the 
original  Champlain  gives  a very  spirited  drawing  of  the  siege ; it  is  reproduced 
in  this  volume. 

2 A large  wooden  shield. 


292 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


so  constructed  that  the  water  could  not  extinguish  the  fire, 
which  might  be  set  to  the  fort,  under  cover  of  the  arquebusiers 
who  were  doing  their  duty  on  the  cavalier.  In  this  manner, 
I told  them,  we  might  be  able  to  defend  ourselves  so  that  the 
enemy  could  not  approach  to  extinguish  the  fire  which  we 
should  set  to  their  ramparts. 

This  proposition  they  thought  good  and  very  seasonable, 
and  immediately  proceeded  to  carry  it  out  as  I directed.  In 
fact  the  next  day  they  set  to  work,  some  to  cut  wood,  others 
to  gather  it,  for  building  and  equipping  the  cavalier  and 
mantelets.  The  work  was  promptly  executed  and  in  less 
than  four  hours,  although  the  amount  of  wood  they  had  col- 
lected for  burning  against  the  ramparts,  in  order  to  set  fire  to 
them,  was  very  small.  Their  expectation  was  that  the  five 
hundred  men  who  had  promised  to  come  would  do  so  on  this 
day,  but  doubt  was  felt  about  them,  since  they  had  not  ap- 
peared at  the  rendezvous,  as  they  had  been  charged  to 
do,  and  as  they  had  promised.  This  greatly  troubled  our 
savages;  but  seeing  that  they  were  sufficiently  numerous  to 
take  the  fort  without  other  assistance,  and  thinking  for  my 
part  that  delay,  if  not  in  all  things  at  least  in  many,  is  preju- 
dicial, I urged  them  to  attack  it,  representing  to  them  that 
the  enemy,  having  become  aware  of  their  force  and  our  arms, 
which  pierced  whatever  was  proof  against  arrows,  had  begun 
to  barricade  themselves  and  cover  themselves  with  strong 
pieces  of  wood,  with  which  they  were  well  provided  and  their 
village  filled.  I told  them  that  the  least  delay  was  the  best, 
since  the  enemy  had  already  strengthened  themselves  very  much  ; 
for  their  village  was  enclosed  by  four  good  palisades,  which 
were  made  of  great  pieces  of  wood,  interlaced  with  each  other, 
with  an  opening  of  not  more  than  half  a foot  between  two,  and 
which  were  thirty  feet  high,  with  galleries  after  the  manner  of 
a parapet,  which  they  had  furnished  with  double  pieces  of 
wood  that  were  proof  against  our  arquebus  shots.  Moreover 
it  was  near  a pond  where  the  water  was  abundant,  and  was  well 
supplied  with  gutters,  placed  between  each  pair  of  palisades, 
to  throw  out  water,  which  they  had  also  under  cover  inside, 


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293 


in  order  to  extinguish  fire.  Now  this  is  the  character  of  their 
fortifications  and  defences,  which  are  much  stronger  than  the 
villages  of  the  Attigouautan  and  others. 

We  approached  to  attack  the  village,  our  cavalier  being 
carried  by  two  hundred  of  the  strongest  men,  who  put  it 
down  before  the  village  at  a pike’s  length  off.  I ordered  three 
arquebusiers  to  mount  upon  it,  who  were  well  protected  from 
the  arrows  and  stones  that  could  be  shot  or  hurled  at  them. 
Meanwhile  the  enemy  did  not  fail  to  send  a large  number  of 
arrows  which  did  not  miss,  and  a great  many  stones,  which 
they  hurled  from  their  palisades.  Nevertheless  a hot  fire  of 
arquebusiers  forced  them  to  dislodge  and  abandon  their  gal- 
leries, in  consequence  of  the  cavalier  which  uncovered  them, 
they  not  venturing  to  show  themselves,  but  fighting  under 
shelter.  Now  when  the  cavalier  was  carried  forward,  instead 
of  bringing  up  the  mantelets  according  to  order,  including  that 
one  under  cover  of  which  we  were  to  set  the  fire,  they  aban- 
doned them  and  began  to  scream  at  their  enemies,  shooting 
arrows  into  the  fort,  which  in  my  opinion  did  little  harm  to 
the  enemy. 

But  we  must  excuse  them,  for  they  are  not  warriors,  and 
besides  will  have  no  discipline  nor  correction,  and  will  do  only 
what  they  please.  Accordingly  one  of  them  set  fire  incon- 
siderately to  the  wood  placed  against  the  fort  of  the  enemy, 
quite  the  wrong  way  and  in  the  face  of  the  wind,  so  that  it 
produced  no  effect. 

This  fire  being  out,  the  greater  part  of  the  savages  began 
to  carry  wood  against  the  palisades,  but  in  so  small  quantity 
that  the  fire  could  have  no  great  effect.  There  also  arose 
such  disorder  among  them  that  one  could  not  understand 
another,  which  greatly  troubled  me.  In  vain  did  I shout  in 
their  ears  and  remonstrate  to  my  utmost  with  them  as  to  the 
danger  to  which  they  exposed  themselves  by  their  bad  be- 
havior, but  on  account  of  the  great  noise  they  made  they 
heard  nothing.  Seeing  that  shouting  would  only  burst  my 
head,  and  that  my  remonstrances  were  useless  for  putting  a 
stop  to  the  disorder,  I did  nothing  more,  but  determined 


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[1615 


together  with  my  men  to  do  what  we  could,  and  fire  upon  such 
as  we  could  see. 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  profited  by  our  disorder  to  get 
water  and  pour  it  so  abundantly  that  you  would  have  said 
brooks  were  flowing  through  their  spouts,  the  result  of  which 
was  that  the  fire  was  instantly  extinguished,  while  they  did 
not  cease  shooting  their  arrows,  which  fell  upon  us  like  hail. 
But  the  men  on  the  cavalier  killed  and  maimed  many.  We 
were  engaged  in  this  combat  about  three  hours,  in  which  two 
of  our  chiefs  and  leading  warriors  were  wounded,  namely,  one 
called  Ochateguain  and  another  Orani,  together  with  some 
fifteen  common  warriors.  The  others,  seeing  their  men  and 
some  of  the  chiefs  wounded,  now  began  to  talk  of  a retreat 
without  farther  fighting,  in  expectation  of  the  five  hundred 
men,  whose  arrival  could  not  be  much  delayed.  Thus  they 
retreated,  a disorderly  rabble. 

Moreover  the  chiefs  have  in  fact  no  absolute  control  over 
their  men,  who  are  governed  by  their  own  will  and  follow 
their  own  fancy,  which  is  the  cause  of  their  disorder  and  the 
ruin  of  all  their  undertakings;  for,  having  determined  upon 
anything  with  their  leaders,  it  needs  only  the  whim  of  a vil- 
lain, or  nothing  at  all,  to  lead  them  to  break  it  off  and  form  a 
new  plan.  Thus  there  is  no  concert  of  action  among  them, 
as  can  be  seen  by  this  expedition. 

Now  we  withdrew  into  our  fort,  I having  received  two 
arrow  wounds,  one  in  the  leg,  the  other  in  the  knee,  which 
caused  me  great  inconvenience,  aside  from  the  severe  pain. 
When  they  were  all  assembled,  I addressed  them  some  words 
of  remonstrance  on  the  disorder  that  had  occurred.  But 
all  I said  availed  nothing,  and  had  no  effect  upon  them. 
They  replied  that  many  of  their  men  had  been  wounded,  like 
myself,  so  that  it  would  cause  the  others  much  trouble  and 
inconvenience  to  carry  them  as  they  retreated,  and  that  it 
was  not  possible  to  return  again  against  their  enemies,  as 
I told  them  it  was  their  duty  to  do.  They  agreed,  however, 
to  wait  four  days  longer  for  the  five  hundred  men  who  were 
to  come;  and,  if  they  came,  to  make  a second  effort  against 


CHAMPLAIN’S  PLAN  OF  THE  FORT  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


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295 


their  enemies,  and  execute  better  what  I might  tell  them 
than  they  had  done  in  the  past.  With  this  I had  to  content 
myself,  to  my  great  regret. 

Herewith  is  indicated  the  manner  in  which  they  fortify 
their  towns,  from  which  representation  it  may  be  inferred 
that  those  of  their  friends  and  enemies  are  fortified  in  like 
manner.1 

The  next  day  there  was  a violent  wind,  which  lasted  two 
days,  and  was  very  favorable  for  setting  fire  anew  to  the  fort 
of  the  enemy,  which,  although  I urged  them  strongly,  they  were 
unwilling  to  do,  as  if  they  were  afraid  of  getting  the  worst  of 
it,  and  besides  they  pleaded  their  wounded  as  an  excuse. 

We  remained  in  camp  until  the  16th  of  the  month,2  during 
which  time  there  were  some  skirmishes  between  the  enemy 
and  our  men,  who  were  very  often  surrounded  by  the  former, 
rather  through  their  imprudence  than  from  lack  of  courage; 
for  I assure  you  that  every  time  we  went  to  the  charge  it 
was  necessary  for  us  to  go  and  disengage  them  from  the  crowd, 
since  they  could  only  retreat  under  cover  of  our  arquebusiers, 
whom  the  enemy  greatly  dreaded  and  feared ; for  as  soon  as  they 
perceived  any  one  of  the  arquebusiers  they  withdrew  speedily, 
saying  in  a persuasive  manner  that  we  should  not  interfere 
in  their  combats,  and  that  their  enemies  had  very  little  courage 
to  require  us  to  assist  them,  with  many  other  words  of  like 
tenor,  in  order  to  prevail  upon  us. 

I have  represented  by  figure  E the  manner  in  which  they 
arm  themselves  in  going  to  war. 

After  some  days,  seeing  that  the  five  hundred  men  did  not 
come,3  they  determined  to  depart,  and  enter  upon  their  re- 
treat as  soon  as  possible.  They  proceeded  to  make  a kind  of 
basket  for  carrying  the  wounded,  who  are  put  into  it  crowded 
up  in  a heap,  being  bound  and  pinioned  in  such  a manner  that 
it  is  as  impossible  for  them  to  move  as  for  an  infant  in  its 
swaddling  clothes ; but  this  is  not  without  causing  the  wounded 

1 This  paragraph  refers  to  a drawing  of  the  Iroquois  fort,  reproduced 
in  this  volume. 

2 October.  8 They  arrived  two  days  later.  See  p.  355. 


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[1615 


much  extreme  pain.  This  I can  say  with  truth  from  my 
own  experience,  having  been  carried  some  days,  since  I could 
not  stand  up,  particularly  on  account  of  an  arrow-wound  which 
I had  received  in  the  knee.  I never  found  myself  in  such  a 
gehenna  as  during  this  time,  for  the  pain  which  I suffered  in 
consequence  of  the  wound  in  my  knee  was  nothing  in  com- 
parison with  that  which  I endured  while  I was  carried  bound 
and  pinioned  on  the  back  of  one  of  our  savages ; so  that  I lost 
my  patience,  and  as  soon  as  I could  sustain  myself,  got  out  of 
this  prison,  or  rather  gehenna. 

The  enemy  followed  us  about  half  a league,  though  at  a 
distance,  with  the  view  of  trying  to  take  some  of  those  com- 
posing the  rear  guard ; but  their  efforts  were  vain,  and  they 
retired. 

Now  the  only  good  point  that  I have  seen  in  their  mode 
of  warfare  is  that  they  make  their  retreat  very  securely,  plac- 
ing all  the  wounded  and  aged  in  their  centre,  being  well  armed 
on  the  wings  and  in  the  rear,  and  continuing  this  order  without 
interruption  until  they  reach  a place  of  security. 

Their  retreat  was  very  long,  being  from  twenty-five  to 
thirty  leagues,  which  caused  the  wounded  much  fatigue,  as 
also  those  who  carried  them,  although  the  latter  relieved 
each  other  from  time  to  time. 

On  the  18th  day  of  the  month  there  fell  much  snow  and 
hail,  accompanied  by  a strong  wind,  which  greatly  incom- 
moded us.  Nevertheless  we  succeeded  in  arriving  at  the 
shore  of  the  lake  of  the  Entouhonorons,  at  the  place  where 
our  canoes  were  concealed,  which  we  found  all  intact,  for  we 
had  been  afraid  lest  the  enemy  might  have  broken  them  up. 

When  they  were  all  assembled,  and  I saw  that  they  were 
ready  to  depart  to  their  village,  I begged  them  to  take  me  to 
our  settlement,  which,  though  unwilling  at  first,  they  finally 
concluded  to  do,  and  sought  four  men  to  conduct  me.  Four 
men  were  found,  who  offered  themselves  of  their  own  accord ; 
for,  as  I have  before  said,  the  chiefs  have  no  control  over  their 
men,  in  consequence  of  which  they  are  often  unable  to  do 
as  they  would  like.  Now  the  men  having  been  found,  it  was 


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297 


necessary  also  to  find  a canoe,  which  was  not  to  be  had,  each 
one  needing  his  own,  and  there  being  no  more  than  they  re- 
quired. This  was  far  from  being  pleasant  to  me,  but  on  the 
contrary  greatly  annoyed  me,  since  it  led  me  to  suspect  some 
evil  purpose,  inasmuch  as  they  had  promised  to  conduct  me 
to  our  settlement  after  their  war.  Moreover  I was  poorly 
prepared  for  spending  the  winter  with  them,  or  else  should 
not  have  been  concerned  about  the  matter.  But  not  being 
able  to  do  anything,  I was  obliged  to  resign  myself  in  patience. 
Now  after  some  days  I perceived  that  their  plan  was  to  keep 
me  and  my  companions,  not  only  as  a security  for  themselves, 
for  they  feared  their  enemies,  but  also  that  I might  listen  to 
what  took  place  in  their  councils  and  assemblies,  and  deter- 
mine what  they  should  do  in  the  future  against  their  enemies 
for  their  security  and  preservation. 

The  next  day,  the  28th  of  the  month,  they  began  to  make 
preparations;  some  to  go  deer-hunting,  others  to  hunt  bears 
and  beavers,  others  to  go  fishing,  others  to  return  to  their 
villages.  An  abode  and  lodging  were  furnished  me  by  one  of 
the  principal  chiefs,  called  D’Arontal,  with  whom  I already 
had  some  acquaintance.  Having  offered  me  his  cabin,  pro- 
visions, and  accommodations,  he  set  out  also  for  the  deer- 
hunt,  which  is  esteemed  by  them  the  greatest  and  most 
noble  one.  After  crossing,  from  the  island,  the  end  of  the 
lake,  we  entered  a river  1 some  twelve  leagues  in  extent. 
They  then  carried  their  canoes  by  land  some  half  a league,  when 
we  entered  a lake  2 which  was  some  ten  or  twelve  leagues  in 
circuit,  where  there  was  a large  amount  of  game,  as  swans, 
white  cranes,  outardes,  ducks,  teal,  song-thrush,  larks,  snipe, 
geese,  and  several  other  kinds  of  fowl  too  numerous  to  mention. 
Of  these  I killed  a great  number,  which  stood  us  in  good  stead 
while  waiting  for  the  capture  of  a deer.  From  there  we  pro- 
ceeded to  a certain  place  some  ten  leagues  distant,  where  our 
savages  thought  there  were  deer  in  abundance.  Assembled 
there  were  some  twenty-five  savages,  who  set  to  building  two 

1 Probably  Cataraqui  Creek,  in  the  province  of  Ontario. 

2 Probably  Loughborough  Lake. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1615 


or  three  cabins  out  of  pieces  of  wood  fitted  to  each  other,  the 
chinks  of  which  they  stopped  up  by  means  of  moss  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  the  air,  covering  them  with  the  bark  of  trees. 

When  they  had  done  this  they  went  into  the  woods  to  a 
small  forest  of  firs,  where  they  made  an  enclosure  in  the  form 
of  a triangle,  closed  up  on  two  sides  and  open  on  one.  This  en- 
closure was  made  of  great  stakes  of  wood  closely  pressed  to- 
gether, from  eight  to  nine  feet  high,  each  of  the  sides  being 
fifteen  hundred  paces  long.  At  the  extremity  of  this  triangle 
there  was  a little  enclosure,  constantly  diminishing  in  size,  cov- 
ered in  part  with  boughs  and  with  only  an  opening  of  five  feet, 
about  the  width  of  a medium-sized  door,  into  which  the  deer 
were  to  enter.  They  were  so  expeditious  in  their  work,  that 
in  less  than  ten  days  they  had  their  enclosure  in  readiness. 
Meanwhile  other  savages  had  gone  fishing,  catching  trout 
and  pike  of  prodigious  size,  and  enough  to  meet  all  our  wants. 

All  preparations  being  made,  they  set  out  half  an  hour 
before  day  to  go  into  the  wood,  some  half  a league  from  the 
before-mentioned  enclosure,  separated  from  each  other  some 
eighty  paces.  Each  had  two  sticks,  which  they  struck  to- 
gether, and  they  marched  in  this  order  at  a slow  pace  until 
they  arrived  at  their  enclosure.  The  deer  hearing  this  noise 
flee  before  them  until  they  reach  the  enclosure,  into  which  the 
savages  force  them  to  go.  Then  they  gradually  unite  on 
approaching  the  bay  and  opening  of  their  triangle,  the  deer 
skirting  the  sides  until  they  reach  the  end,  to  which  the  sav- 
ages hotly  pursue  them,  with  bow  and  arrow  in  hand  ready 
to  let  fly.  On  reaching  the  end  of  the  triangle  they  begin  to 
shout  and  imitate  wolves,  which  are  numerous,  and  which 
devour  the  deer.  The  deer,  hearing  this  frightful  noise,  are 
constrained  to  enter  the  retreat  by  the  little  opening,  whither 
they  are  very  hotly  pursued  by  arrow  shots.  Having  entered 
this  retreat,  which  is  so  well  closed  and  fastened  that  they 
can  by  no  possibility  get  out,  they  are  easily  captured.  I 
assure  you  that  there  is  a singular  pleasure  in  this  chase,  which 
took  place  every  two  days,  and  was  so  successful  that,  in  the 
thirty-eight  days  during  which  we  were  there,  they  captured 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


299 


one  hundred  and  twenty  deer,  which  they  make  good  use  of, 
reserving  the  fat  for  winter,  which  they  use  as  we  do  butter, 
and  taking  away  to  their  homes  some  of  the  flesh  for  their 
festivities. 

They  have  other  contrivances  for  capturing  the  deer; 
as  snares,  with  which  they  kill  many.  You  see  depicted 
opposite  the  manner  of  their  chase,  enclosure,  and  snare. 
Out  of  the  skins  they  make  garments.  Thus  you  see  how 
we  spent  the  time  while  waiting  for  the  frost,  that  we  might 
return  the  more  easily,  since  the  country  is  very  marshy. 

When  they  first  went  out  hunting,  I lost  my  way  in  the 
woods,  having  followed  a certain  bird  that  seemed  to  me 
peculiar.  It  had  a beak  like  that  of  a parrot,  and  was  of  the 
size  of  a hen.  It  was  entirely  yellow,  except  the  head  which 
was  red,  and  the  wings  which  were  blue,  and  it  flew  by  in- 
tervals like  a partridge.  The  desire  to  kill  it  led  me  to  pursue 
it  from  tree  to  tree  for  a very  long  time,  until  it  flew  away 
in  good  earnest.  Thus  losing  all  hope,  I desired  to  retrace 
my  steps,  but  found  none  of  our  hunters,  who  had  been  con- 
stantly getting  ahead,  and  had  reached  the  enclosure.  While 
trying  to  overtake  them,  and  going,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  straight 
to  where  the  enclosure  was,  I found  myself  lost  in  the  woods, 
going  now  on  this  side  now  on  that,  without  being  able  to  recog- 
nize my  position.  The  night  coming  on,  I was  obliged  to 
spend  it  at  the  foot  of  a great  tree,  and  in  the  morning  set  out 
and  walked  until  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  I came 
to  a little  pond  of  still  water.  Here  I noticed  some  game, 
which  I pursued,  killing  three  or  four  birds,  which  were  very 
acceptable,  since  I had  had  nothing  to  eat.  Unfortunately 
for  me  there  had  been  no  sunshine  for  three  days,  nothing  but 
rain  and  cloudy  weather,  which  increased  my  trouble.  Tired 
and  exhausted  I prepared  to  rest  myself  and  cook  the  birds 
in  order  to  alleviate  the  hunger  which  I began  painfully  to 
feel,  and  which  by  God’s  favor  was  appeased. 

When  I had  made  my  repast  I began  to  consider  what  I 
should  do,  and  to  pray  God  to  give  me  the  will  and  courage 
to  sustain  patiently  my  misfortune  if  I should  be  obliged  to 


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[1615 


remain  abandoned  in  this  forest  without  counsel  or  consola- 
tion except  the  Divine  goodness  and  mercy,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  exert  myself  to  return  to  our  hunters.  Thus  com- 
mitting all  to  His  mercy  I gathered  up  renewed  courage,  going 
here  and  there  all  day,  without  perceiving  any  foot-print  or 
path,  except  those  of  wild  beasts,  of  which  I generally  saw  a 
good  number.  I was  obliged  to  pass  here  this  night  also. 
Unfortunately  I had  forgotten  to  bring  with  me  a small  com- 
pass which  would  have  put  me  on  the  right  road,  or  nearly  so. 
At  the  dawn  of  day,  after  a brief  repast,  I set  out  in  order  to 
find,  if  possible,  some  brook  and  follow  it,  thinking  that  it 
must  of  necessity  flow  into  the  river  on  the  border  of  which 
our  hunters  were  encamped.  Having  resolved  upon  this 
plan,  I carried  it  out  so  well  that  at  noon  I found  myself  on 
the  border  of  a little  lake,1  about  a league  and  a half  in  extent, 
where  I killed  some  game,  which  was  very  timely  for  my  wants ; 
I had  likewise  remaining  some  eight  or  ten  charges  of  powder, 
which  was  a great  satisfaction. 

I proceeded  along  the  border  of  this  lake  to  see  where 
it  discharged,  and  found  a large  brook,  which  I followed  until 
five  o’clock  in  the  evening,  when  I heard  a great  noise,  but  on 
carefully  listening  failed  to  perceive  clearly  what  it  was.  On 
hearing  the  noise,  however,  more  distinctly,  I concluded  that 
it  was  a fall  of  water  in  the  river  which  I was  searching  for. 
I proceeded  nearer,  and  saw  an  opening,  approaching  which 
I found  myself  in  a great  and  far-reaching  meadow,  where  there 
was  a large  number  of  wild  beasts,  and  looking  to  my  right 
I perceived  the  river,  broad  and  long.  I looked  to  see  if  I 
could  not  recognize  the  place,  and  walking  along  on  the 
meadow  I noticed  a little  path  where  the  savages  carried  their 
canoes.  Finally,  after  careful  observation,  I recognized  it 
as  the  same  river,  and  that  I had  gone  that  way  before. 

I passed  the  night  in  better  spirits  than  the  previous  ones, 
supping  on  the  little  I had.  In  the  morning  I re-examined 
the  place  where  I was,  and  concluded  from  certain  moun- 
tains on  the  border  of  the  river  that  I had  not  been  deceived, 
and  that  our  hunters  must  be  lower  down  by  four  or  five  good 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


301 


leagues.  This  distance  I walked  at  my  leisure  along  the  border 
of  the  river,  until  I perceived  the  smoke  of  our  hunters,  where 
I arrived  to  the  great  pleasure  not  only  of  myself  but  of  them, 
who  were  still  searching  for  me,  but  had  about  given  up  all 
hopes  of  seeing  me  again.  They  begged  me  not  to  stray  off 
from  them  any  more,  or  never  to  forget  to  carry  with  me  my 
compass,  and  they  added : If  you  had  not  come,  and  we  had 
not  succeeded  in  finding  you,  we  should  never  have  gone  again 
to  the  French,  for  fear  of  their  accusing  us  of  having  killed  you. 
After  this  he  was  very  careful  of  me  when  I went  hunting, 
always  giving  me  a savage  as  companion,  who  knew  how  to 
find  again  the  place  from  which  he  started  so  well  that  it  was 
something  very  remarkable. 

To  return  to  my  subject:  they  have  a kind  of  superstition 
in  regard  to  this  hunt;  namely,  they  believe  that  if  they 
should  roast  any  of  the  meat  taken  in  this  way,  or  if  any  of 
the  fat  should  fall  into  the  fire,  or  if  any  of  the  bones  should 
be  thrown  into  it,  they  would  not  be  able  to  capture  any  more 
deer.  Accordingly  they  begged  me  to  roast  none  of  this  meat, 
but  I laughed  at  this  and  their  way  of  doing.  Yet,  in  order 
not  to  offend  them,  I cheerfully  desisted,  at  least  in  their 
presence ; though  when  they  were  out  of  sight  I took  some  of 
the  best  and  roasted  it,  attaching  no  credit  to  their  supersti- 
tions. When  I afterwards  told  them  what  I had  done,  they 
would  not  believe  me,  saying  that  they  could  not  have  taken 
any  deer  after  the  doing  of  such  a thing. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  December  we  set  out  from  this  place, 
walking  on  the  river,  lakes,  and  ponds,  which  were  frozen, 
and  sometimes  through  the  woods.  Thus  we  went  for  nine- 
teen days,  undergoing  much  hardship  and  toil,  both  the  sav- 
ages, who  were  loaded  with  a hundred  pounds,  and  myself, 
who  carried  a burden  of  twenty  pounds,  which  in  the  long 
journey  tired  me  very  much.  It  is  true  that  I was  sometimes 
relieved  by  our  savages,  but  nevertheless  I suffered  great  dis- 
comfort. The  savages,  in  order  to  go  over  the  ice  more  easily, 
are  accustomed  to  make  a kind  of  wooden  sledge,  on  which 
they  put  their  loads,  which  they  easily  and  swiftly  drag  along. 


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Some  days  after  there  was  a thaw,  which  caused  us  much 
trouble  and  annoyance ; for  we  had  to  go  through  pine  forests 
full  of  brooks,  ponds,  marshes,  and  swamps,  where  many 
trees  had  been  blown  down  upon  each  other.  This  caused  us 
a thousand  troubles  and  embarrassments,  and  great  discom- 
fort, as  we  were  all  the  time  wet  to  above  our  knees.  We  were 
four  days  in  this  plight,  since  in  most  places  the  ice  would  not 
bear.  At  last,  on  the  20th1  of  the  month,  we  succeeded  in 
arriving  at  our  village.  Here  the  Captain  Yroquet  had  come 
to  winter  with  his  companions,  who  are  Algonquins,  also  his 
son,  whom  he  brought  for  the  sake  of  treatment,  since  while 
hunting  he  had  been  seriously  injured  by  a bear  which  he 
was  trying  to  kill. 

After  resting  some  days  I determined  to  go  and  visit  Father 
Joseph,  and  to  see  in  winter  the  people  where  he  was,  whom 
the  war  had  not  permitted  me  to  see  in  the  summer.  I set 
out  from  this  village  on  the  14th2  of  January  following,  thank- 
ing my  host  for  the  kindness  he  had  shown  me,  and,  taking 
formal  leave  of  him,  as  I did  not  expect  to  see  him  again  for 
three  months. 

The  next  day  I saw  Father  Joseph,  in  his  small  house 
where  he  had  taken  up  his  abode,  as  I have  before  stated. 
I stayed  with  him  some  days,  finding  him  deliberating  about 
making  a journey  to  the  Petun  people,  as  I had  also  thought 
of  doing,  although  it  was  very  disagreeable  travelling  in 
winter.  We  set  out  together  on  the  fifteenth  of  February 3 
to  go  to  that  nation,  where  we  arrived  on  the  seventeenth 
of  the  month.  These  Petun4  people  plant  the  maize,  called 
by  us  ble  de  Turquie,  and  have  fixed  abodes  like  the  rest.  We 
went  to  seven  other  villages  of  their  neighbors  and  allies, 
wdth  whom  we  contracted  friendship,  and  who  promised  to 
come  in  good  numbers  to  our  settlement.  They  welcomed  us 
with  good  cheer,  making  a banquet  with  meat  and  fish,  as  is 
their  custom.  To  this  the  people  from  all  quarters  flocked 

1 The  edition  of  1632  says  23d.  2 Probably  a misprint  for  4th. 

3 Almost  certainly  January. 

4 1.e.}  the  Tobacco  Nation,  about  twenty  miles  west  of  the  Hurons. 


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303 


in  order  to  see  us,  showing  many  manifestations  of  friendship, 
and  accompanying  us  on  the  greater  part  of  our  way  back. 
The  country  is  diversified  with  pleasant  slopes  and  plains. 
They  were  beginning  to  build  two  villages,  through  which 
we  passed,  and  which  were  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  woods, 
because  of  the  convenience  of  building  and  fortifying  their 
towns  there.  These  people  live  like  the  Attignouaatitans, 
and  have  the  same  customs.  They  are  situated  near  the 
Neutral  Nation,1  which  are  powerful  and  occupy  a great  extent 
of  country.  After  visiting  these  people,  we  set  out  from  that 
place,  and  went  to  a nation  of  savages,  whom  we  named  Che - 
veux  Relev6s.  They  were  very  happy  to  see  us  again,  and  we 
entered  into  friendship  with  them,  while  they  in  return  prom- 
ised to  come  and  see  us,  namely  at  the  habitation  in  this  place. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  desirable  to  describe  them  and  their 
country,  their  customs  and  mode  of  life.  In  the  first  place 
they  are  at  war  with  another  nation  of  savages,  called  Asista- 
guerotion,  which  means  Gens  de  Feu ,2  who  are  distant  from 
them  ten  days’  journey.  I informed  myself  accordingly  very 
particularly  in  regard  to  their  country  and  the  tribes  living 
there,  as  also  to  their  character  and  numbers.  The  people  of 
this  nation  are  very  numerous,  and  are  for  the  most  part 
great  warriors,  hunters,  and  fishermen.  They  have  several 
chiefs,  each  ruling  in  his  own  district.  In  general  they  plant 
Indian  corn,  and  other  cereals.  They  are  hunters  who  go  in 
troops  to  various  regions  and  countries,  where  they  traffic  with 
other  nations,  distant  four  or  five  hundred  leagues.  They  are 
the  cleanest  savages  in  their  household  affairs  that  I have 
ever  seen,  and  are  very  industrious  in  making  a kind  of  mat, 
which  constitutes  their  Turkish  carpets.  The  women  have 
the  body  covered,  but  the  men  go  uncovered,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a fur  robe  in  the  form  of  a cloak,  which  they  usually 
leave  off  in  summer.  The  women  and  girls  are  not  more  moved 
at  seeing  them  thus,  than  if  they  saw  nothing  unusual.  The 

1 These  lived  near  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  They  were  finally 
exterminated  by  the  Iroquois. 

2 I.e.,  the  Race  of  Fire. 


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women  live  very  happily  with  their  husbands.  They  have 
the  following  custom  when  they  have  their  catamenia:  the 
wives  withdraw  from  their  husbands,  or  the  daughter  from 
her  father  and  mother  and  other  relatives,  and  go  to  certain 
small  houses.  There  they  remain  in  retirement,  awaiting 
their  time,  without  any  company  of  men,  who  bring  them 
food  and  necessaries  until  their  return.  Thus  it  is  known 
who  have  their  catamenia  and  who  have  not.  This  tribe  is 
accustomed  more  than  others  to  celebrate  great  banquets. 
They  gave  us  good  cheer  and  welcomed  us  very  cordially, 
earnestly  begging  me  to  assist  them  against  their  enemies, 
who  dwell  on  the  banks  of  the  Mer  Douce , two  hundred  leagues 
distant ; to  which  I replied  that  they  must  wait  until  another 
time,  as  I was  not  provided  with  the  necessary  means.  They 
were  at  a loss  how  to  welcome  us.  I have  represented  them 
in  figure  C as  they  go  to  war. 

There  is,  also,  at  a distance  of  a two  days’  journey  from 
them,  in  a southerly  direction,  another  savage  nation,  that 
produces  a large  amount  of  tobacco.  This  is  called  the  Neu- 
tral Nation.  They  number  four  thousand  warriors,  and  dwell 
westward  of  the  lake  of  the  Entouhonorons,  which  is  from 
eighty  to  a hundred  leagues  in  extent.  They,  however,  assist 
the  Cheveux  Releves  against  the  Gens  de  Feu.  But  with  the 
Iroquois  and  our  allies  they  are  at  peace,  and  preserve  a neu- 
trality. There  is  a cordial  understanding  towards  both  of  these 
nations,  and  they  do  not  venture  to  engage  in  any  dispute  or 
quarrel,  but  on  the  contrary  often  eat  and  drink  with  them 
like  good  friends.  I was  very  desirous  of  visiting  this  nation, 
but  the  people  where  we  were  dissuaded  me  from  it,  saying 
that  the  year  before  one  of  our  men  had  killed  one  of  them, 
when  we  were  at  war  with  the  Entouhonorons,  which  offended 
them ; and  they  informed  us  that  they  are  much  inclined  to 
revenge,  not  concerning  themselves  as  to  who  struck  the  blow, 
but  inflicting  the  penalty  upon  the  first  one  they  meet  of  the 
nation,  even  though  one  of  their  friends,  when  they  succeed 
in  catching  him,  unless  harmony  has  been  previously  restored 
between  them,  and  gifts  and  presents  bestowed  upon  the  rela- 


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tives  of  the  deceased.  Thus  I was  prevented  for  the  time 
being  from  going,  although  some  of  this  nation  assured  us  that 
they  would  do  us  no  harm  for  the  reason  assigned  above. 

Thus  we  were  led  to  return  the  same  way  we  had  come, 
and  continuing  my  journey,  I reached  the  nation  of  the  Pisie- 
rinii,1  who  had  promised  to  conduct  me  farther  on  in  the  prose- 
cution of  my  plans  and  explorations.  But  I was  prevented 
by  the  intelligence  which  came  from  our  great  village  and 
the  Algonquins,  where  Captain  Yroquet  was,  namely,  that  the 
people  of  the  nation  of  the  Atignouaatitans  had  placed  in  his 
hands  a prisoner  of  a hostile  nation,  in  the  expectation  that 
this  Captain  Yroquet  would  exercise  on  the  prisoner  the  re- 
venge usual  among  them.  But  they  said  that,  instead  of 
doing  so,  he  had  not  only  set  him  at  liberty,  but,  having  found 
him  apt,  and  an  excellent  hunter,  had  treated  him  as  his  son, 
on  account  of  which  the  Atignouaatitans  had  become  jealous 
and  resolved  upon  vengeance,  and  had  in  fact  appointed  a 
man  to  go  and  kill  this  prisoner,  allied  as  he  was.  As  he  was 
put  to  death  in  the  presence  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Algonquin 
nation,  they,  indignant  at  such  an  act  and  moved  to  anger, 
killed  on  the  spot  this  rash  murderer;  whereupon  the  Atig- 
nouaatitans feeling  themselves  insulted,  seeing  one  of  their 
comrades  dead,  seized  their  arms  and  went  to  the  tents  of  the 
Algonquins,  who  were  passing  the  winter  near  the  above- 
mentioned  village,  and  belabored  them  severely,  Captain 
Yroquet  receiving  two  arrow  wounds.  At  another  time  they 
pillaged  some  of  the  cabins  of  the  Algonquins  before  the  latter 
could  place  themselves  in  a state  of  defence,  so  that  they  had 
not  an  equal  chance.  Notwithstanding  this  they  were  not 
reconciled  to  the  Algonquins,  who  for  securing  peace  had 
given  the  Atignouaatitans  fifty  necklaces  of  porcelain2  and 


1 This  relates  to  those  Nipissings  who  had  accompanied  Champlain  on 
the  expedition  against  the  Iroquois,  and  who  were  passing  the  winter  among 
the  Hurons.  (Laverdiere.) 

2 Wampum,  made  of  shells  and  held  in  great  esteem  by  the  Indians. 
For  “branches”  read  fathoms.  On  wampum  see  W.  B.  Weeden  in  Johns 
Hopkins  Studies , II.  389-400,  and  Laverdiere,  IV.  62,  note  1.  There  were 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


a hundred  branches  of  the  same  which  they  value  highly,  and 
likewise  a number  of  kettles  and  axes,  together  with  two 
female  prisoners  in  place  of  the  dead  man.  They  were,  in 
a word,  still  in  a state  of  violent  animosity.  The  Algonquins 
were  obliged  to  suffer  patiently  this  great  rage,  and  feared 
that  they  might  all  be  killed,  not  feeling  any  security,  not- 
withstanding their  gifts,  until  they  should  be  differently 
situated.  This  intelligence  greatly  disturbed  me,  when  I 
considered  the  harm  that  might  arise  not  only  to  them,  but 
to  us  as  well,  who  were  in  their  country. 

I then  met  two  or  three  savages  of  our  large  village,  who 
earnestly  entreated  me  to  go  to  them  in  order  to  effect  a rec- 
onciliation, declaring  that  if  I did  not  go  none  of  them  would 
come  to  us  any  more,  since  they  were  at  war  with  the  Al- 
gonquins and  regarded  us  as  their  friends.  In  view  of  this 
I set  out  as  soon  as  possible,  and  visited  on  my  way  the  Nipis- 
sings  to  ascertain  when  they  would  be  ready  for  the  journey 
to  the  north,  which  I found  broken  off  on  account  of  these 
quarrels  and  hostilities,  as  my  interpreter  gave  me  to  under- 
stand, who  said  that  Captain  Yroquet  had  come  among  all 
these  tribes  to  find  and  await  me.  He  had  requested  them  to 
be  at  the  habitation  of  the  French  at  the  same  time  with  him- 
self to  see  what  agreement  could  be  made  between  them  and 
the  Atignouaatitans,  and  to  postpone  the  journey  to  the  north 
to  another  time.  Moreover,  Yroquet  had  given  porcelain 
to  break  off  this  journey.  They  promised  us  to  be  at  our 
habitation  at  the  same  time  as  the  others. 

If  ever  there  was  one  greatly  disheartened  it  was  myself, 
since  I had  been  waiting  to  see  this  year  what  during  many 
preceding  ones  I had  been  seeking  for  with  great  toil  and 
effort,  through  so  many  fatigues  and  risks  of  my  life.  But 
realizing  that  I could  not  help  the  matter,  and  that  every- 
thing depended  on  the  will  of  God,  I comforted  myself,  re- 
solving to  see  it  in  a short  time.  I had  such  sure  informa- 
tion that  I could  not  doubt  the  report  of  these  people,  who 

two  kinds,  white  and  black  or  violet,  the  latter  the  more  valued.  Necklaces 
were  made  of  this ; the  white  was  made  up  into  fathoms. 


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307 


go  to  traffic  with  others  dwelling  in  those  northern  regions, 
a great  part  of  whom  live  in  a place  very  abundant  in  the 
chase,  and  where  there  are  great  numbers  of  large  animals, 
the  skins  of  several  of  which  I saw,  and  which  I concluded 
were  buffaloes,  from  their  representation  of  their  form.  Fish- 
ing is  also  very  abundant  there.  This  journey  requires  forty 
days,  as  well  in  returning  as  in  going. 

I set  out  towards  our  above-mentioned  village  on  the 
15th  of  February,  taking  with  me  six  of  our  men.  Having 
arrived  at  that  place  the  inhabitants  were  greatly  pleased,  as 
also  the  Algonquins,  whom  I sent  our  interpreter  to  visit  in 
order  to  ascertain  how  everything  had  taken  place  on  both 
sides,  for  I did  not  wish  to  go  myself  that  I might  give  no 
ground  for  suspicion  to  either  party. 

Two  days  were  spent  in  hearing  from  both  sides  how  every- 
thing had  taken  place.  After  this  the  principal  men  and 
seniors  of  the  place  came  away  with  us,  and  we  all  together 
went  to  the  Algonquins.  Here  in  one  of  their  cabins,  where 
several  of  the  leading  men  were  assembled,  they  all,  after  some 
talk,  agreed  to  come  and  accept  all  that  might  be  said  by  me 
as  arbiter  in  the  matter,  and  to  carry  out  what  I might  pro- 
pose. 

Then  I gathered  the  views  of  each  one,  obtaining  and 
investigating  the  wishes  and  inclinations  of  both  parties,  and 
ascertained  that  all  they  wanted  was  peace. 

I set  forth  to  them  that  the  best  course  was  to  become 
reconciled  and  remain  friends,  since  being  united  and  bound 
together  they  could  the  more  easily  withstand  their  enemies; 
and  as  I went  away  I begged  them  not  to  ask  me  to  effect 
their  reconciliation  if  they  did  not  intend  to  follow  in  all  re- 
spects the  advice  I should  give  them  in  regard  to  this  dispute, 
since  they  had  done  me  the  honor  to  request  my  opinion. 
Whereupon  they  told  me  anew  that  they  had  not  desired  my 
return  for  any  other  reason.  I for  my  part  thought  that  if  I 
should  not  reconcile  and  pacify  them  they  would  separate 
ill  disposed  towards  each  other,  each  party  thinking  itself 
in  the  right.  I reflected,  also,  that  they  would  not  have  gone 


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[1616 


to  their  cabins  if  I had  not  been  with  them,  nor  to  the  French 
if  I had  not  interested  myself  and  taken,  so  to  speak,  the  charge 
and  conduct  of  their  affairs.  Upon  this  I said  to  them  that 
as  for  myself  I proposed  to  go  with  my  host,  who  had  always 
treated  me  well,  and  that  I could  with  difficulty  find  one  so 
good ; for  it  was  on  him  that  the  Algonquins  laid  the  blame, 
saying  that  he  was  the  only  captain  who  had  caused  the  taking 
up  of  arms.  Much  was  said  by  both  sides,  and  finally  it  was 
concluded  that  I should  tell  them  what  seemed  to  me  best, 
and  give  them  my  advice. 

Since  I saw  now  from  what  was  said  that  they  referred  the 
whole  matter  to  my  own  decision  as  to  that  of  a father,  and 
promised  that  in  the  future  I might  dispose  of  them  as  I 
thought  best,  referring  the  whole  matter  to  my  judgment  for 
settlement,  I replied  that  I was  very  glad  to  see  them  so  in- 
clined to  follow  my  advice,  and  assured  them  that  it  should 
be  only  for  the  best  interests  of  the  tribes. 

Moreover  I told  them,  I had  been  greatly  disturbed  at 
hearing  the  further  sad  intelligence,  namely  the  death  of  one 
of  their  relatives  and  friends,  whom  we  regarded  as  one  of  our 
own,  which  might  have  caused  a great  calamity  resulting  in 
nothing  but  perpetual  wars  between  both  parties;  with  various 
and  serious  disasters  and  a rupture  of  their  friendship,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  the  French  would  be  deprived  of  seeing 
them  and  of  intercourse  with  them,  and  be  obliged  to  enter 
into  alliance  with  other  nations ; since  we  loved  each  other  as 
brothers,  leaving  to  God  the  punishment  of  those  meriting  it. 

I proceeded  to  say  to  them,  that  this  mode  of  action  be- 
tween two  nations,  who  were,  as  they  acknowledged,  friendly 
to  each  other,  was  unworthy  of  reasoning  men,  but  rather 
characteristic  of  brute  beasts.  I represented  to  them,  more- 
over, that  they  were  enough  occupied  in  repelling  their  enemies 
who  pursued  them,  in  routing  them  as  often  as  possible,  in 
pursuing  them  to  their  villages  and  taking  them  prisoners; 
and  that  these  enemies,  seeing  divisions  and  wars  among 
them,  would  be  delighted  and  derive  great  advantage  there- 
from, and  be  led  to  lay  new  and  pernicious  plans,  in  the  hope 


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309 


of  soon  being  able  to  see  their  ruin,  or  at  least  their  enfeebling 
through  one  another,  which  would  be  the  truest  and  easiest 
way  for  them  to  conquer  and  become  masters  of  their  terri- 
tories, since  they  did  not  assist  each  other. 

I told  them  likewise  that  they  did  not  realize  the  harm 
that  might  befall  them  from  thus  acting ; that  on  account  of 
the  death  of  one  man  they  hazarded  the  lives  of  ten  thou- 
sand, and  ran  the  risk  of  being  reduced  to  perpetual  slavery  ; 
that,  although  in  fact  one  man  was  of  great  value,  yet  they 
ought  to  consider  how  he  had  been  killed,  and  that  it  was 
not  with  deliberate  purpose,  nor  for  the  sake  of  inciting  a civil 
war,  it  being  only  too  evident  that  the  dead  man  had  first 
offended,  since  with  deliberate  purpose  he  had  killed  the 
prisoner  in  their  cabins,  a most  audacious  thing,  even  if  the 
latter  were  an  enemy.  This  aroused  the  Algonquins,  who, 
seeing  a man  that  had  been  so  bold  as  to  kill  in  their  own 
cabins  another  to  whom  they  had  given  liberty  and  treated 
as  one  of  themselves,  were  carried  away  with  passion;  and 
some,  more  excited  than  the  rest,  advanced,  and,  unable  to 
restrain  or  control  their  wrath,  killed  the  man  in  question. 
Nevertheless  they  had  no  ill  feeling  at  all  towards  the  nation 
as  a whole,  and  did  not  extend  their  purposes  beyond  the 
audacious  one,  who,  they  thought,  fully  deserved  what  he 
had  wantonly  earned. 

And  besides  I told  them  they  must  consider  that  the  En- 
touhonoron,  finding  himself  wounded  by  two  blows  in  the 
stomach,  tore  from  his  wound  the  knife  which  his  enemy 
had  left  there,  and  gave  the  latter  two  blows,  as  I had  been 
informed;  so  that  in  fact  one  could  not  tell  whether  it  was 
really  the  Algonquins  who  had  committed  the  murder.  And 
in  order  to  show  to  the  Attigouantans  that  the  Algonquins 
did  not  love  the  prisoner,  and  that  Yroquet  did  not  bear 
towards  him  the  affection  which  they  were  disposed  to  think, 
I reminded  them  that  they  had  eaten  him,  as  he  had  inflicted 
blows  with  a knife  upon  his  enemy;  a thing,  however,  un- 
worthy of  a human  being,  but  rather  characteristic  of  brute 
beasts. 


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[1616 


I told  them  also  that  the  Algonquins  very  much  regretted 
all  that  had  taken  place,  and  that,  if  they  had  supposed  such 
a thing  would  have  happened,  they  would  have  sacrificed  this 
Iroquois  for  their  satisfaction.  I reminded  them  likewise 
that  they  had  made  recompense  for  this  death  and  offence, 
if  so  it  should  be  called,  by  large  presents  and  two  prisoners, 
on  which  account  they  had  no  reason  at  present  to  complain, 
and  ought  to  restrain  themselves  and  act  more  mildly  towards 
the  Algonquins,  their  friends.  I told  them  that,  since  they 
had  promised  to  submit  every  thing  to  arbitration,  I entreated 
them  to  forget  all  that  had  passed  between  them  and  never 
to  think  of  it  again,  nor  bear  any  hatred  or  ill  will  on  account 
of  it  to  each  other,  but  to  live  good  friends  as  before,  by  doing 
which  they  would  constrain  us  to  love  them  and  assist  them 
as  I had  done  in  the  past.  But  in  case  they  should  not  be 
pleased  with  my  advice,  I requested  them  to  come,  in  as  large 
numbers  as  possible,  to  our  settlement,  so  that  there,  in  the 
presence  of  all  the  captains  of  vessels,  our  friendship  might 
be  ratified  anew,  and  measures  taken  to  secure  them  from 
their  enemies,  a thing  which  they  ought  to  consider. 

Then  they  began  to  say  that  I had  spoken  well,  and  that 
they  would  adhere  to  what  I had  said,  and  all  went  away  to 
their  cabins,  apparently  satisfied,  excepting  the  Algonquins, 
who  broke  up  and  proceeded  to  their  village,  but  who,  as  it 
seemed  to  me,  appeared  to  be  not  entirely  satisfied,  since  they 
said  among  themselves  that  they  would  not  come  to  winter 
again  in  these  places,  the  death  of  these  two  men  having  cost 
them  too  dearly.  As  for  myself,  I returned  to  my  host,  in 
whom  I endeavored  to  inspire  all  the  courage  I could,  in  order 
to  induce  him  to  come  to  our  settlement,  and  bring  with  him 
all  those  of  his  country. 

During  the  winter,  which  lasted  four  months,  I had  suffi- 
cient leisure  to  observe  their  country,  customs,  dress,  manner  of 
living,  the  character  of  their  assemblies,  and  other  things  which 
I should  like  to  describe.  But  it  is  necessary  first  to  speak  of 
the  situation  of  the  country  in  general  and  its  divisions,  also 
of  the  location  of  the  tribes  and  the  distances  between  them. 


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311 


The  country  extends  in  length,  in  the  direction  from  east 
to  west,  nearly  four  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and  some 
eighty  or  a hundred  leagues  in  breadth  from  north  to  south, 
from  latitude  41°  to  48°  or  49°.  This  region  is  almost  an 
island,  surrounded  by  the  great  river  Saint  Lawrence,  which 
passes  through  several  lakes  of  great  extent,  on  the  shores  of 
which  dwell  various  tribes  speaking  different  languages, 
having  fixed  abodes,  and  all  fond  of  the  cultivation  of  the  soil, 
but  with  various  modes  of  life,  and  customs,  some  better 
than  others.  On  the  shore  north  of  this  great  river,  extending 
westerly  some  hundred  leagues  towards  the  Attigouantans, 
there  are  very  high  mountains,  and  the  air  is  more  temperate 
than  in  any  other  part  of  these  regions,  the  latitude  being  41°. 
All  these  places  abound  in  game,  such  as  stags,  caribous,  elks, 
does,  buffaloes,  bears,  wolves,  beavers,  foxes,  minxes,  weasels, 
and  many  other  kinds  of  animals  which  we  do  not  have  in 
France.  Fishing  is  abundant,  there  being  many  varieties, 
both  those  which  we  have  in  France,  as  also  others  which  we 
have  not.  There  are  likewise  many  birds  in  their  time  and 
season.  The  country  is  traversed  by  numerous  rivers,  brooks, 
and  ponds,  connecting  with  each  other  and  finally  emptying 
into  the  river  St.  Lawrence  and  the  lakes  through  which  it 
passes.  The  country  is  very  pleasant  in  spring,  is  covered 
with  extensive  and  lofty  forests,  and  filled  with  wood  similar 
to  that  which  we  have  in  France,  although  in  many  places 
there  is  much  cleared  land,  where  they  plant  Indian  corn. 
This  region  also  abounds  in  meadows,  lowlands,  and  marshes, 
which  furnish  food  for  the  animals  before  mentioned. 

The  country  north  of  the  great  river  is  very  rough  and 
mountainous,  and  extends  in  latitude  from  47°  to  49°,  and 
in  places  abounds  in  rocks.  So  far  as  I could  make  out, 
these  regions  are  inhabited  by  savages,  who  wander  through 
the  country,  not  engaging  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  nor 
doing  anything,  or  at  least  as  good  as  nothing.  But  they 
are  hunters,  now  in  one  place,  now  in  another,  the  region 
being  very  cold  and  disagreeable.  This  land  on  the  north  is 
in  latitude  49°  and  extends  over  six  hundred  leagues  in  breadth 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  PE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


from  east  to  west,  of  parts  of  which  we  have  full  knowledge. 
There  are  also  many  fine  large  rivers  rising  in  this  region  and 
discharging  into  the  before-mentioned  river,  together  with  an 
infinite  number  of  fine  meadows,  lakes,  and  ponds,  through 
which  they  pass,  where  there  is  an  abundance  of  fish.  There 
are  likewise  numerous  islands  which  are  for  the  most  part 
cleared  up  and  very  pleasant,  the  most  of  them  containing 
great  quantities  of  vines  and  wild  fruits. 

With  regard  to  the  regions  further  west,  we  cannot  well 
determine  their  extent,  since  the  people  here  have  no  knowl- 
edge of  them  except  for  two  or  three  hundred  leagues  or  more 
westerly,  from  whence  comes  the  great  river,  which  passes, 
among  other  places,  through  a lake  having  an  extent  of  nearly 
thirty  days’  journey  by  canoe,  namely  that  which  we  have 
called  the  Mer  Douce . This  is  of  great  extent,  being  nearly 
four  hundred  leagues  long.  Inasmuch  as  the  savages,  with 
whom  we  are  on  friendly  terms,  are  at  war  with  other  nations 
on  the  west  of  this  great  lake,  we  cannot  obtain  a more  com- 
plete knowledge  of  them,  except  as  they  have  told  us  several 
times  that  some  prisoners  from  the  distance  of  a hundred 
leagues  had  reported  that  there  were  tribes  there  like  ourselves 
in  color  and  in  other  respects.  Through  them  they  have  seen 
the  hair  of  these  people,  which  is  very  light,  and  which  they 
esteem  highly,  saying  that  it  is  like  our  own.  I can  only  con- 
jecture in  regard  to  this,  that  the  people  they  say  resemble 
us  were  those  more  civilized  than  themselves.  It  would  re- 
quire actual  presence  to  ascertain  the  truth  in  regard  to  this 
matter.  But  assistance  is  needed,  and  it  is  only  men  of  means, 
leisure,  and  energy,  who  could  or  would  undertake  to  pro- 
mote this  enterprise  so  that  a full  exploration  of  these  places 
might  be  made,  affording  us  a complete  knowledge  of  them. 

In  regard  to  the  region  south  of  the  great  river  it  is  very 
thickly  settled,  much  more  so  than  that  on  the  north,  and  by 
tribes  who  are  at  war  with  each  other.  The  country  is  very 
pleasant,  much  more  so  than  that  on  the  northern  border,  and 
the  air  is  more  temperate.  There  are  many  kinds  of  trees 
and  fruits  not  found  north  of  the  river,  while  there  are  many 


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313 


things  on  the  north  side,  in  compensation,  not  found  on  the 
south.  The  regions  towards  the  east  are  sufficiently  well 
known,  inasmuch  as  the  ocean  borders  these  places.  These 
are  the  coasts  of  Labrador,  Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton,  La 
Cadie,  and  the  Almouchiquois,1  places  well  known,  as  I 
have  treated  of  them  sufficiently  in  the  narrative  of  my  pre- 
vious voyages,  as  likewise  of  the  people  living  there,  on  which 
account  I shall  not  speak  of  them  in  this  treatise,  my  object 
being  only  to  make  a succinct  and  true  report  of  what  I have 
seen  in  addition. 

The  country  of  the  nation  of  the  Attigouantans  is  in  lati- 
tude 44°  30',  and  extends  two  hundred  and  thirty  leagues2 
in  length  westerly,  and  ten  in  breadth.  It  contains  eighteen 
villages,  six  of  which  are  enclosed  and  fortified  by  palisades 
of  wood  in  triple  rows,  bound  together,  on  the  top  of  which 
are  galleries,  which  they  provide  with  stones  and  water;  the 
former  to  hurl  upon  their  enemies  and  the  latter  to  extinguish 
the  fire  which  their  enemies  may  set  to  the  palisades.  The 
country  is  pleasant,  most  of  it  cleared  up.  It  has  the  shape 
of  Brittany,  and  is  similarly  situated,  being  almost  surrounded 
by  the  Mer  Douce.3  They  assume  that  these  eighteen  villages 
are  inhabited  by  two  thousand  warriors,  not  including  the 
common  mass,  which  amounts  to  perhaps  thirty  thousand 
souls. 

Their  cabins  are  in  the  shape  of  tunnels  or  arbors,  and  are 
covered  with  the  bark  of  trees.  They  are  from  twenty-five 
to  thirty  fathoms  long,  more  or  less,  and  six  wide,  having  a 
passage-way  through  the  middle  from  ten  to  twelve  feet  wide, 
which  extends  from  one  end  to  the  other.  On  the  two  sides 
there  is  a kind  of  bench,  four  feet  high,  where  they  sleep  in 
summer,  in  order  to  avoid  the  annoyance  of  the  fleas,  of  which 
there  were  great  numbers.  In  winter  they  sleep  on  the  ground 

1 I.e.,  the  New  England  coast. 

2 Probably  a misprint  for  twenty-three,  or  twenty  to  thirty.  (Laver- 
diere.) 

3 I.e.,  by  Lake  Huron,  and  the  waters  connected  with  it,  the  River 
Severn  and  Lake  Simcoe. 


314 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


on  mats  near  the  fire,  so  as  to  be  warmer  than  they  would  be 
on  the  platform.  They  lay  up  a stock  of  dry  wood,  with 
which  they  fill  their  cabins,  to  burn  in  winter.  At  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  cabins  there  is  a space,  where  they  preserve 
their  Indian  corn,  which  they  put  into  great  casks  made  of 
the  bark  of  trees  and  placed  in  the  middle  of  their  encamp- 
ment. They  have  pieces  of  wood  suspended,  on  which  they 
put  their  clothes,  provisions,  and  other  things,  for  fear  of  the 
mice,  of  which  there  are  great  numbers.  In  one  of  these 
cabins  there  may  be  twelve  fires,  and  twenty-four  families. 
It  smokes  excessively,  from  which  it  follows  that  many  re- 
ceive serious  injury  to  the  eyes,  so  that  they  lose  their  sight 
towards  the  close  of  life.  There  is  no  window  nor  any  opening, 
except  that  in  the  upper  part  of  their  cabins  for  the  smoke  to 
escape. 

This  is  all  that  I have  been  able  to  learn  about  their  mode 
of  life ; and  I have  described  to  you  fully  the  kind  of  dwelling 
of  these  people,  as  far  as  I have  been  able  to  learn  it, 
which  is  the  same  as  that  of  all  the  tribes  living  in  these 
regions.  They  sometimes  change  their  villages  at  intervals 
of  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  years,1  and  transfer  them  to  a dis- 
tance of  one,  two,  or  three  leagues  from  the  preceding  situation, 
except  when  compelled  by  their  enemies  to  dislodge,  in  which 
case  they  retire  to  a greater  distance,  as  the  Antouhonorons, 
who  went  some  forty  to  fifty  leagues.  This  is  the  form  of 
their  dwellings,  which  are  separated  from  each  other  some  three 
or  four  paces,  for  fear  of  fire,  of  which  they  are  in  great  dread. 

Their  life  is  a miserable  one  in  comparison  with  our  own ; 
but  they  are  happy  among  themselves,  not  having  experi- 
enced anything  better,  and  not  imagining  that  anything  more 
excellent  is  to  be  found.  Their  principal  articles  of  food  are 
Indian  corn  and  Brazilian  beans,  which  they  prepare  in  va- 
rious ways.  By  braying  in  a wooden  mortar  they  reduce 
the  corn  to  meal.  They  remove  the  bran  by  means  of  fans 
made  of  the  bark  of  trees.  From  this  meal  they  make  bread, 
using  also  beans  which  they  first  boil,  as  they  do  the  Indian 

1 When  the  wood  in  the  neighborhood  became  exhausted. 


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315 


corn  for  soup,  so  that  they  may  be  more  easily  crushed.  Then 
they  mix  all  together,  sometimes  adding  blueberries  or  dry  rasp- 
berries, and  sometimes  pieces  of  deer’s  fat,  though  not  often, 
as  this  is  scarce  with  them.  After  steeping  the  whole  in  luke- 
warm water,  they  make  bread  in  the  form  of  bannocks  or  pies, 
which  they  bake  in  the  ashes.  After  they  are  baked  they 
wash  them,  and  from  these  they  often  make  others  by  wrapping 
them  in  corn  leaves,  which  they  fasten  to  them,  and  then  put- 
ting them  in  boiling  water. 

But  this  is  not  their  most 'common  kind.  They  make  an- 
other, which  they  call  migan,  which  is  as  follows : They  take 
the  pounded  Indian  corn,  without  removing  the  bran,  and 
put  two  or  three  handfuls  of  it  in  an  earthen  pot  full  of  water. 
This  they  boil,  stirring  it  from  time  to  time,  that  it  may  not 
burn  nor  adhere  to  the  pot.  Then  they  put  into  the  pot  a 
small  quantity  of  fish,  fresh  or  dry,  according  to  the  season, 
to  give  a flavor  to  the  migan , as  they  call  it.  They  make  it 
very  often,  although  it  smells  badly,  especially  in  winter, 
either  because  they  do  not  know  how  to  prepare  it  rightly, 
or  do  not  wish  to  take  the  trouble  to  do  so.  They  make  two 
kinds  of  it,  and  prepare  it  very  well  when  they  choose.  When 
they  use  fish  the  migan  does  not  smell  badly,  but  only  when 
it  is  made  with  venison.  After  it  is  all  cooked,  they  take  out 
the  fish,  pound  it  very  fine,  and  then  put  it  all  together  into 
the  pot,  not  taking  the  trouble  to  remove  the  appendages, 
scales,  or  inwards,  as  we  do,  which  generally  causes  a bad  taste. 
It  being  thus  prepared,  they  deal  out  to  each  one  his  portion. 
This  migan  is  very  thin,  and  without  much  substance,  as  may 
be  well  supposed.  As  for  drink,  there  is  no  need  of  it,  the 
migan  being  sufficiently  thin  of  itself. 

They  have  another  kind  of  migan , namely,  they  roast  new 
corn  before  it  is  ripe,  which  they  preserve  and  cook  whole 
with  fish,  or  flesh  when  they  have  it.  Another  way  is  this: 
they  take  Indian  corn,  which  is  very  dry,  roast  it  in  the  ashes, 
then  bray  it  and  reduce  it  to  meal  as  in  the  former  case.  This 
they  lay  up  for  the  journeys  which  they  undertake  here  and 
there.  The  migan  made  in  the  latter  manner  is  the  best 


316 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


according  to  my  taste.  Figure  H shows  the  women  braying 
their  Indian  corn.  In  preparing  it,  they  cook  a large  quan- 
tity of  fish  and  meat,  which  they  cut  into  pieces  and  put  into 
great  kettles,  which  they  fill  with  water  and  let  it  all  boil  well. 
When  this  is  done,  they  gather  with  a spoon  from  the  surface 
the  fat  which  comes  from  the  meat  and  fish.  Then  they 
put  in  the  meal  of  the  roasted  corn,  constantly  stirring  it  until 
the  migan  is  cooked  and  thick  as  soup.  They  give  to  each  one 
a portion,  together  with  a spoonful  of  the  fat.  This  dish  they 
are  accustomed  to  prepare  for  banquets,  but  they  do  not  gen- 
erally make  it. 

Now  the  corn  freshly  roasted,  as  above  described,  is  highly 
esteemed  among  them.  They  eat  also  beans,  which  they  boil 
with  the  mass  of  the  roasted  flour,  mixing  in  a little  fat  and 
fish.  Dogs  are  in  request  at  their  banquets,  which  they 
often  celebrate  among  themselves,  especially  in  winter,  when 
they  are  at  leisure.  In  case  they  go  hunting  for  deer  or  go 
fishing,  they  lay  aside  what  they  get  for  celebrating  these 
banquets,  nothing  remaining  in  their  cabins  but  the  usual 
thin  migan , resembling  bran  and  water,  such  as  is  given  to 
hogs  to  eat. 

They  have  another  way  of  eating  the  Indian  corn.  In 
preparing  it,  they  take  it  in  the  ear  and  put  it  in  water  under 
the  mud,  leaving  it  two  or  three  months  in  this  state  until 
they  think  it  is  putrefied.  Then  they  remove  it,  and  eat  it 
boiled  with  meat  or  fish.  They  also  roast  it,  and  it  is  better 
so  than  boiled.  But  I assure  you  that  there  is  nothing  that 
smells  so  badly  as  this  corn  as  it  comes  from  the  water  all 
muddy.  Yet  the  women  and  children  take  it  and  suck  it 
like  sugar-cane,  nothing  seeming  to  them  to  taste  better,  as 
they  show  by  their  manner.  In  general  they  have  two  meals 
a day.  As  for  ourselves,  we  fasted  all  of  Lent  and  longer, 
in  order  to  influence  them  by  our  example.  But  it  was  time 
lost. 

They  also  fatten  bears,  which  they  keep  two  or  three 
years,  for  the  purpose  of  their  banquets.  I observed  that  if 
this  people  had  domestic  animals  they  would  be  interested 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


317 


in  them  and  care  for  them  very  well,  and  I showed  them  the 
way  to  keep  them,  which  would  be  an  easy  thing  for  them, 
since  they  have  good  grazing  grounds  in  their  country,  and 
in  large  quantities,  for  all  kinds  of  animals,  horses,  oxen, 
cows,  sheep,  swine,  and  other  kinds,  for  lack  of  which  one 
would  consider  them  badly  off,  as  they  seem  to  be.  Yet 
with  all  their  drawbacks  they  seem  to  me  to  live  happily 
among  themselves,  since  their  only  ambition  is  to  live  and 
support  themselves,  and  they  lead  a more  settled  life  than 
those  who  wander  through  the  forests  like  brute  beasts.  They 
eat  many  squashes,  which  they  boil,  and  roast  in  the  ashes. 

In  regard  to  their  dress,  they  have  various  kinds  and  styles 
made  of  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  both  those  which  they  cap- 
ture themselves,  and  others  which  they  get  in  exchange  for 
their  Indian  corn,  meal,  porcelain,  and  fishing-nets  from  the 
Algonquins,  Nipissings,  and  other  tribes,  which  are  hunters 
having  no  fixed  abodes.  All  their  clothes  are  of  one  uniform 
shape,  not  varied  by  any  new  styles.  They  prepare  and  fit 
very  well  the  skins,  making  their  breeches  of  deer-skin  rather 
large,  and  their  stockings  of  another  piece,  which  extend  up 
to  the  middle  and  have  many  folds.  Their  shoes  are  made 
of  the  skins  of  deer,  bears,  and  beaver,  of  which  they  use 
great  numbers.  Besides,  they  have  a robe  of  the  same  fur, 
in  the  form  of  a cloak,  which  they  wear  in  the  Irish  or  Egyp- 
tian style,  with  sleeves  which  are  attached  with  a string  be- 
hind. This  is  the  way  they  are  dressed  in  winter,  as  is  seen 
in  figure  D.  When  they  go  into  the  fields,  they  gird  up  their 
robe  about  the  body;  but  when  in  the  village,  they  leave 
off  their  sleeves  and  do  not  gird  themselves.  The  Milan  trim- 
mings for  decorating  their  garments  are  made  of  glue  and  the 
scrapings  of  the  before-mentioned  skins,  of  which  they  make 
bands  in  various  styles  according  to  their  fancy,  putting  in 
places  bands  of  red  and  brown  color  amid  those  of  the  glue, 
which  always  keep  a whitish  appearance,  not  losing  at  all 
their  shape,  however  dirty  they  may  get.  There  are  those 
among  these  nations  who  are  much  more  skilful  than  others 
in  fitting  the  skins,  and  ingenious  in  inventing  ornaments 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


to  put  on  their  garments.  It  is  our  Montagnais  and  Algon- 
quins,  above  all  others,  who  take  more  pains  in  this  matter. 
They  put  on  their  robes  bands  of  porcupine  quills,  which  they 
dye  a very  fine  scarlet  color.  They  value  these  bands  very 
highly,  and  detach  them  so  that  they  may  serve  for  other  robes 
when  they  wish  to  make  a change.  They  also  make  use  of 
them  to  adorn  the  face,  in  order  to  give  it  a more  graceful 
appearance  whenever  they  wish  particularly  to  decorate 
themselves. 

Most  of  them  paint  the  face  black  and  red.  These  colors 
they  mix  with  oil  made  from  the  seed  of  the  sun-flower,  or  with 
bear’s  fat  or  that  of  other  animals.  They  also  dye  their 
hair,  which  some  wear  long,  others  short,  others  on  one  side 
only.  The  women  and  girls  always  wear  their  hair  in  one 
uniform  style.  They  are  dressed  like  men,  except  that  they 
always  have  their  robes  girt  about  them,  which  extend  down 
to  the  knee.  They  are  not  at  all  ashamed  to  expose  the  body 
from  the  middle  up  and  from  the  knees  down,  unlike  the  men, 
the  rest  being  always  covered.  They  are  loaded  with  quan- 
tities of  porcelain,  in  the  shape  of  necklaces  and  chains,  which 
they  arrange  in  the  front  of  their  robes  and  attach  to  their 
waists.  They  also  wear  bracelets  and  earrings.  They  have 
their  hair  carefully  combed,  dyed,  and  oiled.  Thus  they  go 
to  the  dance,  with  a knot  of  their  hair  behind  bound  up  with 
eel-skin,  which  they  use  as  a cord.  Sometimes  they  put  on 
plates  a foot  square,  covered  with  porcelain,  which  hang  on 
the  back.  Thus  gaily  dressed  and  habited,  they  delight  to 
appear  in  the  dance,  to  which  their  fathers  and  mothers  send 
them,  forgetting  nothing  that  they  can  devise  to  embellish 
and  set  off  their  daughters.  I can  testify  that  I have  seen  at 
dances  a girl  who  had  more  than  twelve  pounds  of  porcelain 
on  her  person,  not  including  the  other  bagatelles  with  which 
they  are  loaded  and  bedecked.  In  the  illustration  already 
cited,  F shows  the  dress  of  the  women,  G that  of  the  girls 
attired  for  the  dance. 

All  these  people  have  a very1  jovial  disposition,  although 
lFr.  assez , i.e.,  somewhat. 


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319 


there  are  many  of  them  who  have  a sad  and  gloomy  look. 
Their  bodies  are  well  proportioned.  Some  of  the  men  and 
women  are  well  formed,  strong,  and  robust.  There  is  a mod- 
erate number  of  pleasing  and  pretty  girls,  in  respect  to  figure, 
color,  and  expression,  all  being  in  harmony.  Their  blood  is 
but  little  deteriorated,  except  when  they  are  old.  There  are 
among  these  tribes  powerful  women  of  extraordinary  height. 
These  have  almost  the  entire  care  of  the  house  and  work; 
namely,  they  till  the  land,  plant  the  Indian  corn,  lay  up  a 
store  of  wood  for  the  winter*  beat  the  hemp  and  spin  it,  mak- 
ing from  the  thread  fishing-nets  and  other  useful  things. 
The  women  harvest  the  corn,  house  it,  prepare  it  for  eating, 
and  attend  to  household  matters.  Moreover  they  are  expected 
to  attend  their  husbands  from  place  to  place  in  the  fields, 
filling  the  office  of  pack-mule  in  carrying  the  baggage,  and  to 
do  a thousand  other  things.  All  the  men  do  is  to  hunt  for 
deer  and  other  animals,  fish,  make  their  cabins,  and  go  to  war. 
Having  done  these  things,  they  then  go  to  other  tribes  with 
which  they  are  acquainted  to  traffic  and  make  exchanges. 
On  their  return,  they  give  themselves  up  to  festivities  and 
dances,  which  they  give  to  each  other,  and  when  these  are  over 
they  go  to  sleep,  which  they  like  to  do  best  of  all  things. 

They  have  some  sort  of  marriage,  which  is  as  follows: 
when  a girl  has  reached  the  age  of  eleven,  twelve,  thirteen, 
fourteen,  or  fifteen  years  she  has  suitors,  more  or  less  accord- 
ing to  her  attractions,  who  woo  her  for  some  time.  After 
this,  the  consent  of  their  fathers  and  mothers  is  asked,  to 
whose  will  the  girls  often  do  not  submit,  although  the  most 
discreet  and  considerate  do  so.  The  lover  or  suitor  presents 
to  the  girl  some  necklaces,  chains,  and  bracelets  of  porcelain. 
If  the  girl  finds  the  suitor  agreeable,  she  receives  the  present. 
Then  the  lover  comes  and  remains  with  her  three  or  four 
nights,  without  saying  anything  to  her  during  the  time.  They 
receive  thus  the  fruit  of  their  affections.  Whence  it  happens 
very  often  that,  after  from  eight  to  fifteen  days,  if  they  cannot 
agree,  she  quits  her  suitor,  who  forfeits  his  necklaces  and 
other  presents  that  he  has  made,  having  received  in  return 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


only  a meagre  satisfaction.  Being  thus  disappointed  in  his 
hopes,  the  man  seeks  another  woman,  and  the  girl  another 
suitor,  if  it  seems  to  them  desirable.  Thus  they  continue  to 
do  until  a favorable  union  is  formed.  It  sometimes  happens 
that  a girl  thus  passes  her  entire  youth,  having  more  than 
twenty  mates,  which  twenty  are  not  alone  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  creature,  mated  though  they  are ; for  when  night  comes 
the  young  women  run  from  one  cabin  to  another,  as  do  also 
the  young  men  on  their  part,  going  where  it  seems  good  to 
them,  but  always  without  any  violence,  referring  the  whole 
matter  to  the  pleasure  of  the  woman.  Their  mates  will  do 
likewise  to  their  women-neighbors,  no  jealousy  arising  among 
them  on  that  account,  nor  do  they  incur  any  reproach  or  in- 
sult, such  being  the  custom  of  the  country. 

Now  the  time  when  they  do  not  leave  their  mates  is  when 
they  have  children.  The  preceding  mate  returns  to  her, 
renews  the  affection  and  friendship  which  he  had  borne  her 
in  the  past,  asserting  that  it  is  greater  than  that  of  any  other 
one,  and  that  the  child  she  has  is  his  and  of  his  begetting. 
The  next  says  the  same  to  her.  In  fine,  the  victory  is  with 
the  stronger,  who  takes  the  woman  for  his  wife.  Thus  it 
depends  upon  the  choice  of  the  woman  to  take  and  accept  him 
who  shall  please  her  best,  having  meantime  in  her  searching 
and  loves  gained  much  porcelain  and,  besides,  the  choice  of  a 
husband.  The  woman  remains  with  him  without  leaving 
him ; or  if  she  do  leave  him,  for  he  is  on  trial,  it  must  be  for 
some  good  reason  other  than  impotence.  But  while  with  this 
husband,  she  does  not  cease  to  give  herself  free  rein,  yet  re- 
mains always  at  home,  keeping  up  a good  appearance.  Thus 
the  children  which  they  have  together,  born  from  such  a woman, 
cannot  be  sure  of  their  legitimacy.  Accordingly,  in  view  of 
this  uncertainty,  it  is  their  custom  that  the  children  never 
succeed  to  the  property  and  honors  of  their  fathers,  there  being 
doubt,  as  above  indicated,  as  to  their  paternity.  They  make, 
however,  the  children  of  their  sisters,  from  whom  they  are 
known  to  have  issued,  their  successors  and  heirs. 

The  following  is  the  way  they  nourish  and  bring  up  their 


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321 


children : they  place  them  during  the  day  on  a little  wooden 
board,  wrapping  them  up  in  furs  or  skins.  To  this  board  they 
bind  them,  placing  them  in  an  erect  position,  and  leaving  a 
little  opening  for  the  child  to  do  its  necessities.  If  it  is  a 
girl,  they  put  a leaf  of  Indian  corn  between  the  thighs,  which 
presses  against  its  privates.  The  extremity  of  the  leaf  is 
carried  outside  in  a turned  position,  so  that  the  water  of  the 
child  runs  off  on  it  without  inconvenience.  They  put  also 
under  the  children  the  down  of  certain  reeds  that  we  call 
hare’s-foot,  on  which  they  rest  very  softly.  They  also  clean 
them  with  the  same  down.  As  an  ornament  for  the  child,  they 
adorn  the  board  with  beads,  which  they  also  put  on  its  neck, 
however  small  it  may  be.  At  night  they  put  it  to  bed,  entirely 
naked,  between  the  father  and  mother.  It  may  be  regarded 
as  a great  miracle  that  God  should  thus  preserve  it  so  that 
no  harm  befalls  it,  as  might  be  expected,  from  suffocation, 
while  the  father  and  mother  are  in  deep  sleep,  but  that  rarely 
happens.  The  children  have  great  freedom  among  these 
tribes.  The  fathers  and  mothers  indulge  them  too  much, 
and  never  punish  them.  Accordingly  they  are  so  bad  and  of 
so  vicious  a nature,  that  they  often  strike  their  mothers  and 
others.  The  most  vicious,  when  they  have  acquired  the 
strength  and  power,  strike  their  fathers.  They  do  this  when- 
ever the  father  or  mother  does  anything  that  does  not  please 
them.  This  is  a sort  of  curse  that  God  inflicts  upon  them. 

In  respect  to  laws,  I have  not  been  able  to  find  out  that 
they  have  any,  or  anything  that  approaches  them,  inasmuch 
as  there  is  not  among  them  any  correction,  punishment,  or 
censure  of  evil-doers,  except  in  the  way  of  vengeance  when 
they  return  evil  for  evil,  not  by  rule  but  by  passion,  which 
produces  among  them  conflicts  and  differences,  which  occur 
very  frequently. 

Moreover,  they  do  not  recognize  any  divinity,  or  worship 
any  God  and  believe  in  anything  whatever,  but  live  like  brute 
beasts.1  They  have,  however,  some  respect  for  the  devil, 
or  something  so  called,  which  is  a matter  of  uncertainty, 
1 See  p.  96,  note  1,  and  Sagard,  Histoire  du  Canada,  p.  494. 


322 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


since  the  word  which  they  use  thus  has  various  significations 
and  comprises  in  itself  various  things.  It  is  accordingly  dif- 
ficult to  determine  whether  they  mean  the  devil  or  something 
else,  but  what  especially  leads  to  the  belief  that  what  they 
mean  is  the  devil  is  this:  whenever  they  see  a man  doing 
something  extraordinary,  or  who  is  more  capable  than  usual, 
or  is  a valiant  warrior,  or  furthermore  who  is  in  a rage  as  if 
out  of  his  reason  and  senses,  they  call  him  oqui,  or,  as  we 
should  say,  a great  knowing  spirit,  or  a great  devil.  However 
this  may  be,  they  have  certain  persons,  who  are  the  oqui , 
or,  as  the  Algonquins  and  Montagnais  call  them,  manitous; 
and  persons  of  this  kind  are  the  medicine-men,  who  heal  the 
sick,  bind  up  the  wounded,  and  predict  future  events,  who  in 
fine  practice  all  abuses  and  illusions  of  the  devil  to  deceive 
and  delude  them.  These  oquis  or  conjurers  persuade  their 
patients  and  the  sick  to  make,  or  have  made  banquets  and 
ceremonies  that  they  may  be  the  sooner  healed,  their  object 
being  to  participate  in  them  finally  themselves  and  get  the 
principal  benefit  therefrom.  Under  the  pretence  of  a more 
speedy  cure,  they  likewise  cause  them  to  observe  various  other 
ceremonies,  which  I shall  hereafter  speak  of  in  the  proper 
place.  These  are  the  people  in  whom  they  put  especial  con- 
fidence, but  it  is  rare  that  they  are  possessed  of  the  devil  and 
tormented  like  other  savages  living  more  remote  than  them- 
selves. 

This  gives  additional  reason  and  ground  to  believe  that 
their  conversion  to  the  knowledge  of  God  would  be  more  easy, 
if  their  country  were  inhabited  by  persons  who  would  take 
the  trouble  and  pains  to  instruct  them.  But  it  is  not  enough 
to  send  to  them  friars,  unless  there  are  those  to  support  and 
assist  them.  For  although  these  people  have  the  desire  to- 
day to  know  what  God  is,  to-morrow  this  disposition  will 
change  when  they  are  obliged  to  lay  aside  and  bring  under 
their  foul  ways,  their  dissolute  manners,  and  their  savage  indul- 
gences. So  that  there  is  need  of  people  and  families  to  keep 
them  in  the  way  of  duty,  to  constrain  them  through  mildness 
to  do  better,  and  to  move  them  by  good  example  to  mend  their 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


323 


lives.  Father  Joseph  and  myself  have  many  times  conferred 
with  them  in  regard  to  our  belief,  laws,  and  customs.  They 
listen  attentively  in  their  assemblies,  sometimes  saying  to  us : 

You  say  things  that  pass  our  knowledge,  and  which  we  cannot 
understand  by  words,  being  beyond  our  comprehension;  but  if  you 
would  do  us  a service  come  and  dwell  in  this  country,  bringing 
your  wives  and  children,  and  when  they  are  here  we  shall  see  how 
you  serve  the  God  you  worship,  and  how  you  live  with  your  wives 
and  children,  how  you  cultivate  and  plant  the  soil,  how  you  obey  your 
laws,  how  you  take  care  of  animals,  and  how  you  manufacture  all 
that  we  see  proceeding  from  your  inventive  skill.  When  we  see  all 
this,  we  shall  learn  more  in  a year  than  in  twenty  by  simply  hear- 
ing you  discourse;  and  if  we  cannot  then  understand,  you  shall 
take  our  children,  who  shall  be  as  your  own.  And  thus  being 
convinced  that  our  life  is  a miserable  one  in  comparison  with  yours, 
it  is  easy  to  believe  that  we  shall  adopt  yours,  abandoning  our 
own. 

Their  words  seemed  to  me  good  common  sense,  showing 
the  desire  they  have  to  get  a knowledge  of  God.  It  is  a great 
wrong  to  let  so  many  men  be  lost,  and  see  them  perish  at  our 
door,  without  rendering  them  the  succor  which  can  only  be 
given  through  the  help  of  kings,  princes,  and  ecclesiastics,  who 
alone  have  the  power  to  do  this.  For  to  them  alone  belongs 
the  honor  of  so  great  a work;  namely,  planting  the  Christian 
faith  in  an  unknown  region  and  among  savage  nations,  since 
we  are  well  informed  about  these  people,  that  they  long  for 
and  desire  nothing  so  much  as  to  be  clearly  instructed  as  to 
what  they  should  do  and  avoid.  It  is  accordingly  the  duty  of 
those  who  have  the  power,  to  labor  there  and  contribute  of 
their  abundance,  for  one  day  they  must  answer  before  God 
for  the  loss  of  the  souls  which  they  allowed  to  perish  through 
their  negligence  and  avarice ; 1 and  these  are  not  few  but 
very  numerous.  Now  this  will  be  done  when  it  shall  please 
God  to  give  them  grace  to  this  end.  As  for  myself,  I desire 


1 Lescarbot  also  complains  of  the  indifference  of  the  French  ecclesias- 
tics. The  zeal  of  the  Recollects,  and  still  more  of  the  Jesuits,  was  soon  to 
blot  out  the  reproach.  See  Parkman,  The  Jesuits  in  North  America. 


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VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  BE  CHAMPLAIK 


[1616 


this  result  rather  to-day  than  to-morrow,  from  the  zeal  which 
I have  for  the  advancement  of  God’s  glory,  for  the  honor  of 
my  King,  and  for  the  welfare  and  renown  of  my  country. 

When  they  are  sick  the  man  or  woman  who  is  attacked 
with  any  disease  sends  for  the  oqui , who  visits  the  patient 
and  informs  himself  about  the  malady  and  the  suffering. 
After  this,  the  oqui  sends  for  a large  number  of  men,  women, 
and  girls,  including  three  or  four  old  women.  These  enter 
the  cabin  of  the  sick,  dancing,  each  one  having  on  his  head 
the  skin  of  a bear  or  some  other  wild  beast,  that  of  the  bear 
being  the  most  common  as  it  is  the  most  frightful.  There  are 
three  or  four  other  old  women  about  the  sick  or  suffering, 
who  for  the  most  part  feign  sickness,  or  are  sick  merely  in 
imagination.  But  they  are  soon  cured  of  this  sickness,  and 
generally  make  banquets  at  the  expense  of  their  friends  or 
relatives,  who  give  them  something  to  put  into  their  kettle, 
in  addition  to  the  presents  which  they  receive  from  the  dancers, 
such  as  porcelain  and  other  bagatelles,  so  that  they  are  soon 
cured;  for  when  they  find  that  they  have  nothing  more  to 
look  for,  they  get  up  with  what  they  have  secured.  But  those 
who  are  really  sick  are  not  readily  cured  by  plays,  dances,  and 
such  proceedings. 

To  return  to  my  narrative : the  old  women  near  the  sick 
person  receive  the  presents  each  singing  and  pausing  in  turn. 
When  all  the  presents  have  been  made,  they  proceed  to  lift 
up  their  voices  with  one  accord,  all  singing  together  and  keep- 
ing time  with  sticks  on  pieces  of  dry  bark.  Then  all  the  women 
and  girls  proceed  to  the  end  of  the  cabin,  as  if  they  were  about 
to  begin  a ballet  or  masquerade.  The  old  women  walk  in 
front  with  their  bearskins  on  their  heads,  all  the  others  follow- 
ing them,  one  after  the  other.  They  have  only  two  kinds  of 
dances  with  regular  time,  one  of  four  steps  and  the  other  of 
twelve,  as  in  the  trioli  of  Brittany.  They  exhibit  much 
grace  in  dancing.  Young  men  often  take  part  with  them. 
After  dancing  an  hour  or  two,  the  old  women  lead  out  the  sick 
person  to  dance,  who  gets  up  dolefully  and  prepares  to  dance, 
and  after  a short  time  she  dances  and  enjoys  as  much  as  the 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


325 


others.  I leave  it  to  you  to  consider  how  sick  she  was.  Below 
is  represented  the  mode  of  their  dances. 

The  medicine-man  thus  gains  honor  and  credit,  his  patient 
being  so  soon  healed  and  on  her  feet.  This  treatment,  how- 
ever, does  nothing  for  those  who  are  dangerously  ill  and  re- 
duced by  weakness,  but  causes  their  death  rather  than  their 
cure ; for  I can  testify  that  they  sometimes  make  such  a noise 
and  hubbub  from  morning  until  two  o’clock  at  night  that  it 
is  impossible  for  the  patient  to  endure  it  without  great  pain. 
Sometimes  the  patient  is  seized  with  the  desire  to  have  the 
women  and  girls  dance  all  together,  which  is  done  in  accord- 
ance with  the  direction  of  the  oqui.  But  this  is  not  all,  for 
he  and  the  manitou,  accompanied  by  some  others,  make 
grimaces,  perform  magic  arts,  and  twist  themselves  about  so 
that  they  generally  end  in  being  out  of  their  senses,  seemingly 
crazy,  throwing  the  fire  from  one  side  of  the  cabin  to  the  other, 
eating  burning  coals,  holding  them  in  their  hands  for  a while, 
and  throwing  red-hot  ashes  into  the  eyes  of  the  spectators. 
Seeing  them  in  this  condition,  one  would  say  that  the  devil, 
the  oqui , or  manitou , if  he  is  thus  to  be  called,  possesses  and 
torments  them.  This  noise  and  hubbub  being  over,  they 
retire  each  to  his  own  cabin. 

But  those  who  suffer  especially  during  this  time  are  the 
wives  of  those  possessed,  and  all  the  inmates  of  their  cabins, 
from  the  fear  they  have  lest  the  raging  ones  burn  up  all  that 
is  in  their  homes.  This  leads  them  to  remove  everything  that 
is  in  sight ; for  as  soon  as  he  arrives  he  is  all  in  a fury,  his  eyes 
flashing  and  frightful,  sometimes  standing  up,  sometimes 
seated,  as  his  fancy  takes  him.  Suddenly  a fit  seizes  him, 
and  laying  hold  of  everything  he  finds  in  his  way  he  throws 
them  to  one  side  and  the  other.  Then  he  lies  down  and  sleeps 
for  some  time.  Waking  up  with  a jump,  he  seizes  fire  and 
stones,  which  he  throws  about  recklessly  on  all  sides.  This 
rage  passes  off  with  the  sleep  which  seizes  him  again.  Then 
he  rages  and  calls  several  of  his  friends  to  sweat  with  him. 
The  latter  is  the  best  means  they  have  for  preserving  themselves 
in  health.  While  they  are  sweating,  the  kettle  boils  to  prepare 


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[1616 


them  something  to  eat.  They  remain,  two  or  three  hours  or 
so,  covered  up  with  great  pieces  of  bark  and  wrapped  in  their 
robes,  with  a great  many  stones  about  them  which  have  been 
heated  red-hot  in  the  fire.  They  sing  all  the  time  while  they 
are  in  the  rage,  occasionally  stopping  to  take  breath.  Then 
they  give  them  many  draughts  of  water  to  drink,  since  they 
are  very  thirsty,  when  the  demoniac,  who  was  crazy  or  pos- 
sessed of  an  evil  spirit,  becomes  sober. 

Thus  it  happens  that  three  or  four  of  these  sick  persons 
get  well,  rather  by  a happy  coincidence  and  chance  than  in 
consequence  of  any  intelligent  treatment,  and  this  confirms 
their  false  belief  that  they  are  healed  by  means  of  these  cere- 
monies, not  considering  that,  for  two  who  are  thus  cured, 
ten  others  die  on  account  of  the  noise,  great  hubbub  and  hiss- 
ing, which  are  rather  calculated  to  kill  than  cure  a sick  person. 
But  that  they  expect  to  recover  their  health  by  this  noise, 
and  we  on  the  contrary  by  silence  and  rest,  shows  how  the  devil 
does  everything  in  hostility  to  the  good. 

There  are  also  women  who  go  into  these  rages,  but  they 
do  not  do  so  much  harm.  They  walk  on  all  fours  like  beasts. 
Seeing  this,  the  magician,  called  oqui,  begins  to  sing;  then, 
with  some  contortions  of  the  face,  he  blows  upon  her,  direct- 
ing her  to  drink  certain  waters,  and  make  at  once  a banquet 
of  fish  or  flesh,  which  must  be  procured  although  very  scarce 
at  the  time.  When  the  shouting  is  over  and  the  banquet 
ended,  they  return  each  to  her  own  cabin.  At  another  time 
he  comes  back  and  visits  her,  blowing  upon  her  and  singing 
in  company  with  several  others,  who  have  been  summoned 
for  this  purpose,  and  who  hold  in  the  hand  a dry  tortoise-shell 
filled  with  little  pebbles,  which  they  cause  to  resound  in  the 
ears  of  the  sick  woman.  They  direct  her  to  make  at  once 
three  or  four  banquets  with  singing  and  dancing,  when  all 
the  girls  appear  adorned  and  painted  as  I have  represented 
in  figure  G.  The  oqui  orders  masquerades,  and  directs  them 
to  disguise  themselves,  as  those  do  who  run  along  the  streets 
in  France  on  Mardi-gras.1  Thus  they  go  and  sing  near  the 

1 Shrove  Tuesday. 


1616] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


327 


bed  of  the  sick  woman  and  promenade  through  the  village 
while  the  banquet  is  preparing  to  receive  the  maskers,  who 
return  very  tired,  having  taken  exercise  enough  to  be  able  to 
empty  the  kettle  of  its  migan . 

According  to  their  custom  each  household  lives  on  what 
it  gets  by  fishing  and  planting,  improving  as  much  land  as  it 
needs.  They  clear  it  up  with  great  difficulty,  since  they  do 
not  have  the  implements  adapted  to  this  purpose.  A party 
strip  the  trees  of  all  their  branches,  which  they  burn  at  their 
base  in  order  to  kill  them.  They  clear  carefully  the  land 
between  the  trees,  and  then  plant  their  corn  at  distances  of 
a pace,  putting  in  each  place  some  ten  kernels,  and  so  on 
until  they  have  made  provision  for  three  or  four  years,  fearing 
that  a bad  year  may  befall  them.  The  women  attend  to  the 
planting  and  harvesting,  as  I have  said  before,  and  to  pro- 
curing a supply  of  wood  for  winter.  All  the  women  aid  each 
other  in  procuring  this  provision  of  wood,  which  they  do  in 
the  month  of  March  or  April,  in  the  order  of  two  days  for  each. 
Every  household  is  provided  with  as  much  as  it  needs;  and 
if  a girl  marries,  each  woman  and  girl  is  expected  to  carry  to 
the  newly  married  one  a parcel  of  wood  for  her  provision,  since 
she  could  not  procure  it  alone,  and  at  a season  when  she  has 
to  give  her  attention  to  other  things. 

The  following  is  their  mode  of  government : the  older  and 
leading  men  assemble  in  a council,  in  which  they  settle  upon 
and  propose  all  that  is  necessary  for  the  affairs  of  the  village. 
This  is  done  by  a plurality  of  voices,  or  in  accordance  with 
the  advice  of  some  one  among  them  whose  judgment  they 
consider  superior:  such  a one  is  requested  by  the  company 
to  give  his  opinion  on  the  propositions  that  have  been  made, 
and  this  opinion  is  minutely  obeyed.  They  have  no  particular 
chiefs  with  absolute  command,  but  they  show  honor  to  the 
older  and  more  courageous  men,  whom  they  name  captains, 
as  a mark  of  honor  and  respect,  of  which  there  are  several 
in  a village.  But,  although  they  confer  more  honor  upon 
one  than  upon  others,  yet  he  is  not  on  that  account  to  bear 
sway,  nor  esteem  himself  higher  than  his  companions,  unless 


328 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


he  does  so  from  vanity.  They  make  no  use  of  punishments 
nor  arbitrary  command,  but  accomplish  everything  by  the 
entreaties  of  the  seniors,  and  by  means  of  addresses  and  re- 
monstrances. Thus  and  not  otherwise  do  they  bring  every- 
thing to  pass. 

They  all  deliberate  in  common,  and  whenever  any  member 
of  the  assembly  offers  to  do  anything  for  the  welfare  of  the 
village,  or  to  go  anywhere  for  the  service  of  the  community, 
he  is  requested  to  present  himself,  and  if  he  is  judged  capable 
of  carrying  out  what  he  proposes,  they  exhort  him,  by  fair 
and  favorable  words,  to  do  his  duty.  They  declare  him  to  be 
an  energetic  man,  fit  for  undertakings,  and  assure  him  that  he 
will  win  honor  in  accomplishing  them.  In  a word,  they  en- 
courage him  by  flatteries,  in  order  that  this  favorable  disposi- 
tion of  his  for  the  welfare  of  his  fellow-citizens  may  continue 
and  increase.  Then,  according  to  his  pleasure,  he  refuses  the 
responsibility,  which  few  do,  or  accepts,  since  thereby  he  is 
held  in  high  esteem. 

When  they  engage  in  wars  or  go  to  the  country  of  their 
enemies,  two  or  three  of  the  older  or  valiant  captains  make  a 
beginning  in  the  matter,  and  proceed  to  the  adjoining  villages 
to  communicate  their  purpose,  and  make  presents  to  the 
people  of  these  villages,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  accompany 
them  to  the  wars  in  question.  In  so  far  they  act  as  generals 
of  armies.  They  designate  the  place  where  they  desire  to  go, 
dispose  of  the  prisoners  who  are  captured,  and  have  the  direc- 
tion of  other  matters  of  especial  importance,  of  which  they 
get  the  honor,  if  they  are  successful ; but,  if  not,  the  disgrace 
of  failure  in  the  war  falls  upon  them.  These  captains  alone 
are  looked  upon  and  considered  as  chiefs  of  the  tribes. 

They  have,  moreover,  general  assemblies,  with  representa- 
tives from  remote  regions.  These  representatives  come  every 
year,  one  from  each  province,  and  meet  in  a town  designated 
as  the  rendezvous  of  the  assembly.  Here  are  celebrated  great 
banquets  and  dances,  for  three  weeks  or  a month,  according 
as  they  may  determine.  Here  they  renew  their  friendship, 
resolve  upon  and  decree  what  they  think  best  for  the  preser- 


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329 


vation  of  their  country  against  their  enemies,  and  make  each 
other  handsome  presents,  after  which  they  retire  each  to  his 
own  district. 

In  burying  the  dead,  they  take  the  body  of  the  deceased, 
wrap  it  in  furs,  and  cover  it  very  carefully  with  the  bark  of 
trees.  Then  they  place  it  in  a cabin,  of  the  length  of  the  body, 
made  of  bark  and  erected  upon  four  posts.  Others  they  place 
in  the  ground,  propping  up  the  earth  on  all  sides,  that  it  may 
not  fall  on  the  body,  which  they  cover  with  the  bark  of  trees, 
putting  earth  on  top.  Over  this  trench  they  also  make  a little 
cabin.  Now  it  is  to  be  understood  that  the  bodies  remain  in 
these  places,  thus  inhumed,  but  for  a period  of  eight  or  ten 
years,  when  the  men  of  the  village  recommend  the  place  where 
their  ceremonies  are  to  take  place ; or,  to  speak  more  precisely, 
they  hold  a general  council,  in  which  all  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try are  present,  for  the  purpose  of  designating  the  place  where 
a festival  is  to  be  held.  After  this  they  return  each  to  his 
own  village,  where  they  take  all  the  bones  of  the  deceased, 
strip  them  and  make  them  quite  clean.  These  they  keep 
very  carefully,  although  they  smell  like  bodies  recently  in- 
terred. Then  all  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  deceased 
take  these  bones,  together  with  their  necklaces,  furs,  axes, 
kettles,  and  other  things  highly  valued,  and  carry  them, 
with  a quantity  of  edibles,  to  the  place  assigned.  Here, 
when  all  have  assembled,  they  put  the  edibles  in  a place  desig- 
nated by  the  men  of  the  village,  and  engage  in  banquets  and 
continual  dancing.  The  festival  continues  for  the  space  of 
ten  days,  during  which  time  other  tribes,  from  all  quarters, 
come  to  witness  it  and  the  ceremonies.  The  latter  are  attended 
with  great  outlays. 

Now,  by  means  of  these  ceremonies,  including  dances, 
banquets,  and  assemblies,  as  above  stated,  they  renew  their 
friendship  to  one  another,  saying  that  the  bones  of  their  rela- 
tives and  friends  are  to  be  all  put  together,  thus  indicating 
by  a figure  that,  as  their  bones  are  gathered  together,  and 
united  in  one  and  the  same  place,  so  ought  they  also,  during 
their  life,  to  be  united  in  one  friendship  and  harmony,  like  rela- 


330 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


tives  and  friends,  without  separation.  Having  thus  mingled 
together  the  bones  of  their  mutual  relatives  and  friends, 
they  pronounce  many  discourses  on  the  occasion.  Then, 
after  various  grimaces  or  exhibitions,  they  make  a great  trench, 
ten  fathoms  square,  in  which  they  put  the  bones,  together  with 
the  necklaces,  chains  of  porcelain,  axes,  kettles,  sword-blades, 
knives,  and  various  other  trifles,  which,  however,  are  of  no 
slight  account  in  their  estimation.  They  cover  the  whole 
with  earth,  putting  on  top  several  great  pieces  of  wood,  and 
placing  around  many  posts,  on  which  they  put  a covering. 
This  is  their  manner  of  proceeding  with  regard  to  the  dead, 
and  it  is  the  most  prominent  ceremony  they  have.  Some 
of  them  believe  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  while  others 
have  only  a presentiment  of  it,  which,  however,  is  not  so 
very  different ; for  they  say  that  after  their  decease  they  will 
go  to  a place  where  they  will  sing  like  crows,  a song,  it  must 
be  confessed,  quite  different  from  that  of  angels.  On  the 
following  page  are  represented  their  sepulchres  and  manner 
of  interment. 

It  remains  to  describe  how  they  spend  their  time  in  winter ; 
namely,  from  the  month  of  December  to  the  end  of  March, 
or  the  beginning  of  our  spring,  when  the  snow  melts.  All 
that  they  might  do  during  autumn,  as  I have  before  stated, 
they  postpone  to  be  done  during  winter ; namely,  their  ban- 
quetings,  and  usual  dances  for  the  sake  of  the  sick,  which  I 
have  already  described,  and  the  assemblages  of  the  inhabitants 
of  various  villages,  where  there  are  banquetings,  singing,  and 
dances,  which  they  call  tabagies , and  where  sometimes  five 
hundred  persons  are  collected,  both  men,  women,  and  girls. 
The  latter  are  finely  decked  and  adorned  with  the  best  and 
most  costly  things  they  have. 

On  certain  days  they  make  masquerades,  and  visit  each 
other’s  cabins,  asking  for  the  things  they  like,  and  if  they 
meet  those  who  have  what  they  want,  these  give  it  to  them 
freely.  Thus  they  go  on  asking  for  many  things  without  end ; 
so  that  a single  one  of  those  soliciting  will  have  robes  of  beaver, 
bear,  deer,  lynxes,  and  other  furs,  also  fish,  Indian  corn,  to- 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


331 


bacco,  or  boilers,  kettles,  pots,  axes,  pruning-knives,  knives, 
and  other  like  things.  They  go  to  the  houses  and  cabins  of 
the  village,  singing  these  words,  That  one  gave  me  this,  an- 
other gave  that,  or  like  words,  by  way  of  commendation. 
But  if  one  gives  them  nothing  they  get  angry,  and  show  such 
spite  towards  him  that  when  they  leave  they  take  a stone  and 
put  it  near  this  man  or  that  woman  who  has  not  given  them 
anything.  Then,  without  saying  a word,  they  return  singing, 
which  is  a mark  of  insult,  censure,  and  ill-will.  The  women 
do  so  as  well  as  the  men,  and  this  mode  of  proceeding  takes 
place  at  night,  and  the  masquerade  continues  seven  or  eight 
days.  There  are  some  of  their  villages  which  have  maskers 
or  merry-makers,  as  we  do  on  the  evening  of  Mardi-gras,  and 
they  invite  the  other  villages  to  come  and  see  them  and  win 
their  utensils,  if  they  can.  Meanwhile  banquets  are  not  want- 
ing. This  is  the  way  they  spend  their  time  in  winter. 

Moreover,  the  women  spin,  and  pound  meal  for  the  journeys 
of  their  husbands  in  summer,  who  go  to  other  tribes  to  trade, 
as  they  decide  to  do  at  the  above-mentioned  councils,  in 
which  it  is  determined  what  number  of  men  may  go  from  each 
village,  that  it  may  not  be  deprived  of  men  of  war  for  its 
protection;  and  nobody  goes  from  the  country  without  the 
general  consent  of  the  chiefs,  or  if  they  should  go  they  would 
be  regarded  as  behaving  improperly.  The  men  make  nets 
for  fishing,  which  they  carry  on  in  summer,  but  generally 
in  winter,  when  they  capture  the  fish  under  the  ice  with  the 
line  or  with  the  seine. 

The  following  is  their  manner  of  fishing.  They  make 
several  holes  in  a circular  form  in  the  ice,  the  one  where  they 
are  to  draw  the  seine  being  some  five  feet  long  and  three  wide. 
Then  they  proceed  to  place  their  net  at  this  opening,  attaching 
it  to  a rod  of  wood  from  six  to  seven  feet  long,  which  they  put 
under  the  ice.  This  rod  they  cause  to  pass  from  hole  to  hole, 
when  one  or  more  men,  putting  their  hands  in  the  holes,  take 
hold  of  the  rod  to  which  is  attached  an  end  of  the  net,  until 
they  unite  at  the  opening  of  five  to  six  feet.  Then  they  let 
the  net  drop  to  the  bottom  of  the  water,  it  being  sunk  by  little 


332 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


stones  attached  to  the  end.  After  it  is  down  they  draw  it 
up  again  with  their  arms  at  its  two  ends,  thus  capturing  the 
fish  that  are  in  it.  This  is,  in  brief,  their  manner  of  fishing  in 
winter. 

The  winter  begins  in  the  month  of  November  and  con- 
tinues until  the  month  of  April,  when  the  trees  begin  to  send 
forth  the  sap  and  show  their  buds. 

On  the  22d  of  the  month  of  April  we  received  news  from 
our  interpreter,  who  had  gone  to  Carantoiian,  through  those 
who  had  come  from  there.  They  told  us  that  they  had  left 
him  on  the  road,  he  having  returned  to  the  village  for  certain 
reasons. 

Now,  resuming  the  thread  of  my  narrative,  our  savages 
assembled  to  come  with  us,  and  conduct  us  back  to  our  habi- 
tation, and  for  this  purpose  we  set  out  from  their  country  on 
the  20th  of  the  month,1  and  were  forty  days  on  the  way. 
We  caught  a large  number  of  fish  and  animals  of  various 
kinds,  together  with  small  game,  which  afforded  us  especial 
pleasure,  in  addition  to  the  provisions  thus  furnished  us  for 
our  journey.  Upon  our  arrival  among  the  French,  towards 
the  end  of  the  month  of  June,  I found  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave, 
who  had  come  from  France  with  two  vessels,  and  who  had 
almost  despaired  of  seeing  me  again,  having  heard  from  the 
savages  the  bad  news,  that  I was  dead. 

We  also  saw  all  the  holy  fathers  who  had  remained  at 
our  settlement.  They  too  were  very  happy  to  see  us  again, 
and  we  none  the  less  so  to  see  them.  Welcomes  and  felici- 
tations on  all  sides  being  over,  I made  arrangements  to  set 
out  from  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis  for  our  settlement,  taking 
with  me  my  host  D’Arontal.  I took  leave  also  of  all  the  other 
savages,  assuring  them  of  my  affection,  and  that,  if  I could, 
I would  see  them  in  the  future,  to  assist  them  as  I had  already 
done  in  the  past,  bringing  them  valuable  presents  to  secure 
their  friendship  with  one  another,  and  begging  them  to  forget 
all  the  disputes  which  they  had  had  when  I reconciled  them, 
which  they  promised  to  do. 

1 Of  May. 


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THE  VOYAGE  OF  1615 


333 


Then  we  set  out,  on  the  8th  of  July,  and  arrived  at  our 
settlement  on  the  11th  of  that  month.  Here  I found  every- 
body in  good  health,  and  we  all,  in  company  with  our  holy 
fathers,  who  chanted  the  Divine  service,  returned  thanks  to 
God  for  His  care  in  preserving  us,  and  protecting  us  amid 
the  many  perils  and  dangers  to  which  we  had  been  exposed. 

After  this,  and  when  everything  had  become  settled,  I 
proceeded  to  show  hospitalities  to  my  host,  D'Arontal,  who 
admired  our  building,  our  conduct,  and  mode  of  living.  After 
carefully  observing  us,  he  said  to  me,  in  private,  that  he  should 
never  die  contented  until  he  had  seen  all  of  his  friends,  or  at 
least  a good  part  of  them,  come  and  take  up  their  abode  with 
us,  in  order  to  learn  how  to  serve  God,  and  our  way  of  living, 
which  he  esteemed  supremely  happy  in  comparison  with  their 
own.  Moreover  he  said  that,  if  he  could  not  learn  it  by  word 
of  mouth,  he  would  do  so  much  better  and  more  easily  by 
sight  and  by  frequent  intercourse,  and  that,  if  their  minds 
could  not  comprehend  our  arts,  sciences,  and  trades,  their 
children  who  were  young  could  do  so,  as  they  had  often  rep- 
resented to  us  in  their  country  in  conversation  with  Father 
Joseph.  He  urged  us,  for  the  promotion  of  this  object,  to 
make  another  settlement  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  so  as  to 
secure  them  the  passage  of  the  river  against  their  enemies, 
assuring  us  that,  as  soon  as  we  should  build  a house,  they 
would  come  in  numbers  to  live  as  brothers  with  us.  Accord- 
ingly I promised  to  make  a settlement  for  them  as  soon  as 
possible. 

After  we  had  remained  four  or  five  days  together,  I gave 
him  some  valuable  presents,  with  which  he  was  greatly  pleased, 
and  I begged  him  to  continue  his  affection  for  us,  and  come 
again  to  see  our  settlement  with  his  friends.  Then  he  returned 
happy  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  where  his  companions  awaited 
him. 

When  this  Captain  D’Arontal  had  departed,  we  enlarged 
our  habitation  by  a third  at  least  in  buildings  and  fortifications, 
since  it  was  not  sufficiently  spacious,  nor  convenient  for  re- 
ceiving the  members  of  our  own  company  and  likewise  the 


334 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1616 


strangers  that  might  come  to  see  us.  We  used,  in  building, 
lime  and  sand  entirely,  which  we  found  very  good  there  in 
a spot  near  the  habitation.  This  is  a very  useful  material  for 
building  for  those  disposed  to  adapt  and  accustom  themselves 
to  it. 

The  Fathers  Denis  and  Joseph  determined  to  return  to 
France,  in  order  to  testify  there  to  all  they  had  seen,  and  to 
the  hope  they  could  promise  themselves  of  the  conversion  of 
these  people,  who  awaited  only  the  assistance  of  the  holy 
fathers  in  order  to  be  converted  and  brought  to  our  faith 
and  the  Catholic  religion. 

During  my  stay  at  the  settlement  I had  some  common 
grain  cut;  namely,  French  grain,  which  had  been  planted 
there  and  which  had  come  up  very  finely,  that  I might  take 
it  to  France,  as  evidence  that  the  land  is  good  and  fertile.  In 
another  part,  moreover,  there  was  some  fine  Indian  corn,  also 
scions  and  trees  which  had  been  given  us  by  Sieur  du  Monts 
in  Normandy.  In  a word,  all  the  gardens  of  the  place  were  in 
an  admirably  fine  condition,  being  planted  with  peas,  beans, 
and  other  vegetables,  also  squashes  and  very  superior  radishes 
of  various  sorts,  cabbages,  beets,  and  other  kitchen  vegetables. 
When  on  the  point  of  departure,  we  left  two  of  our  fathers  at 
the  settlement ; namely,  Fathers  Jean  d’Olbeau  and  Pacifique, 
who  were  greatly  pleased  with  all  the  time  spent  at  that  place, 
and  resolved  to  await  there  the  return  of  Father  Joseph,  who 
was  expected  to  come  back  in  the  following  year,  which  he 
did. 

We  sailed  in  our  barques  the  20th  day  of  July,  and  arrived 
at  Tadoussac  the  23d  day  of  the  month,  where  Sieur  du  Pont 
Grave  awaited  us  with  his  vessel  ready  and  equipped.  In 
this  we  embarked  and  set  out  the  3d  day  of  the  month  of 
August.  The  wind  was  so  favorable  that  we  arrived  in  health 
by  the  grace  of  God,  at  Honfleur,1  on  the  10th  day  of  Septem- 
ber, one  thousand  six  hundred  and  sixteen,  and  upon  our 

1 On  his  return  Champlain  found  that  the  turbulent  Cond4  had  been 
flung  into  the  Bastille,  whence  he  did  not  emerge  till  1619.  See  the  edition 
of  1632. 


1616] 


THE  VOYAGE  OE  1615 


335 


arrival  rendered  praise  and  thanks  to  God  for  his  great  care 
in  preserving  our  lives,  and  delivering  and  even  snatching 
us,  as  it  were,  from  the  many  dangers  to  which  we  had  been 
exposed,  and  for  bringing  and  conducting  us  in  health  to 
our  country ; we  besought  Him  also  to  move  the  heart  of  our 
King  and  the  gentlemen  of  his  council,  to  contribute  their 
assistance  so  far  as  necessary  to  bring  these  poor  savages 
to  the  knowledge  of  God,  whence  honor  will  redound  to  his 
Majesty,  grandeur  and  growth  to  his  realm,  profit  to  his  sub- 
jects, and  the  glory  of  all  these  undertakings  and  toils  to  God, 
the  sole  author  of  all  excellence,  to  whom  be  honor  and  glory. 
Amen. 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  VOYAGES  AND 
DISCOVERIES  MADE  IN  NEW 
FRANCE,  IN  THE  YEAR 
1 6 1 8 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  VOYAGES  AND 
DISCOVERIES  MADE  IN  NEW  FRANCE 


BY  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN,  CAPTAIN  FOR  THE  KING 
IN  THE  WESTERN  MARINE, 

IN  THE  YEAR  1618 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  one  thousand  six  hundred 
and  eighteen,  on  the  twenty-second  of  March,  I set  out  from 
Paris  1 together  with  my  brother-in-law,2  for  Honfleur,  our 
usual  port  of  embarkation.  There  we  were  obliged  to  make 
a long  stay  on  account  of  contrary  winds.  But  when  they 
had  become  favorable,  we  embarked  on  the  large  vessel  of 
the  Association,3  which  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  commanded. 
There  was  also  on  board  a nobleman,  named  De  la  Mothe,4 
who  had  previously  made  a voyage  with  the  Jesuits  to  the  re- 
gions of  La  Cadie,  where  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  English, 
and  by  them  carried  to  the  Virginias,  the  place  of  their  settle- 
ment. Some  time  after,  they  transferred  him  to  England  and 
from  there  to  France,  where  there  arose  in  him  an  increased 
desire  to  make  another  voyage  to  New  France,  which  led 
him  to  seek  the  opportunity  presented  by  me.  I had  assured 
him,  accordingly,  that  I would  use  my  influence  and  assistance 
with  our  associates,  as  it  seemed  to  me  that  they  would  find 

1 Champlain  made  a voyage  to  New  France  in  1617,  but  published  no 
record  of  its  events,  which  were  apparently  unimportant.  See  Biggar, 
Early  Trading  Companies  of  New  France,  pp.  104-106. 

2 Eustache  Boulle,  son  of  Nicolas  Boulle,  secretary  of  the  king’s 
chamber. 

3 Champlain’s  Company  of  New  France. 

4 Nicolas  de  la  Mothe,  who  had  been  lieutenant  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Saus- 
saye  in  the  founding  of  Madame  de  Guercheville’s  colony  on  Mt.  Desert, 
destroyed  by  Argali  in  1613. 


339 


340 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


such  a person  desirable,  since  he  would  be  very  useful  in  those 
regions. 

Our  embarkation  being  made,  we  took  our  departure 
from  Honfleur  on  the  24th  day  of  May  following,  in  the  year 
1618.  The  wind  was  favorable  for  our  voyage,  but  continued 
so  only  a very  few  days,  when  it  suddenly  changed,  and  we 
had  all  the  time  head  winds  up  to  our  arrival,  on  the  3d  day 
of  June  following,  on  the  Grand  Bank,  where  the  fresh  fishery 
is  carried  on.  Here  we  perceived  to  the  windward  of  us  some 
banks  of  ice,  which  came  down  from  the  north.  While  wait- 
ing for  a favorable  wind  we  engaged  in  fishing,  which  afforded 
us  great  pleasure,  not  only  on  account  of  the  fish  but  also  of 
a kind  of  bird  called  fauquets / and  other  kinds  that  are  caught 
on  the  line  like  fish.  For,  on  throwing  the  fine,  with  its  hook 
baited  with  cod  liver,  these  birds  made  for  it  with  a rush,  and 
in  such  numbers  that  you  could  not  draw  it  out  in  order  to 
throw  it  again,  without  capturing  them  by  the  beak,  feet, 
and  wings  as  they  flew  and  fell  upon  the  bait,  so  great  were  the 
eagerness  and  voracity  of  these  birds.  This  fishing  afforded 
us  great  pleasure,  not  only  on  account  of  the  sport,  but  on 
account  of  the  infinite  number  of  birds  and  fish  that  we  cap- 
tured, which  were  very  good  eating,  and  made  a very  desirable 
change  on  shipboard. 

Continuing  on  our  route,  we  arrived  on  the  15th  of  the 
month  off  Isle  Percee,  and  on  St.  John’s  day  2 following  en- 
tered the  harbor  of  Tadoussac,  where  we  found  our  small 
vessel,  which  had  arrived  three  weeks  before  us.  The  men 
on  her  told  us  that  Sieur  des  Chesnes,  the  commander,  had 
gone  to  our  settlement  at  Quebec.  Thence  he  was  to  go  to 
the  Trois  Rivieres  to  meet  the  savages,  who  were  to  come 
there  from  various  regions  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  and  like- 
wise to  determine  what  was  to  be  done  on  account  of  the 
death  of  two  of  our  men,  who  had  been  treacherously  and 
perfidiously  killed  by  two  vicious  young  men  of  the  Mon- 
tagnais.  These  two  unfortunate  victims,  as  the  men  on  the 


Probably  the  common  tern,  or  sea  swallow.  (Slafter.) 


3 June  24. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


341 


vessel  informed  us,  had  been  killed  while  out  hunting  nearly 
two  years  1 before.  Those  in  the  settlement  had  always 
supposed  that  they  had  been  drowned  from  the  upsetting  of 
their  canoe,  until  a short  time  before,  one  of  the  men,  conceiv- 
ing an  animosity  against  the  murderers,  made  a disclosure 
and  communicated  the  fact  and  cause  of  the  murder  to  the 
men  of  our  settlement.  For  certain  reasons  it  has  seemed 
to  me  well  to  give  an  account  of  the  matter  and  of  what  was 
done  in  regard  to  it.  But  it  is  almost  impossible  to  obtain 
the  exact  truth  in  the  case,  on  account,  not  only  of  the  small 
amount  of  testimony  at  hand,  but  of  the  diversity  of 
the  statements  made,  the  most  of  which  were  presumptive. 
I will,  however,  give  an  account  of  the  matter  here,  fol- 
lowing the  statement  of  the  greater  number  as  being  nearer 
the  truth,  and  relating  what  I have  found  to  be  the  most 
probable. 

The  following  is  the  occasion  of  the  murder  of  the  two  un- 
fortunate deceased.  One  of  the  two  murderers  paid  frequent 
visits  to  our  settlement,  receiving  there  a thousand  kindnesses 
and  favors,  among  other  persons  from  Sieur  du  Parc,  a noble- 
man from  Normandy,  in  command  at  the  time  at  Quebec,  in 
the  service  of  the  King  and  in  behalf  of  the  merchants  of  this 
Association  in  the  year  1616.  This  savage,  while  on  one  of 
his  customary  visits,  received  one  day,  on  account  of  some 
jealousy,  ill  treatment  from  one  of  the  two  murdered  men, 
who  was  by  profession  a locksmith,  and  who  after  some  words 
beat  the  savage  so  soundly  as  to  impress  it  well  upon  his  mem- 
ory. And  not  satisfied  with  beating  and  misusing  the  savage 
he  incited  his  companions  to  do  the  same,  which  aroused 
still  more  the  hatred  and  animosity  of  the  savage  towards  this 
locksmith  and  his  companions,  and  led  him  to  seek  an  oppor- 
tunity to  revenge  himself.  He  accordingly  watched  for  a 
time  and  opportunity  for  doing  so,  acting  however  cautiously 

1 This  would  make  the  murder  take  place  in  August  or  September, 

1616.  Sagard  ( Histoire  du  Canada,  p.  42)  places  it  in  the  middle  of  April, 

1617.  Champlain’s  date  is  the  more  probable,  as  there  would  be  little  game 
in  April. 


342 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


and  appearing  as  usual,  without  showing  any  sign  of  resent- 
ment. 

Some  time  after,  the  locksmith  and  a sailor  named  Charles 
Pillet,  from  the  island  of  Re,1  arranged  to  go  hunting  and 
stay  away  three  or  four  nights.  For  this  purpose  they  got 
ready  a canoe,  and  embarking  departed  from  Quebec  for 
Cape  Tourmente.  Here  there  were  some  little  islands  where 
a great  quantity  of  game  and  birds  resorted,  near  Isle  d’Orleans, 
and  distant  seven  leagues  from  Quebec.  The  departure  of 
our  men  became  at  once  known  to  the  two  savages,  who  were 
not  slow  in  starting  to  pursue  them  and  carry  out  their  evil 
design.  They  sought  for  the  place  where  the  locksmith  and 
his  companion  went  to  sleep,  in  order  to  surprise  them.  Hav- 
ing ascertained  it  at  evening,  at  break  of  day  on  the  following 
morning  the  two  savages  slipped  quietly  along  certain  very 
pleasant  meadows.  Arriving  at  a point  near  the  place  in 
question,  they  moored  their  canoe,  landed  and  went  straight 
to  the  cabin,  where  our  men  had  slept.  But  they  found  only 
the  locksmith,  who  was  preparing  to  go  hunting  with  his  com- 
panion, and  who  thought  of  nothing  less  than  of  what  was  to 
befall  him.  One  of  these  savages  approached  him,  and  with 
some  pleasant  words  removed  from  him  all  suspicion  of  any- 
thing wrong  in  order  that  he  might  the  better  deceive  him. 
But  as  he  saw  him  stoop  to  adjust  his  arquebus,  he  quickly 
drew  a club  that  he  had  concealed  on  his  person,  and  gave  the 
locksmith  so  heavy  a blow  on  his  head,  that  it  sent  him  stag- 
gering and  completely  stunned.  The  savage,  seeing  that  the 
locksmith  was  preparing  to  defend  himself,  repeated  his  blow, 
struck  him  to  the  ground,  threw  himself  upon  him,  and  with 
a knife  gave  him  three  or  four  cuts  in  the  stomach,  killing 
him  in  this  horrible  manner. 

In  order  that  they  might  also  get  possession  of  the  sailor, 
the  companion  of  the  locksmith  who  had  started  early  in  the 
morning  to  go  hunting,  not  because  they  bore  any  special 
hatred  towards  him,  but  that  they  might  not  be  discovered 
nor  accused  by  him,  they  went  in  all  directions  searching  for 

1 Off  Rochelle. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


343 


him.  At  last,  from  the  report  of  an  arquebus  which  they 
heard,  they  discovered  where  he  was,  in  which  direction  they 
rapidly  hastened,  so  as  to  give  no  time  to  the  sailor  to  reload 
his  arquebus  and  put  himself  in  a state  of  defence.  Approach- 
ing, they  fired  their  arrows  at  him,  by  which  having  pros- 
trated him,  they  ran  upon  him  and  finished  him  with  the 
knife. 

Then  the  assassins  carried  off  the  body,  together  with  the 
other,  and,  binding  them  so  firmly  together  that  they  would 
not  come  apart,  attached  to  them  a quantity  of  stones  and 
pebbles,  together  with  their  weapons  and  clothes,  so  as  not 
to  be  discovered  by  any  sign,  after  which  they  carried  them 
to  the  middle  of  the  river,  threw  them  in,  and  they  sank  to 
the  bottom.  Here  they  remained  a long  time  until,  through 
the  will  of  God,  the  cords  broke,  and  the  bodies  were  washed 
ashore  and  thrown  far  up  on  the  bank,  to  serve  as  accusers 
and  incontestable  witnesses  of  the  attack  of  these  two  cruel 
and  treacherous  assassins.  For  the  two  bodies  were  found  at  a 
distance  of  more  than  twenty  feet  from  the  water  in  the  woods, 
but  had  not  become  separated  in  so  long  a time,  being  still 
firmly  bound,  the  bones,  stripped  of  the  flesh  like  a skeleton, 
alone  remaining.  For  the  two  victims,  contrary  to  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  two  murderers,  who  thought  they  had  done 
their  work  so  secretly  that  it  would  never  be  known,  were 
found  a long  time  after  their  disappearance  by  the  men  of 
our  settlement,  who,  pained  at  their  absence,  searched  for 
them  along  the  banks  of  the  river.  But  God  in  his  justice 
would  not  permit  so  enormous  a crime,  and  had  caused  it 
to  be  exposed  by  another  savage,  their  companion,  in  retalia- 
tion for  an  injury  he  had  received  from  them.  Thus  their 
wicked  acts  were  disclosed. 

The  holy  fathers  and  the  men  of  the  settlement  were  greatly 
surprised  at  seeing  the  bodies  of  these  two  unfortunates,  with 
their  bones  all  bare,  and  their  skulls  broken  by  the  blows 
received  from  the  club  of  the  savages.  The  fathers  and  others 
at  the  settlement  advised  to  preserve  them  in  some  portion 
of  the  settlement  until  the  return  of  our  vessels,  in  order  to 


344 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


consult  with  all  the  French  as  to  the  best  course  to  pursue 
in  the  matter.  Meanwhile  our  people  at  the  settlement  re- 
solved to  be  on  their  guard,  and  no  longer  allow  so  much  free- 
dom to  these  savages  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to,  but  on 
the  contrary  require  reparation  for  so  cruel  a murder  by  a 
process  of  justice,  or  some  other  way,  or  let  things  in  the  mean- 
time remain  as  they  were,  in  order  the  better  to  await  our 
vessels  and  our  return,  that  we  might  all  together  consult  what 
was  to  be  done  in  the  matter. 

But  the  savages  seeing  that  this  iniquity  was  discovered, 
and  that  they  and  the  murderer  were  obnoxious  to  the  French, 
were  seized  with  despair,  and,  fearing  that  our  men  would 
exercise  vengeance  upon  them  for  this  murder,  withdrew  for 
a while  from  our  settlement.1  Not  only  those  guilty  of  the 
act  but  the  others  also  being  seized  with  fear  came  no  longer 
to  the  settlement,  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  do,  but 
waited  for  greater  security  for  themselves. 

Finding  themselves  deprived  of  intercourse  with  us,  and 
of  their  usual  welcome,  the  savages  sent  one  of  their  compan- 
ions, named  by  the  French  La  Ferrierej  to  make  their  excuses 
for  this  murder;  namely,  they  asserted  they  had  never  been 
accomplices  in  it,  and  had  never  consented  to  it,  and  that 
if  it  was  desired  to  have  the  two  murderers  for  the  sake  of 
inflicting  justice,  the  other  savages  would  willingly  consent 
to  it,  unless  the  French  should  be  pleased  to  take  as  repara- 
tion and  restitution  for  the  dead  some  valuable  presents  of 
skins,  as  they  are  accustomed  to  do  in  return  for  a thing  that 
cannot  be  restored.  They  earnestly  entreated  the  French 
to  accept  this  rather  than  require  the  death  of  the  accused, 
which  they  anticipated  would  be  hard  for  them  to  execute, 
and  so  doing  to  forget  everything  as  if  it  had  not  occurred.2 3 

To  this,  in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  the  holy  fathers, 


1 Sagard  ( Histoire  du  Canada , p.  42)  says  that  the  Indians  gathered 

at  Three  Rivers  to  the  number  of  800,  and  assumed  a threatening  attitude. 

3 Sagard,  pp.  44,  45,  tells  us  that  the  majority  of  the  laity  were  in  favor 
of  accepting  this  offer,  especially  as  famine  was  threatening  the  settlement, 
but  that  the  clergy  held  out  against  it. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


345 


it  was  decided  to  reply  that  the  savages  should  bring  and 
deliver  up  the  two  malefactors,  in  order  to  ascertain  from 
them  their  accomplices,  and  who  had  incited  them  to  do  the 
deed.  This  they  communicated  to  La  Ferriere  for  him  to 
report  to  his  companions. 

This  decision  having  been  made,  La  Ferriere  withdrew  to 
his  companions,  who  upon  hearing  the  decision  of  the  French 
found  this  procedure  and  mode  of  justice  very  strange  and 
difficult ; since  they  have  no  established  law  among  themselves, 
but  only  vengeance  and  restitution  by  presents.  After  con- 
sidering the  whole  matter  and  deliberating  with  one  another 
upon  it,  they  summoned  the  two  murderers  and  set  forth  to 
them  the  unhappy  position  into  which  they  had  been  thrown 
by  the  event  of  this  murder,  which  might  cause  a perpetual 
war  with  the  French,  from  which  their  women  and  children 
would  suffer.  However  much  trouble  they  might  give  us, 
and  although  they  might  keep  us  shut  up  in  our  settlement 
and  prevent  us  from  hunting,  cultivating  and  tilling  the  soil, 
and  although  we  were  in  too  small  numbers  to  keep  the  river 
blockaded,  as  they  persuaded  themselves  to  believe  in  their 
consultations;  still,  after  all  their  deliberations,  they  con- 
cluded that  it  was  better  to  live  in  peace  with  the  French  than 
in  war  and  perpetual  distrust. 

Accordingly  the  savages  thus  assembled,  after  finishing 
their  consultation  and  representing  the  situation  to  the  ac- 
cused, asked  them  if  they  would  not  have  the  courage  to  go 
with  them  to  the  settlement  of  the  French  and  appear  be- 
fore them ; promising  them  that  they  should  receive  no  harm, 
and  assuring  them  that  the  French  were  lenient  and  disposed 
to  pardon,  and  would  in  short  go  so  far  in  dealing  with  them 
as  to  overlook  their  offence  on  condition  of  their  not  returning 
to  such  evil  ways. 

The  two  criminals,  finding  themselves  convicted  in  con- 
science, yielded  to  this  proposition  and  agreed  to  follow  this 
advice.  Accordingly  one  of  them  made  preparations,  ar- 
raying himself  in  such  garments  and  decorations  as  he  could 
procure,  as  if  he  had  been  invited  to  go  to  a marriage  or  some 


346 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


great  festivity.  Thus  attired,  he  went  to  the  settlement, 
accompanied  by  his  father,  some  of  the  principal  chiefs,  and 
the  captain  of  their  company.  As  to  the  other  murderer,  he 
excused  himself  from  this  journey,  realizing  his  guilt  of  the 
heinous  act  and  fearing  punishment. 

When  now  they  had  entered  the  habitation,  which  was 
forthwith  surrounded  by  a multitude  of  the  savages  of  their 
company,  the  bridge  was  drawn  up,  and  all  of  the  French 
put  themselves  on  guard,  arms  in  hand.  They  kept  a strict 
watch,  sentinels  being  posted  at  the  necessary  points,  for  fear 
of  what  the  savages  outside  might  do,  since  they  suspected 
that  it  was  intended  actually  to  inflict  punishment  upon  the 
guilty  one,  who  had  so  freely  offered  himself  to  our  mercy, 
and  not  upon  him  alone,  but  upon  those  also  who  had  accom- 
panied him  inside,  who  likewise  were  not  too  sure  of  their 
persons,  and  who,  seeing  matters  in  this  state,  did  not  expect 
to  get  out  with  their  lives.  The  whole  matter  was  very  well 
managed  and  carried  out,  so  as  to  make  them  realize  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  crime  and  have  fear  for  the  future.  Other- 
wise there  would  have  been  no  security  with  them,  and  we 
should  have  been  obliged  to  live  with  arms  in  hand  and  in 
perpetual  distrust. 

After  this,  the  savages  suspecting  lest  something  might 
happen  contrary  to  what  they  hoped  from  us,  the  holy  fathers 
proceeded  to  make  them  an  address  on  the  subject  of  this 
crime.  They  set  forth  to  them  the  friendship  which  the  French 
had  shown  them  for  ten  or  twelve  years  back,  when  we  began 
to  know  them,  during  which  time  we  had  continually  lived 
in  peace  and  intimacy  with  them,  nay  even  with  such  freedom 
as  could  hardly  be  expressed.  They  added  moreover  that  I 
had  in  person  assisted  them  several  times  in  war  against  their 
enemies,  thereby  exposing  my  life  for  their  welfare;  while 
we  were  not  under  any  obligations  to  do  so,  being  impelled 
only  by  friendship  and  good  will  towards  them,  and  feeling 
pity  at  the  miseries  and  persecutions  which  their  enemies 
caused  them  to  endure  and  suffer.  This  is  why  we  were  unable 
to  believe,  they  said,  that  this  murder  had  been  committed 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


347 


without  their  consent,  and  especially  since  they  had  taken  it 
upon  themselves  to  favor  those  who  committed  it. 

Speaking  to  the  father  of  the  criminal,  they  represented  to 
him  the  enormity  of  the  deed  committed  by  his  son,  saying 
that  as  reparation  for  it  he  deserved  death,  since  by  our  law 
so  wicked  a deed  did  not  go  unpunished,  and  that  whoever 
was  found  guilty  and  convicted  of  it  deserved  to  be  con- 
demned to  death  as  reparation  for  so  heinous  an  act;  but, 
as  to  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  country,  who  were  not 
guilty  of  the  crime,  they  said  no  one  wished  them  any  harm 
or  desired  to  visit  upon  them  the  consequences  of  it. 

All  the  savages,  having  clearly  heard  this,  said,  as  their 
only  excuse,  but  with  all  respect,  that  they  had  not  consented 
to  this  act ; that  they  knew  very  well  that  these  two  criminals 
ought  to  be  put  to  death,  unless  we  should  be  disposed  to  par- 
don them ; that  they  were  well  aware  of  their  wickedness,  not 
before  but  after  the  commission  of  the  deed;  that  they  had 
been  informed  of  the  death  of  the  two  ill-fated  men  too  late 
to  prevent  it.  Moreover,  they  said  that  they  had  kept  it 
secret,  in  order  to  preserve  constantly  an  intimate  relation- 
ship and  confidence  with  us,  and  declared  that  they  had  ad- 
ministered to  the  evil-doers  severe  reprimands,  and  set  forth 
the  calamity  which  they  had  not  only  brought  upon  them- 
selves, but  upon  all  their  tribe,  relatives,  and  friends;  and 
they  promised  that  such  a calamity  should  never  occur  again 
and  begged  us  to  forget  this  offence,  and  not  visit  it  with 
the  consequences  it  deserved,  but  rather  go  back  to  the 
primary  motive  which  induced  the  two  savages  to  go  there, 
and  have  regard  for  that.  Furthermore  they  said  that  the 
culprit  had  come  freely  and  delivered  himself  into  our 
hands,  not  to  be  punished  but  to  receive  mercy  from  the 
French. 

But  the  father,  turning  to  the  friar,  said  with  tears,  there 
is  my  son,  who  committed  the  supposed  crime;  he  is  worth- 
less, but  consider  that  he  is  a young,  foolish,  and  inconsiderate 
person,  who  has  committed  this  act  through  passion,  impelled 
by  vengeance  rather  than  by  premeditation:  it  is  in  your 


348 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


power  to  give  him  life  or  death;  you  can  do  with  him  what 
you  please,  since  we  are  both  in  your  hands. 

After  this  address,  the  culprit  son,  presenting  himself  with 
assurance,  spoke  these  words.  Fear  has  not  so  seized  my 
heart  as  to  prevent  my  coming  to  receive  death  according 
to  my  deserts  and  your  law,  of  which  I acknowledge  myself 
guilty.  Then  he  stated  to  the  company  the  cause  of  the  mur- 
der, and  the  planning  and  execution  of  it,  just  as  I have  re- 
lated and  here  set  forth. 

After  his  recital  he  addressed  himself  to  one  of  the  agents 
and  clerks  of  the  merchants  of  our  Association,  named  Beau- 
chaine,  begging  him  to  put  him  to  death  without  further  for- 
mality. 

Then  the  holy  fathers  spoke,  and  said  to  them,  that  the 
French  were  not  accustomed  to  put  their  fellow-men  to  death 
so  suddenly,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  have  a consulta- 
tion with  all  the  men  of  the  settlement,  and  bring  forward 
this  affair  as  the  subject  of  consideration.  This  being  a 
matter  of  great  consequence,  it  was  decided  that  it  should  be 
carefully  conducted  and  that  it  was  best  to  postpone  it  to  a 
more  favorable  occasion,  which  would  be  better  adapted  to 
obtain  the  truth,  the  present  time  not  being  favorable  for 
many  reasons. 

In  the  first  place,  we  were  weak  in  numbers  in  comparison 
with  the  savages  without  and  within  our  settlement,  who,  re- 
sentful and  full  of  vengeance  as  they  are,  would  have  been 
capable  of  setting  fire  on  all  sides  and  creating  disorder  among 
us.  In  the  second  place,  there  would  have  been  perpetual 
distrust,  and  no  security  in  our  intercourse  with  them.  In 
the  third  place,  trade  would  have  been  injured,  and  the  ser- 
vice of  the  King  impeded. 

In  view  of  these  and  other  urgent  considerations,  it  was 
decided  that  we  ought  to  be  contented  with  their  putting 
themselves  in  our  power  and  their  willingness  to  give  satisfac- 
tion submissively,  the  father  of  the  criminal  on  the  one  hand 
presenting  and  offering  him  to  the  company,  and  he,  for  his 
part,  offering  to  give  up  his  own  life  as  restitution  for  his 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


349 


offence,  just  as  his  father  offered  to  produce  him  whenever 
he  might  be  required. 

This  it  was  thought  necessary  to  regard  as  a sort  of  honor- 
able amend,  and  a satisfaction  to  justice.  And  it  was  con- 
sidered that  if  we  thus  pardoned  the  offence,  not  only  would 
the  criminal  receive  his  life  from  us,  but,  also,  his  father  and 
companions  would  feel  under  great  obligations.  It  was 
thought  proper,  however,  to  say  to  them  as  an  explanation  of 
our  action,  that,  in  view  of  the  fact  of  the  criminaPs  public 
assurance  that  all  the  other  savages  were  in  no  respect  ac- 
complices, or  to  blame  for  the  act,  and  had  had  no  knowl- 
edge of  it  before  its  accomplishment,  and  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  he  had  freely  offered  himself  to  death,  it  had  been  decided 
to  restore  him  to  his  father,  who  should  remain  under  obli- 
gations to  produce  him  at  any  time.  On  these  terms  and  on 
condition  that  he  should  in  future  render  service  to  the 
French,  his  life  was  spared,  that  he  and  all  the  savages  might 
continue  friends  and  helpers  of  the  French. 

Thus  it  was  decided  to  arrange  the  matter  until  the  vessel 
should  return  from  France,  when,  in  accordance  with  the 
opinion  of  the  captains  and  others,  a definite  and  more  authori- 
tative settlement  was  to  be  concluded.  In  the  mean  time 
we  promised  them  every  favor  and  the  preservation  of  their 
lives,  saying  to  them,  however,  for  our  security,  that  they 
should  leave  some  of  their  children  as  a kind  of  hostage,  to 
which  they  very  willingly  acceded,  and  left  at  the  settlement 
two  in  the  hands  of  the  holy  fathers,  who  proceeded  to  teach 
them  their  letters,  and  in  less  than  three  months  taught  them 
the  alphabet  and  how  to  make  the  letters. 

From  this  it  may  be  seen  that  they  are  capable  of  instruc- 
tion and  are  easily  taught,  as  Father  Joseph  can  testify. 

The  vessels  having  safely  arrived,  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave, 
some  others,  and  myself  were  informed  how  the  affair  had 
taken  place,  as  has  been  narrated  above,  when  we  all  decided 
that  it  was  desirable  to  make  the  savages  feel  the  enormity 
of  this  murder,  but  not  to  execute  punishment  upon  them, 
for  various  good  reasons  hereafter  to  be  mentioned. 


350 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


As  soon  as  our  vessels  had  entered  the  harbor  of  Tadoussac, 
even  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave 
and  myself  set  sail  again,  on  a small  barque  of  ten  or  twelve 
tons’  burden.  So  also  Sieur  de  la  Mothe,  together  with  Father 
Jean  d’Albeau,  a friar,  and  one  of  the  clerks  and  agent  of  the 
merchants,  named  Loquin,  embarked  on  a little  shallop,  and 
we  set  out  together  from  Tadoussac.  There  remained  on  the 
vessel  another  friar,  called  Father  Modeste,1  together  with 
the  pilot  and  master,  to  take  care  of  her.  We  arrived  at  Quebec, 
the  place  of  our  settlement,  on  the  27th  of  June  following. 
Here  we  found  Fathers  Joseph,  Paul,  and  Pacifique,  the  friars, 
and  Sieur  Hebert2  with  his  family,  together  with  the  other 
members  of  the  settlement.  They  were  all  well,  and  delighted 
at  our  return  in  good  health  like  themselves,  through  the  mercy 
of  God. 

The  same  day  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  determined  to  go  to 
Trois  Rivieres,  where  the  merchants  carried  on  their  trad- 
ing, and  to  take  with  him  some  merchandise,  with  the  purpose 
of  meeting  Sieur  des  Chesnes,  who  was  already  there.  He 
also  took  with  him  Loquin,  as  before  mentioned.  I stayed 
at  our  settlement  some  days,  occupying  myself  with  business 
relating  to  it;  among  other  things  in  building  a furnace  for 
making  an  experiment  with  certain  ashes,  directions  for  which 
had  been  given  me,  and  which  are  in  truth  of  great  value; 
but  it  requires  labor,  diligence,  watchfulness  and  skill;  and 
for  the  working  of  these  ashes  a sufficient  number  of  men  are 
needed  who  are  acquainted  with  this  art.  This  first  experi- 
ment did  not  prove  successful,  and  we  postponed  further 
trial  to  a more  favorable  opportunity. 

I visited  the  cultivated  lands,  which  I found  planted 
with  fine  grain.  The  gardens  contained  all  kinds  of  plants, 
cabbages,  radishes,  lettuce,  purslain,  sorrel,  parsley,  and  other 

1 Frere  Modeste  Guines.  See  Sagard,  Histoire  du  Canada , p.  40. 

2 Louis  Hebert,  an  apothecary,  who  had  been  at  Port  Royal  with 
Poutrincourt,  removed  in  1617  with  his  family  from  Paris  to  Quebec,  where 
he  was  the  first  settler  to  live  by  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  He  died  at 
Quebec  in  1627. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OE  1618 


351 


plants,  squashes,  cucumbers,  melons,  peas,  beans  and  other 
vegetables,  which  were  as  fine  and  forward  as  in  France. 
There  were  also  the  vines,  which  had  been  transplanted,  al- 
ready well  advanced.  In  a word,  you  could  see  everything 
growing  and  flourishing.  Aside  from  God,  we  are  not  to  give 
the  praise  for  this  to  the  laborers  or  their  skill,  for  it  is  probable 
that  not  much  is  due  to  them,  but  to  the  richness  and  excel- 
lence of  the  soil,  which  is  naturally  good  and  adapted  for  every- 
thing, as  experience  shows,  and  might  be  turned  to  good  ac- 
count, not  only  for  purposes  of  tillage  and  the  cultivation  of 
fruit-trees  and  vines,  but  also  for  the  nourishment  and  rearing 
of  cattle  and  fowl,  such  as  are  common  in  France.  But  the 
thing  lacking  is  zeal  and  affection  for  the  welfare  and  service 
of  the  King. 

I tarried  some  time  at  Quebec,  in  expectation  of  further 
intelligence,  when  there  arrived  a barque  from  Tadoussac, 
which  had  been  sent  by  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  to  get  the  men 
and  merchandise  remaining  at  that  place  on  the  before-men- 
tioned large  vessel.  Leaving  Quebec,  I embarked  with  them 
for  Trois  Rivieres,  where  the  trading  was  going  on,  in  order 
to  see  the  savages  and  communicate  with  them,  and  ascertain 
what  was  taking  place  respecting  the  assassination  above  set 
forth,  and  what  could  be  done  to  settle  and  smooth  over  the 
whole  matter. 

On  the  5th  of  July  following  I set  out  from  Quebec,  to- 
gether with  Sieur  de  la  Mothe,  for  Trois  Rivieres,  both  for 
engaging  in  traffic  and  to  see  the  savages.  We  arrived  at 
evening  off  Sainte  Croix,1  a place  on  the  way  so  called.  Here 
we  saw  a shallop  coming  straight  to  us,  in  which  were  some 
men  from  Sieurs  du  Pont  Grave  and  des  Chesnes,  and  also 
some  clerks  and  agents  of  the  merchants.  They  asked  me  to 
despatch  at  once  this  shallop  to  Quebec  for  some  merchandise 
remaining  there,  saying  that  a large  number  of  savages  had 
come  for  the  purpose  of  making  war. 

This  intelligence  was  very  agreeable  to  us,  and  in  order 
to  satisfy  them,  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day  I left  my 
1 Now  known  as  Point  Platon. 


352 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


barque  and  went  on  board  a shallop  in  order  to  go  more  speedily 
to  the  savages,  while  the  other,  which  had  come  from  Trois 
Rivieres,  continued  its  course  to  Quebec.1  We  made  such 
progress  by  rowing  that  we  arrived  at  the  before-mentioned 
place  on  the  7th  of  July  at  3 o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  Upon 
landing,  all  the  savages  with  whom  I had  been  intimate  in 
their  country  recognized  me.  They  were  awaiting  me  with 
impatience,  and  came  up  to  me  very  happy  and  delighted  to 
see  me  again,  one  after  the  other  embracing  me  with  dem- 
onstrations of  great  joy,  I also  receiving  them  in  the  same 
manner.  In  this  agreeable  way  was  spent  the  evening  and 
remainder  of  this  day,  and  on  the  next  day  the  savages  held 
a council  among  themselves,  to  ascertain  from  me  whether 
I would  again  assist  them,  as  I had  done  in  the  past  and  as  I 
had  promised  them,  in  their  wars  against  their  enemies,  by 
whom  they  are  cruelly  harassed  and  tortured. 

Meanwhile  on  our  part  we  took  counsel  together  to  deter- 
mine what  we  should  do  in  the  matter  of  the  murder  of  the 
two  deceased,  in  order  that  justice  might  be  done,  and  that 
they  might  be  restrained  from  committing  such  an  offence 
in  future. 

In  regard  to  the  assistance  urgently  requested  by  the  sav- 
ages for  making  war  against  their  enemies,  I replied  that  my 
disposition  had  not  changed  nor  my  courage  abated,  but 
that  what  prevented  me  from  assisting  them  was  that  on  the 
previous  year,  when  the  occasion  and  opportunity  presented, 
they  failed  me  when  the  time  came ; because  when  they  had 
promised  to  return  with  a good  number  of  warriors  they  did 
not  do  so,  which  caused  me  to  withdraw  without  accomplish- 
ing much.  Yet  I told  them  the  matter  should  be  taken  into 
consideration,  but  that  for  the  present  it  was  proper  to  deter- 

1 In  the  edition  of  1627  the  reading  is:  “I  left  my  bark  and  went  on 
board  the  said  shallop  to  return  to  Quebec.  Having  arrived  there,  I had  it 
loaded  with  various  articles  of  merchandise  from  the  store-houses  of  that 
settlement,  of  the  sorts  most  desired  by  and  most  necessary  to  the  savages. 
This  done,  I embarked  next  morning  in  a shallop,  as  one  of  a party  of  six, 
to  engage  in  that  trade,  and  we  made  such  progress  by  rowing,”  etc. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


353 


mine  what  should  be  done  in  regard  to  the  assassination  of 
the  two  unfortunate  men,  and  that  satisfaction  must  be  had. 
Upon  this  they  left  their  council  in  seeming  anger  and  vex- 
ation about  the  matter,  offering  to  kill  the  criminals,  and  pro- 
ceed at  once  to  their  execution,  if  assent  were  given,  and  ac- 
knowledging freely  among  themselves  the  enormity  of  the  affair. 

But  we  would  not  consent  to  this,  postponing  our  assist- 
ance to  another  time,  requiring  them  to  return  to  us  the  next 
year  with  a good  number  of  men.  I assured  them,  moreover, 
that  I would  entreat  the  King  to  favor  us  with  men,  means, 
and  supplies  to  assist  them  and  enable  them  to  enjoy  the  rest 
they  longed  for,  and  victory  over  their  enemies.  At  this 
they  were  greatly  pleased,  and  thus  we  separated  after  they 
had  held  two  or  three  meetings  on  the  subject,  costing  us 
several  hours  of  time.  Two  or  three  days  after  my  arrival  at 
this  place  they  proceeded  to  make  merry,  dance,  and  celebrate 
many  great  banquets  in  view  of  the  future  war  in  which  I 
was  to  assist  them. 

Then  I stated  to  Sieur  du  Pont  Grav6  what  I thought  about 
this  murder ; that  it  was  desirable  to  make  a greater  demand 
upon  them ; that  at  present  the  savages  would  dare  not  only 
to  do  the  same  thing  again  but  what  would  be  more  injurious 
to  us;  that  I considered  them  people  who  were  governed 
by  example;  that  they  might  accuse  the  French  of  being 
wanting  in  courage ; that  if  we  said  no  more  about  the  matter 
they  would  infer  that  we  were  afraid  of  them : and  that  if  we 
should  let  them  go  so  easily  they  would  grow  more  insolent, 
bold,  and  intolerable,  and  we  should  even  thereby  tempt 
them  to  undertake  greater  and  more  pernicious  designs. 
Moreover  I said  that  the  other  tribes  of  savages,  who  had  or 
should  get  knowledge  of  this  act,  and  that  it  had  been  unre- 
venged, or  compromised  by  gifts  and  presents,  as  is  their  cus- 
tom, would  boast  that  killing  a man  is  no  great  matter ; since 
the  French  make  so  little  account  of  seeing  their  companions 
killed  by  their  neighbors,  who  drink,  eat,  and  associate  in- 
timately with  them,  as  may  be  seen. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  in  consideration  of  the  various 

2a 


354 


VOYAGES  OE  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


circumstances;  namely,  that  the  savages  do  not  exercise 
reason,  that  they  are  hard  to  approach,  are  easily  estranged, 
and  are  very  ready  to  take  vengeance,  that,  if  we  should  force 
them  to  inflict  punishment,  there  would  be  no  security  for 
those  desirous  of  making  explorations  among  them,  we  deter- 
mined to  settle  this  affair  in  a friendly  manner,  and  pass  over 
quietly  what  had  occurred,  leaving  them  to  engage  peaceably 
in  their  traffic  with  the  clerks  and  agents  of  the  merchants 
and  others  in  charge. 

Now  there  was  with  them  a man  named  Estienne  Brule, 
one  of  our  interpreters,  who  had  been  living  with  them  for 
eight  years,  as  well  to  pass  his  time  as  to  see  the  country 
and  learn  their  language  and  mode  of  life.  He  is  the  one 
whom  I had  despatched  with  orders  to  go  in  the  direction 
of  the  Entouhonorons,  to  Carantoiian,  in  order  to  bring  with 
him  the  five  hundred  warriors  they  had  promised  to  send  to 
assist  us  in  the  war  in  which  we  were  engaged  against  their 
enemies,  a reference  to  which  is  made  in  the  narrative  of 
my  previous  book.1  I called  this  man,  namely  Estienne 
Brule,  and  asked  him  why  he  had  not  brought  the  assistance 
of  the  five  hundred  men,  and  what  was  the  cause  of  the  delay, 
and  why  he  had  not  rendered  me  a report.  Thereupon  he 
gave  me  an  account  of  the  matter,  a narrative  of  which  it 
will  not  be  out  of  place  to  give,  as  he  is  more  to  be  pitied  than 
blamed  on  account  of  the  misfortunes  which  he  experienced 
on  this  commission. 

He  proceeded  to  say  that,  after  taking  leave  of  me  to  go 
on  his  journey  and  execute  his  commission,  he  set  out  with 
the  twelve  savages  whom  I had  given  him  for  the  purpose 
of  showing  the  way,  and  to  serve  as  an  escort  on  account  of 
the  dangers  which  he  might  have  to  encounter.  They  were 
successful  in  reaching  the  place,  Carantouan,  but  not  without 
exposing  themselves  to  risk,  since  they  had  to  pass  through 
the  territories  of  their  enemies,  and,  in  order  to  avoid  any 
evil  design,  pursued  a more  secure  route  through  thick  and 
impenetrable  forests,  wood  and  brush,  marshy  bogs,  frightful 

1 See  p.  287. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


355 


and  unfrequented  places  and  wastes,  all  to  avoid  danger  and 
a meeting  with  their  enemies. 

But,  in  spite  of  this  great  care,  Brule  and  his  savage  com- 
panions, while  crossing  a plain,  encountered  some  hostile 
savages,  who  were  returning  to  their  village  and  who  were 
surprised  and  worsted  by  our  savages,  four  of  the  enemy 
being  killed  on  the  spot  and  two  taken  prisoners,  whom  Brule 
and  his  companions  took  to  Carantoiian,  by  the  inhabitants 
of  which  place  they  were  received  with  great  affection,  a cor- 
dial welcome,  and  good  cheer,  with  the  dances  and  banquets 
with  which  they  are  accustomed  to  entertain  and  honor 
strangers. 

Some  days  were  spent  in  this  friendly  reception ; and,  after 
Brhle  had  told  them  his  mission  and  explained  to  them  the 
occasion  of  his  journey,  the  savages  of  the  place  assembled  in 
council  to  deliberate  and  resolve  in  regard  to  sending  the 
five  hundred  warriors  asked  for  by  Brule. 

When  the  council  was  ended  and  it  was  decided  to  send 
the  men,  orders  were  given  to  collect,  prepare,  and  arm  them, 
so  as  to  go  and  join  us  where  we  were  encamped  before  the 
fort  and  village  of  our  enemies.  This  was  only  three  short 
days’  journey  from  Carantoiian,  which  was  provided  with 
more  than  eight  hundred  warriors,  and  strongly  fortified, 
after  the  manner  of  those  before  described,  which  have  high 
and  strong  palisades  well  bound  and  joined  together,  the  quar- 
ters being  constructed  in  a similar  fashion. 

After  it  had  been  resolved  by  the  inhabitants  of  Caran- 
touan  to  send  the  five  hundred  men,  these  were  very  long  in 
getting  ready,  although  urged  by  Brule  to  make  haste,  who 
explained  to  them  that  if  they  delayed  any  longer  they  would 
not  find  us  there.  And  in  fact  they  did  not  succeed  in  arriving 
until  two  days  after  our  departure  from  that  place,  which  we 
were  forced  to  abandon,  since  we  were  too  weak  and  worn 
by  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  This  caused  Brule,  and 
the  five  hundred  men  whom  he  brought,  to  withdraw  and 
return  to  their  village  of  Carantoiian.  After  their  return 
Brule  was  obliged  to  stay,  and  spend  the  rest  of  the  autumn 


356 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


and  all  the  winter,  for  lack  of  company  and  escort  home. 
While  awaiting,  he  busied  himself  in  exploring  the  country 
and  visiting  the  tribes  and  territories  adjacent  to  that  place, 
and  in  making  a tour  along  a river  1 that  debouches  in  the 
direction  of  Florida,  where  are  many  powerful  and  warlike 
nations,  carrying  on  wars  against  each  other.  The  climate 
there  is  very  temperate,  and  there  are  great  numbers  of  ani- 
mals and  abundance  of  small  game.  But  to  traverse  and 
reach  these  regions  requires  patience,  on  account  of  the  diffi- 
culties involved  in  passing  the  extensive  wastes. 

He  continued  his  course  along  the  river  as  far  as  the  sea, 
and  to  islands  and  lands  near  them,  which  are  inhabited  by 
various  tribes  and  large  numbers  of  savages,  who  are  well- 
disposed  and  love  the  French  above  all  other  nations.  But 
those  who  know  the  Dutch  complain  severely  of  them,  since 
they  treated  them  very  roughly.  Among  other  things  he 
observed  that  the  winter  was  very  temperate,  that  it  snowed 
very  rarely,  and  that  when  it  did  the  snow  was  not  a foot  deep 
and  melted  immediately. 

After  traversing  the  country  and  observing  what  was  note- 
worthy, he  returned  to  the  village  of  Carantouan,  in  order  to 
find  an  escort  for  returning  to  our  settlement.  After  some 
stay  at  Carantouan,  five  or  six  of  the  savages  decided  to  make 
the  journey  with  Brule.  On  the  way  they  encountered  a 
large  number  of  their  enemies,  who  charged  upon  Brule  and 
his  companions  so  violently  that  they  caused  them  to  break 
up  and  separate  from  each  other,  so  that  they  were  unable 
to  rally:  and  Brule,  who  had  kept  apart  in  the  hope  of  es- 
caping, became  so  detached  from  the  others  that  he  could 
not  return,  nor  find  a road  or  sign  in  order  to  effect  his  re- 
treat in  any  direction  whatever.  Thus  he  continued  to  wan- 
der through  forest  and  wood  for  several  days  without  eating, 
and  almost  despairing  of  his  life  from  the  pressure  of  hunger. 
At  last  he  came  upon  a little  footpath,  which  he  determined 
to  follow  wherever  it  might  lead,  whether  toward  the  enemy 
or  not,  preferring  to  expose  himself  to  their  hands  trusting 

1 The  Susquehanna. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


357 


in  God  rather  than  to  die  alone  and  in  this  wretched  manner. 
Besides  he  knew  how  to  speak  their  language,  which  he  thought 
might  afford  him  some  assistance. 

But  he  had  not  gone  a long  distance  when  he  discovered 
three  savages  loaded  with  fish  repairing  to  their  village.  He 
ran  after  them,  and,  as  he  approached,  shouted  at  them,  as 
is  their  custom.  At  this  they  turned  about,  and  filled  with 
fear  were  about  to  leave  their  burden  and  flee.  But  Brul6 
speaking  to  them  reassured  them,  when  they  laid  down  their 
bows  and  arrows  in  sign  of  peace,  Brule  on  his  part  laying 
down  his  arms.  Moreover  he  was  weak  and  feeble,  not  hav- 
ing eaten  for  three  or  four  days.  On  coming  up  to  them, 
after  he  had  told  them  of  his  misfortune  and  the  miserable 
condition  to  which  he  had  been  reduced,  they  smoked  to- 
gether, as  they  are  accustomed  to  do  with  one  another  and 
their  acquaintances  when  they  visit  each  other.  They  had 
pity  and  compassion  for  him,  offering  him  every  assistance, 
and  conducting  him  to  their  village,  where  they  entertained 
him  and  gave  him  something  to  eat. 

But  as  soon  as  the  people  of  the  place  were  informed  that 
an  Adoresetouy  had  arrived,  for  thus  they  call  the  French, 
the  name  signifying  men  of  iron , they  came  in  a rush  and  in 
great  numbers  to  see  Brule.  They  took  him  to  the  cabin  of 
one  of  the  principal  chiefs,  where  he  was  interrogated,  and 
asked  who  he  was,  whence  he  came,  what  circumstance  had 
driven  and  led  him  to  this  place,  how  he  had  lost  his  way,  and 
whether  he  did  not  belong  to  the  French  nation  that  made 
war  upon  them.  To  this  he  replied  that  he  belonged  to  a 
better  nation,  that  was  desirous  solely  of  their  acquaintance 
and  friendship.  Yet  they  would  not  believe  this,  but  threw 
themselves  upon  him,  tore  out  his  nails  with  their  teeth, 
burnt  him  with  glowing  firebrands,  and  tore  out  his  beard, 
hair  by  hair,  though  contrary  to  the  will  of  the  chief. 

During  this  fit  of  passion,  one  of  the  savages  observed  an 
Agnus  Dei,  which  he  had  attached  to  his  neck,  and  asked 
what  it  was  that  he  had  thus  attached  to  his  neck,  and  was 
on  the  point  of  seizing  it  and  pulling  it  off.  But  Brule  said 


358 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


to  him,  with  resolute  words,  If  you  take  it  and  put  me  to  death, 
you  will  find  that  immediately  after  you  will  suddenly  die,  and 
all  those  of  your  house.  He  paid  no  attention  however  to 
this,  but  continuing  in  his  malicious  purpose  tried  to  seize 
the  Agnus  Dei  and  tear  it  from  him,  all  of  them  together 
being  desirous  of  putting  him  to  death,  but  previously  of 
making  him  suffer  great  pain  and  torture,  such  as  they  gen- 
erally practise  upon  their  enemies. 

But  God,  showing  him  mercy,  was  pleased  not  to  allow 
it,  but  in  his  providence  caused  the  heavens  to  change  sud- 
denly from  the  serene  and  fair  state  they  were  in  to  dark- 
ness, and  to  become  filled  with  great  and  thick  clouds,  upon 
which  followed  thunders  and  lightnings  so  violent  and  long 
continued  that  it  was  something  strange  and  awful.  This 
storm  caused  the  savages  such  terror,  it  being  not  only  unusual 
but  unlike  anything  they  had  ever  heard,  that  their  atten- 
tion was  diverted  and  they  forgot  the  evil  purpose  they  had 
towards  Brule,  their  prisoner.  They  accordingly  left  him 
without  even  unbinding  him,  as  they  did  not  dare  to  approach 
him.  This  gave  the  sufferer  an  opportunity  to  use  gentle 
words,  and  he  appealed  to  them  and  remonstrated  with  them 
on  the  harm  they  were  doing  him  without  cause,  and  set  forth 
to  them  how  our  God  was  enraged  at  them  for  having  so  abused 
him. 

The  captain  then  approached  Brule,  unbound  him,  and 
took  him  to  his  house,  where  he  took  care  of  him  and  treated 
his  wounds.  After  this  there  were  no  dances,  banquets,  or 
merry-makings  to  which  Brule  was  not  invited.  So  after 
remaining  some  time  with  these  savages,  he  determined  to 
proceed  towards  our  settlement. 

Taking  leave  of  them,  he  promised  to  restore  them  to  har- 
mony with  the  French  and  their  enemies,  and  cause  them  to 
swear  friendship  with  each  other,  to  which  end  he  said  he 
would  return  to  them  as  soon  as  he  could.  Thence  he  went 
to  the  country  and  village  of  the  Atinouaentans  1 where  I 

1 The  principal  Huron  tribe.  Champlain  employs  different  spellings. 
See  p.  281,  etc. 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


359 


had  already  been;  the  savages  at  his  departure  having  con- 
ducted him  for  a distance  of  four  days'  journey  from  their 
village.  Here  Brule  remained  some  time,  when,  resuming 
his  journey  towards  us,  he  came  by  way  of  the  Mer  Douce, 
boating  along  its  northern  shores  for  some  ten  days,  where 
I had  also  gone  when  on  my  way  to  the  war. 

And  if  Brule  had  gone  further  on  to  explore  these  re- 
gions, as  I had  directed  him  to  do,  it  would  not  have  been  a 
mere  rumor  that  we  were  preparing  war  with  one  another. 
But  this  undertaking  was  reserved  to  another  time,  which  he 
promised  me  to  continue  and  accomplish  in  a short  period 
with  God's  grace,  and  to  conduct  me  there  that  I might  obtain 
fuller  and  more  particular  knowledge. 

After  he  had  made  this  recital,  I gave  him  assurance  that 
his  services  wbuld  be  recognized,  and  encouraged  him  to  con- 
tinue his  good  purpose  until  our  return,  when  we  should  have 
more  abundant  means  to  do  that  with  which  he  would  be  satis- 
fied. This  is  now  the  entire  narrative  and  recital  of  his  journey 
from  the  time  he  left  me  to  engage  in  the  above-mentioned 
explorations;  and  it  afforded  me  pleasure  in  the  prospect 
thereby  presented  me  of  being  better  able  to  continue  and 
promote  them. 

With  this  purpose  he  took  leave  of  me  to  return  to  the 
savages,  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  whom  had  been  ac- 
quired by  him  in  his  journeys  and  explorations.  I begged 
him  to  continue  with  them  until  the  next  year,  when  I would 
return  with  a good  number  of  men,  both  to  reward  him  for 
his  labors,  and  to  assist  as  in  the  past  the  savages,  his  friends, 
in  their  wars.1 

Resuming  the  thread  of  my  former  discourse,  I must  note 
that  in  my  last  and  preceding  voyages  and  explorations  I 
had  passed  through  numerous  and  diverse  tribes  of  savages 
not  known  to  the  French  nor  to  those  of  our  settlement,  with 
whom  I had  made  alliances  and  sworn  friendship,  on  condi- 

1 In  1629  Brftle  turned  traitor,  and  piloted  the  English  up  the  river. 
In  the  edition  of  1632  Champlain  speaks  very  severely  of  him,  and  omits 
this  account  of  his  wanderings. 


360 


VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 


[1618 


tion  that  they  should  come  and  trade  with  us,  and  that  I 
should  assist  them  in  their  wars;  for  it  must  be  understood 
that  there  is  not  a single  tribe  living  in  peace,  excepting  the 
Neutral  Nation.  According  to  their  promise,  there  came 
from  the  various  tribes  of  savages  recently  discovered  some 
to  trade  in  peltry,  others  to  see  the  French  and  ascertain 
what  kind  of  treatment  and  welcome  would  be  shown  them. 
This  encouraged  everybody,  the  French  on  the  one  hand  to 
show  them  cordiality  and  welcome,  for  they  honored  them  with 
some  attentions  and  presents,  which  the  agents  of  the  merchants 
gave  to  gratify  them;  on  the  other  hand,  it  encouraged  the 
savages,  who  promised  all  the  French  to  come  and  live  in 
future  in  friendship  with  them,  all  of  them  declaring  that  they 
would  deport  themselves  with  such  affection  towards  us  that 
we  should  have  occasion  to  commend  them,  while  we  in  like 
manner  were  to  assist  them  to  the  extent  of  our  power  in  their 
wars. 

The  trading  having  been  concluded,  and  the  savages  hav- 
ing taken  their  leave  and  departed,  we  left  Trois  Rivieres  on 
the  14th  of  July  of  this  year.  The  next  day  we  arrived  at 
our  quarters  at  Quebec,  where  the  barques  were  unloaded 
of  the  merchandise  which  had  remained  over  from  the  traffic 
and  which  was  put  in  the  warehouse  of  the  merchants  at 
that  place. 

Now  Sieur  de  Pont  Grave  went  to  Tadoussac  with  the 
barques  in  order  to  load  them  and  carry  to  the  habitation  the 
provisions  necessary  to  support  those  who  were  to  remain 
and  winter  there,  and  I determined  while  the  barques  were 
thus  engaged  to  continue  there  for  some  days  in  order  to  have 
the  necessary  fortifications  and  repairs  made. 

At  my  departure  from  the  settlement  I took  leave  of  the 
holy  fathers,  Sieur  de  la  Mothe,  and  all  the  others  who  were 
to  stay  there,  giving  them  to  expect  that  I would  return,  God 
assisting,  with  a good  number  of  families  to  people  the  coun- 
try. I embarked  on  the  26th  of  July,  together  with  the 
Fathers  Paul  and  Pacifique,  the  latter  having  wintered  here 
once  and  the  other  having  been  here  a year  and  a half,  who 


1618] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  1618 


361 


were  to  make  a report  of  what  they  had  seen  in  the  coun- 
try and  of  what  could  be  done  there.  We  set  out  on  the  day 
above-mentioned  from  the  settlement  for  Tadoussac,  where 
we  were  to  embark  for  France.  We  arrived  the  next  day 
and  found  our  vessels  ready  to  set  sail.  We  embarked,  and 
left  Tadoussac  for  France  on  the  13th  of  the  month  of  July, 
1618,  and  arrived  at  Honfleur  on  the  28th  day  of  August, 
the  wind  having  been  favorable,  and  all  being  in  good  spirits. 


INDEX 


Abriou,  succeeds  his  father,  114. 

Acadia,  search  along  the  coast,  28; 
location,  49;  mentioned,  66,  313; 
ways  of  spelling,  66  n. 

Achelacy,  St.  Croix  called,  140. 

Adirondack  Mountains,  seen  by  Cham- 
plain, 162  n. 

Advocate’s  Harbor,  tides  of,  36  n. 

d’Albeau,  see  d’Olbeau. 

Alexandria,  position  of,  among  the 
nations,  21-22. 

Alfonse,  Jean,  describes  Norumbega, 
44  n. 

Algonquins,  dress,  95;  physical  char- 
acteristics, 95;  weapons,  95;  dwell- 
ings, 96;  government,  96;  religion, 
96;  Parkman’s  opinion  of,  96  n.; 
character,  146;  manner  of  life,  146; 
headquarters  of,  146  n.;  wars  with 
the  Iroquois,  149-166,  178-187, 

287-296;  character  of,  164;  Cham- 
plain’s alliance  with,  165  n.;  return 
to  their  country,  167;  presents 
gifts  to  Champlain,  167;  Cham- 
plain goes  to  meet,  201;  refusal  to 
explore  the  Trois  Rivieres,  202 ; 
report  concerning,  209;  unite 
against  the  Iroquois,  210;  promises, 
211,  220;  arrival,  217;  ceremony, 
over  the  body  of  Outetoucos,  218; 
divisions  of,  219;  Champlain  traf- 
fics with,  233;  trouble  with  the 
Attigountans,  305-310. 

Allen  River,  mill  at,  107. 

All-Isles  Bay,  Pont  Grave  found  at,  28. 

Allumette  Island,  Champlain  reaches, 
279;  location,  279  n. 

Allumette  Lake,  Champlain  visits, 
245,  245  n. 

Almouchiquois,  48  n.;  de  Monts  visits, 
56-68;  country  of,  56  n. ; described, 
61-63. 


Alvert,  sighted,  220. 

American  history,  Champlain’s  con- 
nection with,  9. 

Anadabijou,  son  of,  217. 

Anassou,  Champlain’s  alliance  with, 
77. 

Andastes,  engage  in  war  against  the 
Iroquois,  285,  285  n. 

Androscoggin,  river,  59  n. 

Aneda,  Indian  captain,  discovers  the 
plant  aneda,  60. 

Aneda,  plant  used  as  a remedy  for 
the  scurvy,  53  n.,  60. 

L’Ange,  accompanies  Champlain,  232, 
233,  258;  gives  information  to 
Champlain,  256; 

Angouleme,  Lake,  identified  with 
St.  Peters,  153  n. 

Ann,  Cape,  sighted,  64  n.;  named, 
65,  65  n.;  Indians  of,  72-73;  Cham- 
plain reaches,  76;  Champlain  pro- 
ceeds to,  90,  90  n. 

Annapolis,  formerly  a French  fort, 
35  n.;  Poutrincourt’s  men  at,  87, 
87  n. 

Annapolis  Basin,  34  n.;  Champlain 
at,  36. 

Annapolis  River,  described,  35 ; former 
names,  35  n. 

Antons,  Sieur  des,  at  St.  Croix,  77. 

Archangel,  ship,  77  n. 

Argali,  Samuel,  destroys  St.  Sauveur, 
45  n.,  339  n. 

Argali’s  Bay,  former  name  for  Bay  of 
Fundy,  30  n. 

Argyll  River,  bay  near,  86  n. 

Armouchiquois,  see  Almouchiquois. 

D’Arontal,  Champlain  entertained  by, 
297;  accompanies  Champlain,  332; 
departure  333. 

Artichoke,  Jerusalem,  found  by  Cham- 
plain, 90  n. 


363 


364 


INDEX 


Asher,  Henry  Hudson  the  Navigator, 
224  n. 

Ashuapmuchuan  River,  128  n. 

Asistaguerotion,  tribe  of,  303,  304. 

Association,  The,  Champlain’s  com- 
pany called,  339,  339  n.;  mentioned, 
341. 

Asticou,  Champlain  at,  240. 

Atoiiacha,  Champlain  arrives  at,  283. 

Attigouantan,  Lake  of  the,  see  Huron, 
Lake. 

Attigouantans,  or  Attigouautans, 
Atignouaatitans,  Attigountans,  Ati- 
nouaentans,  Champlain  visits,  283; 
trouble  with  the  Algonquins,  305; 
reconciliation,  306-310;  country  of, 
313;  Champlain  returns  to  the 
country  of,  358. 

Aubry,  Monsieur,  33. 

Auk,  29,  29  n. 

d’Aulnay,  35  n. 

Back  River,  Champlain  ascends  the, 
58  n. 

Barnstable  Harbor,  93  n. 

Basques,  engage  in  fur-trade,  28. 
Pont  Grave  has  trouble  with,  125; 
wound  Pont  Grav6,  125-126;  offer 
assistance  to  the  Indians,  178; 
knowledge  of  whale  fishing,  190. 

Batiscan,  visits  Champlain,  177;  awaits 
Champlain,  202. 

Batturies,  Cape,  see  Cape  Shoal. 

Baye  Blanche,  Champlain  enters,  92. 

Baye  Courante,  Champlain  near,  86. 

Baye  de  Toutes  Isles,  Champlain  goes 
to,  115. 

Baye  Same,  see  Halifax  Harbor. 

Bear,  method  of  catching,  288-289. 

Bear  Island,  location,  35  n. 

Bear  River,  36  n. 

Beauchaine,  agent  of  the  Association, 
348. 

Beaulieu,  Sieur  de,  assists  Champlain, 
229. 

Beauport,  see  Gloucester  Harbor. 

Beaver  Harbor,  mine  at,  44. 

Beazley,  C.  R.,  John  and  Sebastian 
Cabot,  22  n. 

Bedabedec,  46,  46  n. 

Bedabedec  Point,  46  n.,  57. 

Belle-Isle,  Champlain  at,  219,  219  n. 

Berjon,  Jean,  granted  license  to  print 
Champlain’s  Voyages,  18. 


Bessabez,  domain  of,  46,  46  n.;  meets 
Champlain,  49;  returns  to  camp, 
50. 

Biard,  Father,  Jesuit  Relations,  54. 

Biencourt,  Charles  de,  Champlain 
meets,  200;  aids  his  father,  200  n. 

Biencourville,  island,  35,  35  n. 

Biggar,  H.  P.,  Voyages  of  the  Cabots 
and  the  Cortereals,  22  n.;  article 
on  Lescarbot,  107  n.;  Early  Trad- 
ing Companies  of  New  France,  111 
n.,  339  n. 

Black  River,  129  n. 

Blanc,  Cape,  see  Cod,  Cape. 

Bohemians,  tricks  of,  96. 

Bonnerme,  surgeon  for  Champlain, 
134-135;  death,  147  n. 

Boston  Bay,  islands  in,  67. 

Boston  Harbor,  10;  Champlain  an- 
chors in,  65  n. 

Boulay,  River,  see  Sandy  Cove. 

Boull6,  Eustache,  son-in-law  of  Cham- 
plain, 339. 

Boulle,  H61ene,  marries  Champlain, 
6 ; island  named  for,  204  n. 

Boulle,  Nicolas,  339  n. 

Bourbon,  Charles  de,  see  Soissons. 

Bourbon,  Henri  de,  see  Cond6. 

Bourne,  Edward  G.,  editor  of  Cham- 
plain, 12. 

Bouyer,  or  Boyer,  Sieur,  88  n. ; plans 
of,  214;  overtures  to  the  Indians, 
215;  sends  his  servant  with  the 
savages,  216;  at  Tadoussac,  232. 

Bradford,  History  of  Plimoth  Planta- 
tion, 103  n. 

Brant  Point,  named,  67;  Champlain 
at,  68. 

Brebeuf,  Jesuit  Father,  translation  by, 

8. 

Breton,  Cape,  named,  26  n.;  descrip- 
tion of,  26;  Champlain  starts  for, 
84,  85,  88;  Champlain  approaches, 
198,  199;  vessels  lost  near,  231; 
mentioned,  313. 

Brouage,  3,  188;  salt  works  at,  270, 
270  n. 

Brown,  General  John  M.,  quoted,  10; 
paper  by,  12. 

Brftlart,  Nicolas,  advises  Champlain 
to  seek  the  North  Sea,  235,  235  n. 

Brfil6,  Etienne,  goes  to  live  with  the 
Algonquins,  185-187 ; experiences, 
354-359 ; turns  traitor,  359  n. 


INDEX 


365 


Butterfield,  C.  W.,  History  of  Brule’s 
Discoveries  and  Explorations , 185  n. 

Button,  Sir  Thomas,  224  n.;  voyage, 
235  n. 

Cabahis,  meets  Champlain,  49;  gives 
information  to  Champlain,  50. 

Cabot,  John,  commission,  22. 

Cabot,  Lewis,  commission,  22  n. 

Cabot,  Sancius,  commission,  22  n. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  commission,  22; 
work  in  early  voyages,  22  n. 

Cabot  Strait,  ice  drifts  at,  198  n. 

Cahiagu6,  Indian  rendezvous,  de- 
scribed, 284-285. 

Camden,  region  near,  46  n. 

Campobello  Island,  de  Monts  anchors 
at,  77  n. 

Canada,  original  boundaries  of,  140  n. 

Canadians,  enemies,  49-50;  canoes, 
66;  dwellings,  96;  government,  96; 
religion,  96;  headquarters  of,  146  n. 

Caniza,  siege  of,  64  n. 

Canso  or  Canseau,  Cape,  10;  Cham- 
plain at,  26,  199;  Pont  Grav6  at, 
43 ; Champlain  starts  for,  85 ; 
Poutrincourt  at,  87;  Des  Antons 
leaves,  88;  Champlain  arrives  at, 
116. 

Cap  aux  Oies,  see  Goose  Cape. 

Cap  de  la  Heve,  Champlain  leaves,  114. 

Cape  Breton  Island,  described,  117; 
Champlain  near,  198;  Champlain 
starts  for,  199. 

Cape  Cod  Bay,  Champlain  enters,  69  n. 

Cape  Negro,  Port  of,  Champlain  at,  28. 

Cape  Porpoise  Harbor,  Champlain 
at,  63,  63  n.;  location,  64. 

Cape  de  Poutrincourt,  see  Cape  Split. 

Carantouan,  Champlain’s  interpreter 
at,  332;  Brul6  goes  to,  354,  355,  356. 

Carhagouha,  Champlain  visits,  283. 

Carmaron,  Champlain  visits,  283. 

Caron,  Father  Joseph  le,  missionary 
to  the  Indians,  273;  at  Quebec, 
274;  refusal  to  remain  at  Quebec, 
275-276;  celebrates  mass,  277,  283- 
284;  determination  to  return  to 
France,  334;  Champlain  finds,  350. 

Cartagena,  Champlain  visits,  3. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  visit  to  Hochelaga, 
5;  commission,  22;  work  of,  22  n.; 
finds  a remedy  for  the  scurvy,  53  n., 
60;  finds  tobacco  at  Quebec,  62  n.; 


Champlain  unjust  toward,  112  n., 
137-138 ; names  Hare  Island,  129  n. ; 
Island  of  Bacchus  discovered  by, 
130,  130  n.;  names  St.  Croix  River, 
137  n.;  explorations  of,  137-140; 
mentioned,  4,  5,  44  n -45  n.,  137  n.; 
route  taken  by,  138-140;  defines 
boundaries  of  Canada,  140  n.;  at 
St.  Croix,  150;  discusses  Indian 
methods  of  melting  copper,  179; 
Champlain  discusses  explorations 
of,  221-223;  brings  priests  to 
Canada,  277  n. 

Casco  Bay,  Champlain  passes,  60  n. 

Castelfranc,  Sieur  de,  Mecometrie  de 
I’Eymant,  c’est  a dire  la  Maniere 
de  mesurer  les  Longitudes  par  le 
moyen  de  I’Eymant,  223. 

Castine,  47  n. 

Cataraqui,  Champlain  enters,  297  n. 

Chambly  Basin,  155  n.,  205  n. 

Chamouchouan,  river,  portages  to, 
279  n. 

Champdor6,  pilot  for  de  Monts,  76; 
repairs  Pont  Grave’s  ship,  82;  care- 
lessness of,  83-84;  imprisonment, 
84;  saves  Pont  Graves  ship,  86; 
remains  at  Port  Royal,  88;  ob- 
stinacy of,  89 ; reconciliation  effected 
by,  114  n. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  Brief  Discours, 
3-4;  Sauvages  or  Voyage  of  1604, 
5-6;  publishes  his  second  volume, 
6;  Voyages  of  1632,  7-8;  editions 
and  translations  of  his  works,  11-12; 
explains  the  map  of  the  “ Habitation 
de  l’Isle  Ste.  Croix,”  42  n. ; letter  to 
Louis  XIII.,  16;  letter  to  Marie 
de  Medicis,  17;  map,  223  n.;  letter 
to  Henri  of  Bourbon,  227-228; 
letter  to  the  king,  263. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  early  life, 
3;  favored  by  Henry  IV.,  4;  goes 
with  the  de  Chastes  expedition,  5; 
marries  H61ene  Boull6,  6;  life  at 
Quebec,  7-8;  death,  8;  account  of 
his  work  as  a pioneer,  9-10;  voyage, 
1604-1607,  21-118;  sails  with  de 
Monts,  26 ; reaches  Port  au  Mouton, 
27;  reconnoitres  the  coast,  28-32; 
at  Cape  Sable,  28;  at  Port  Fourchu, 
29;  at  Long  Island,  30;  at  the  Bay 
of  Saint  Mary,  32 ; explores  the  Bay 
of  Fundy,  34-37 ; goes  in  search  of 


366 


INDEX 


copper  mines,  36-41,  44;  at  the 
Cape  of  Two  Bays,  36;  on  the  St. 
John  River,  38;  along  the  coast  of 
Norumbega,  44-52;  on  the  Penob- 
scot, 46-50;  meeting  with  the  sav- 
ages, 49-50;  at  the  settlement,  52- 
56;  expedition  to  the  coast  of  the 
Almouchiquois,  56-76;  route,  57  n.; 
at  Richmond  Island,  61;  at  Cape 
Ann,  65;  at  Cape  Cod,  69;  trouble 
with  the  savages,  72-73;  return 
to  the  settlement,  76-77;  at  Port 
Royal,  78-81;  visits  copper  mine, 
80-81 ; expedition  to  Florida,  81-85 ; 
disasters  encountered  on  the  way, 
82-84;  starts  for  Cape  Breton,  84; 
departs  for  France,  85-86;  is  over- 
taken by  a severe  storm,  85-86; 
meets  Ralleau,  86;  returns  to  Port 
Royal,  87;  remains  with  De  Pou- 
trincourt,  88 ; makes  a voyage  of 
discovery,  88-100 ; at  Mallebarre, 
93 ; at  Shoal  Cape,  94 ; return 
voyage,  100-106 ; trouble  with  the 
Indians,  99-103  ; at  Isles  Rang6es 
105  ; winter  at  Port  Royal,  106-114  ; 
at  Port  aux  Mines,  113 ; returns  to 
France,  114-118;  at  Canso,  116; 
at  Sable  Island,  117 ; lands  at 
Roscoff,  118;  voyage,  1608-1610, 
121-171 ; expedition  to  the  St. 
Lawrence  River,  121-169 ; on  the 
River  Saguenay,  127-131 ; estab- 
lishes a settlement  at  Quebec,  131- 
132,  135-137,  140;  conspiracy 

against,  132-136;  winter  at  Quebec, 
144-149;  expedition  against  the  Iro- 
quois, 149-166;  at  Trois  Rivieres, 
153;  explores  Lake  Champlain, 
161-162;  battle  with  the  Iroquois, 
163-166;  return  from  the  expedi- 
tion, 166-169;  departs  for  France, 
169;  at  Honfleur,  171;  voyage, 
1610,  175-192;  embarks  at  Hon- 
fleur, 175;  sickness,  175;  reaches 
Quebec,  177 ; joins  in  the  war  against 
the  Iroquois,  178-187;  defeats  the 
Iroquois,  180-184;  returns  to  Que- 
bec, 187;  departs  for  France,  190; 
reaches  Honfleur,  192;  voyage,  1611, 
195-224;  departure  from  France, 
195;  among  the  icebergs,  196-200; 
at  Grand  Bank,  196;  meeting  with 
Biencourt,  200;  arrival  at  Tadous- 


sac,  201;  at  Quebec,  202;  estab- 
lishes a settlement  at  Place  Royale, 
203-204;  explores  the  River  St. 
Lambert,  205;  at  the  Lachine 
Rapids,  207;  conference  with  the 
savages,  207-215;  shoots  the  La- 
chine  Rapids,  215-216;  assurances 
of  friendship  for  the  natives,  217- 
219;  return  to  France,  219;  at 
La  Rochelle,  220;  discussion  con- 
cerning Cartier’s  explorations,  221- 
223;  voyage,  1613,  228-259;  seeks 
aid,  for  proposed  undertakings,  229 ; 
commission  of  the  King,  230;  de- 
parture from  France,  231;  at 
Tadoussac,  232;  at  the  Lachine 
Rapids,  233;  search  for  the  North 
Sea,  234-254;  on  Lake  St.  Louis, 
236-237 ; meeting  with  the  Quenon- 
gebins,  238-239;  at  Chaudiere  Falls, 
240;  sets  up  a cross  at  St.  Croix 
Island,  242;  at  the  abode  of  Tes- 
soiiat,  244-254;  attends  an  Indian 
banquet,  247;  desires  an  alliance 
with  Tessotiat,  248-249;  return  to 
the  Lachine  Rapids,  254-256;  at 
Chaudiere  Falls,  255-256;  return 
to  France,  259;  voyage,  1615,  269- 
334;  purpose,  259-270;  priests 
sought  for  the  expedition,  270-273; 
departure,  274;  arrival  at  the  Falls, 
276;  return  to  the  settlement,  277; 
sets  out  to  join  the  savages,  278; 
among  the  Nipissings,  280;  meet- 
ing with  the  Cheveux  Relev  6s,  281 ; 
visits  Indian  villages,  283-284;  joins 
the  war  party,  285 ; expedition 
against  the  Iroquois,  287-296;  plan 
of  attack,  291-292;  attack,  293; 
retreat,  294,  296 ; lost  in  the  woods, 
299-300;  return  from  expedition, 
301-302;  visits  many  Indian  tribes, 
302;  reconciliation  of  two  Indian 
tribes,  305-310;  religious  zeal,  322- 
324;  at  the  Falls  of  the  St.  Louis, 
332;  arrival  at  the  settlement,  333; 
return  to  France,  334;  voyage, 
1618,  339-361;  embarkation,  339; 
at  Tadoussac,  340;  departure  from 
Tadoussac,  350;  at  Quebec,  351; 
opinion  concerning  the  murder  of 
two  Frenchmen,  352-354;  at  Que- 
bec, 360 ; departure  for  France, 
361. 


INDEX 


367 


Champlain,  Lake,  Champlain  explores, 
161,  161  n.;  named,  166. 

Chapotiin,  Father,  assistance  given 
missionary  undertaking,  271-272. 

Charioquois,  hold  conference  with 
Champlain,  208-215;  apprehensions 
of,  209-214;  ask  Champlain  for 
one  of  his  men,  214-215. 

Charles  River,  location.  67  n. 

Charlevoix,  Histoire  Generate  de  la 
Nouvelle  France,  138  n. 

Chamise,  d’Aulnay  de,  fort  established 
by,  35  n. 

Chastes,  Aymar  de,  work  of,  5. 

Chateauguay,  river,  course  of,  236  n. 

Chatham,  Massachusetts,  95  n.,  101  n. 

Chaudiere  Falls,  described,  240,  240 
n.;  ceremony  at,  255-256. 

Chaudiere  Lake,  Champlain  enters, 
241. 

Chaudiere  River,  incorrect  statement 
concerning,  51,  51  n.;  location,  59. 

Chauvin,  Captain,  commissions,  24; 
voyages,  24  n. 

Chavin,  Pierre,  left  in  command  of 
Quebec,  169;  at  Quebec,  177,  188; 
inability  to  accompany  Pont  Grave, 
184;  mentioned,  189;  returns  to 
France,  190. 

Chebucto  Bay,  115  n. 

Chesnes,  Sieur  de,  at  Quebec,  340; 
at  Trois  Rivieres,  350. 

Chevalier,  brings  news  from  de  Monts, 
111;  mentioned,  111  n.;  goes  on 
fur-trading  expedition,  112. 

Cheveux  Releves,  described,  281-282, 
303-304. 

Chicoutimi,  127. 

Chignecto,  Cape,  36,  36  n. 

China,  passage  to,  25. 

Chkoudun,  see  Secondon. 

Chomedy,  Paul  de,  presents  his  pass- 
port, 256-257;  founds  Montreal, 
257  n.;  offers  Champlain  a passage 
in  his  boat,  258. 

Choiiacoet,  see  Saco  River. 

Chouontouarouon,  see  Entouhonorons. 

Christians,  savages  first  see,  49;  sav- 
ages admire,  185;  traces  of,  113. 

Cod,  Cape,  named,  69,  69  n.;  Cham- 
plain reaches,  76;  Champlain  near. 
92,  93. 

Cohouepech,  Indian  chief,  visits  Cham- 
plain, 91. 


Collet,  Claude,  263;  license  of  the 
king  to,  266. 

Columbus,  corn  found  by,  95  n. 

Compagnie  de  la  Nouvelle  France, 
Richelieu  forms,  7. 

Conde,  Prince  of,  Champlain’s  letter 
to,  227 ; character  of,  227  n. ; honors 
Champlain,  230;  opposes  Marie 
de  Medicis,  269  n.;  encourages 
Champlain,  269;  gives  assistance 
to  missionary  undertaking,  272; 
imprisoned,  334  n. 

Conestogas,  see  Susquehannocks. 

Conquet,  Champlain  anchors  at,  169. 

Copper,  Prevert  discovers.  36;  Cham- 
plain searches  for,  36-41,  80-81; 
Champlain  discovers,  44. 

Cormorant  Island,  described,  28-29; 
identified  with  Hope  Island,  29  n.; 
Ralleau  at,  86. 

Com,  cultivation  of,  62;  found  along 
the  coast,  66;  Indian  method  of 
storing,  95;  seen  by  Columbus,  95 
n.;  methods  of  making  meal  from, 
74,  314;  Indian  ways  of  eating, 
315-316. 

Corneille,  Cape,  Champlain  sails  to,  77. 

Cortereal,  Gaspar,  voyages,  22  n. 

Cortereal,  Miguel,  voyages,  22  n. 

Cosse-Brissac,  Charles  de,  advises 
Champlain  to  seek  the  North  Sea, 
235;  politics,  235  n. 

Cotton  yarn,  Indians  have,  46. 

Couchiching,  Lake,  287,  287  n. 

Country  Harbor,  Champlain  goes  to, 
115  n. 

Crab,  horse-shoe,  74,  74  n. 

Cramolet,  pilot  for  de  Monts,  76. 

Crown  Point,  battle  at,  163  n. 

Cumberland  Basin,  location,  38  n. 

Darache,  indulges  in  illicit  fur-trade, 
125-126. 

Dauphin,  Cape,  see  Salmon  Cape. 

Davis,  John,  voyages,  23,  23  n. 

Dawson,  S.  E.,  The  St.  Lawrence,  131  n., 
204  n.,  281  n. 

De  Boyer,  surgeon  for  Champlain,  184. 

De  Cescaud,  Collet’s  license,  signed  by. 
266. 

Deer,  method  of  catching,  288-289, 

I 298-299. 

Delomenie,  prohibitory  notice  signed 
by,  124. 


368 


INDEX 


Denys,  Nicolas,  Description  de  VAme- 
rique  Septentrionale,  115  n. 

Des  Antons,  information  given  by,  88. 

Des  Champs,  surgeon  for  Champlain,  8 1 . 

Des  Marais,  see  Godet. 

Des  Prairies,  goes  to  the  aid  of  Cham- 
plain, 182-183. 

Devil’s  Point,  see  Pointe  aux  Vaches. 

Digby  Strait,  83. 

Dochet  Island,  see  St.  Croix  Island. 

Du  Glas,  at  St.  Croix,  43. 

Du  Parc,  Sieur,  brother  of  Godet,  149; 
spends  winter  at  settlement,  176; 
in  charge  at  Quebec,  189,  202,  341. 

Du  Plessis,  Father  Pacifique,  mission- 
ary to  the  Indians,  273,  273  n.; 
at  Quebec,  274,  350;  celebrates 
mass,  277. 

Dutch,  have  no  knowledge  of  Nova 
Zembla,  23;  ill-conduct  of,  111  n.; 
give  fire-arms  to  the  Indians,  166; 
treatment  of  Indians,  286,  356. 

Du  Val,  conspires  against  Champlain, 
99  n.,  133,  135-136. 

Du  Verger,  Father,  priests  secured  by, 
271-272. 

Eagle  Cape,  see  Goose  Cape. 

Easter,  year  commences  at,  81  n. 

East  India  Company,  Waymouth  on 
a voyage  by,  23  n. 

Eastport,  77  n. 

Eastport  Harbor,  105  n. 

Egyptians,  tricks  of,  96. 

Ellingwood  Rock,  location,  57  n. 

Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  commis- 
sions Gaspar  Cortereal,  22. 

Emerson  Point,  sighted,  65,  65  n. 

England,  Waymouth  sails  from,  77  n. 

Entouhonorons,  expedition  against  the 
Iroquois,  149-166,  178-187,  287- 
296;  Brul6  goes  to,  354. 

^quille,  river,  78. 

Estienne,  Master,  110. 

Etechemin  River,  see  St.  Croix  River. 

Etechemins,  country  of,  44-47;  de- 
scribed, 46,  48,  50-51 ; domain  of, 
48  n.;  Champlain  visits,  49-50; 
language,  61 ; canoes,  66. 

Fall,  Falls,  see  Lachine  Rapids. 

Fathom,  length  of,  34. 

Ferland,  Abb6,  Cours  d’Histoire  du 
Canada,  176  n. 


Ferro,  island  of,  longitude  reckoned 
from,  235  n. 

Fish,  abundance  of,  89,  97,  150,  154, 
161,  219;  kinds,  35,  40,  219,  280, 282; 
method  of  catching,  287. 

Fisheries,  at  Grand  Bank,  195. 

Florida,  Champlain  desires  to  explore, 
79;  Pont  Grave  decides  to  go  to,  81; 
extent  of,  81  n.;  expedition  to,  81- 
85;  mentioned,  356. 

Fontainebleau,  de  Monts  at,  169. 

Fouques,  Captain,  sent  to  obtain  sup- 
plies, 43. 

Fourchu,  Cape,  Champlain  reaches, 
32,  114. 

Fox  Islands,  Champlain  starts  from, 
57  n. 

Francis  I.,  commissions  Cartier,  22. 

Franciscans,  270  n. 

Frangoise  Bay,  see  Fundy,  Bay  of. 

French  Revolution,  272  n. 

French  River,  Champlain  enters,  281, 
281  n. 

Friederici,  Skalpieren  und  ahnliche 
Gebrauche,  166  n. 

Frobisher,  Sir  Martin,  voyages,  22-23. 

Froude,  James,  Short  Studies  on  Great 
Subjects , 23  n. 

Fundy,  Bay  of,  30  n.;  explorations 
along  the  coast,  34-37;  Poutrin- 
court  explores,  112. 

Fur-trade,  monopoly  of,  given  to  de 
Chastes,  5;  growth,  7;  Basque 
merchants  engage  in,  28. 

Ganong,  W.  F.,  on  St.  Croix,  41; 
article  in  the  Acadiensis,  80  n. 

Garpike,  described,  161. 

Gas,  du,  see  Monts. 

Gasp6,  Cape,  56;  sighted,  201;  Cham- 
plain sails  from,  258. 

Gens  de  Feu,  see  Asistagueron. 

George,  Lake,  162  n. 

Georges,  captain,  voyage,  23,  23  n.; 
gives  a passage  to  Vignau,  236. 

Georgian  Bay,  281  n.,  282,  282  n. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  voyage,  23. 

Giry,  Manuel  de  Diplomatique , 124  n. 

Gloucester  Harbor,  former  name  of, 
92  n.;  Champlain  enters,  90,  92. 

Goat  Island,  described,  35. 

Godet,  Claude,  arrival  at  the  settle- 
ment, 149;  marries  the  daughter 
of  Pont  Grave,  149  n.;  accompanies 


INDEX 


369 


Champlain,  153;  at  the  fall  of  the 
Iroquois,  155;  sent  back  to  the 
settlement,  156;  determination  to 
return  to  Canada,  175;  arrives  at 
Quebec,  187. 

Goose  Cape,  129,  129  n. 

Goose  Fair  Bay,  location,  64  n. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  information 
given  to,  77  n. 

Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  voyage,  10; 
names  Cape  Cod,  69  n. 

Grand  Bank,  Champlain  arrives  at, 
169,  176,  195,  196;  fishery  at,  190; 
sighted,  231. 

Grand  Manan,  island,  location,  39; 
Champlain  near,  57,  176;  men- 
tioned, 81,  82  n. 

Grant,  W.  L.,  editor  of  Champlain,  12. 

Granville,  83  n. 

Green  Island  River,  entrance,  115. 

Green  Mountains,  described,  162. 

Gua,  see  Monts. 

Guast,  Charlevoix  du,  68  n. 

Guast,  Pierre  de,  see  Monts,  Sieur  de. 

Guercheville,  Marchioness  de,  attempts 
to  found  a colony,  45  n.;  Nicolas 
de  la  Mothe  assists,  339  n. 

Guernsey,  sighted,  192. 

Guienne,  227. 

Guines,  Father  Modeste,  at  Tadoussac, 
350,  350  n. 

Gulliver’s  Hole,  position  of,  34  n. 

Haies,  Master  Edward,  narrative  of, 
23  n. 

Hakluyt,  Principall  Navigations,  4; 
cited,  22  n. 

Hakluyt  Society,  publication  by,  11. 

Halifax  Harbor,  Champlain  in,  115, 
115  n. 

Hare  Island,  Champlain  passes,  129. 

Havana,  Champlain  visits,  3. 

Havre  de  Gr&ce,  Champlain  sails  from, 
26. 

Head  Harbor,  identified  with  Shell 
Harbor,  82  n. 

Hubert,  Louis,  at  Quebec,  350,  350  n. 

Henry  IV.,  of  France,  Champlain 
fights  for,  3;  pensions  Champlain, 
4;  commissions  Champlain,  16; 
grants  monopoly  of  fur-trade  to 
de  Monts,  24;  sends  de  Monts  on 
new  expedition,  25;  mentioned,  66, 
121;  son  of,  111  n.;  renews  de 


Monts’s  monopoly,  116  n.;  death, 
121  n.,  188  n.;  commissions  de 
Monts,  122-124. 

Henry  VII.  of  England,  commissions 
John  Cabot,  22,  22  n. 

Herring  River,  70  n. 

Heve,  Cap  de  la,  sighted,  27,  27  n.; 
Champlain  at,  114. 

Heve,  La,  see  Palmerston  Bay. 

Hochelaga,  no  trace  found  of,  5;  dis- 
appearance of,  44  n.-45  n.;  loca- 
tion of,  140  n. ; Cartier  finds, 
203  n. 

Hockomock  Bay,  58  n. 

Hockomock  Point,  superstition  con- 
cerning, 58. 

Honabetha,  de  Monts’s  men  visit,  67. 

Honemechin,  Champlain  traffics  with, 
61. 

Honfleur,  de  Chastes’s  expedition 
leaves,  5;  Champlain  arrives  at, 
169,  171,  192,  334,  361;  Champlain 
leaves,  172,  195. 

Hope  Island,  see  Cormorant  Island. 

Hougue,  Champlain  stops  at,  175. 

Hoiiel,  Sieur,  priests  sought  by,  270- 
272. 

Hudson,  Henry,  Champlain  borrows 
from  the  map  of,  128  n.,  223-224; 
last  voyage  of,  223-224  n. ; expedi- 
tion of,  235  n.;  traffics  with  the 
Indians,  286  n. 

Hudson  River,  162  n.;  Henry  Hudson 
sails  up,  286. 

Hudson’s  Bay,  Champlain’s  opinion  of, 
128  n.;  mentioned,  235  n. 

Huron,  Lake,  Champlain  reaches,  281, 
281  n.;  Champlain  along  the  shore 
of,  282. 

Hurons,  Indian  tribe  headquarters  of, 
146  n.;  Champlain  takes  part  with, 
165  n.;  mentioned,  207  n.;  Cham- 
plain visits,  358  n. 

Indians,  agricultural  methods,  62,  92, 
95,  244,  327  ; barricades,  63,  157- 
158;  mode  of  burial,  108-109,  143, 
329,  330;  cabins,  48,  63,  71,  96,  297- 
298,  313-314;  canoes,  66,  127; 
ceremonies,  168,  218,  246-247,  255- 
256,  285;  cemeteries,  245-246; 

character,  73-74,  141,  143,  145-146, 
294,  318-319,  349;  customs,  141, 
183-184,  217,  304,  491;  dances, 


IKDEX 


370 

324-325;  dress,  51,  55,  61,  73,  95, 
142,  281,  285,  303,  317-318;  food, 
55,  141,  314-317;  government,  73, 
96,  285,  320,  321,  327-329;  mar- 
riage, 142-143,  319-320;  methods 
of  warfare,  97-100,  158-160,  295- 
296;  mode  of  life,  48,  55,  141-146, 
313-314,  330-331 ; manner  of  mourn- 
ing for  the  dead,  108;  occupations, 
55,  319;  physical  characteristics, 

73,  142;  religion,  142,  196,  285, 
321-322;  superstitions,  161,  301; 
treatment  of  prisoners,  166-167, 
184-185,  290;  treatment  of  their 
sick,  324-327;  war-paint,  318; 
weapons,  61-62,  73,  95-96,  282; 
Champlain’s  plans  concerning,  264- 
265;  desire  for  a knowledge  of  God, 
323;  manner  of  fishing,  68,  331-332 ; 
manner  of  bringing  up  their  children, 
320-321;  of  Cape  Ann,  65 ; of  Peru, 

74. 

Ioucaniscou,  murders  committed  by, 
105,  108. 

Iroquet,  Indian  captain,  see  Yro- 
quet. 

Iroquois,  68;  character,  146;  mode 
of  life,  146;  headquarters  of,  146  n.; 
expeditions  against,  149-166,  178- 
187,  287-296;  strength  of,  164  n.; 
harass  French  settlements,  165  n.- 
166  n.;  inhabit  Hochelaga,  203  n.; 
report  concerning,  209;  use  of  term, 
by  Champlain,  286  n. 

Iroquois  River,  see  Richelieu  River. 

Island  Harbor,  see  Cape  Porpoise 
Harbor. 

Isle  au  Haut,  Champlain  passes,  36; 
named,  47,  47  n.;  Champlain  an- 
chors at,  77. 

Isle  aux  Corneilles,  named,  57 ; Cham- 
plain proceeds  to,  129;  Cartier 
arrives  at,  138. 

Isle  aux  Noix,  Champlain  proceeds  to, 
157  n. 

Isle  de  Bacchus,  see  Richmond  Island. 

Isle  de  Grenez6,  see  Guernsey. 

Isle  d’Huy,  see  Wight,  Isle  of. 

Isle  Perc6e,  Champlain  leaves,  190; 
Champlain  sails  from,  258. 

Isle  St.  Hel&ne,  named,  204;  Cham- 
plain leaves,  236. 

Isles  Rang6es,  Champlain  near,  105; 
named,  115. 


Jack,  D.  R.,  account  of  Brouage  in 
Acadiensis,  3 n. 

Jacques,  Master,  goes  in  search  of 
copper,  80. 

Jamay,  Father  Denis,  missionary  to 
the  Indians,  272;  accompanies 
Champlain,  274;  celebrates  mass, 
277;  return  to  Quebec,  278;  deter- 
mination to  return  to  France,  334. 

Jamestown,  settlement  at,  113  n. 

Jay,  John,  treaty  of,  40  n. 

Jeannin,  President,  approval  of  Cham- 
plain’s plans,  229 ; profession,  229  n. 
advises  Champlain  to  seek  the  North 
Sea,  235;  mentioned,  235  n. 

Jeddore,  115  n. 

Jesuits,  zeal  of,  323  n. ; in  Acadia,* 339. 

Jonas,  ship,  87;  mentioned,  111  n., 
113  n. 

Kenduskeag,  Champlain  anchors  at, 
48  n. 

Kennebec  Lake,  76. 

Kennebec  River,  49,  49  n.;  Cham- 
plain explores,  50-51;  chief  of, 
*58  n.;  described,  59-60;  Champlain 
reaches,  76. 

Kidney-beans,  Indians  cultivate,  62; 
found,  71. 

Kirke,  David,  expedition  of,  7. 

Labrador,  voyage  of  English  to,  235; 
coasts  of,  described,  313. 

La  Cadie,  see  Acadia. 

Lachine  Rapids,  Champlain  at,  201, 
233,  256,  276;  Pont  Grav6  reaches, 
205;  described,  207;  Indian  man- 
ner of  passing,  215;  Champlain 
declares  that  Cartier  never  reached, 
222;  savages  meet  at,  253;  ex- 
ploration near,  279;  location,  279  n. 

La  Ferriere,  seeks  reconciliation  with 
the  French,  344-346. 

La  Jeunesse,  loots  fur-trading  estab- 
lishment, 111  n. 

Lake  des  Chats,  Champlain  enters, 
242,  242  n. 

Lark  Point,  125  n. 

La  Routte,  pilot  for  Champlain,  153, 
155,  180. 

La  Taille,  135. 

Latitudes,  attempt  to  determine,  223  n. 

La  Truitiere,  named,  107. 

Laverdikre,  Abbe,  publishes  works 


INDEX 


371 


of  Champlain,  11;  cited,  176  n., 
203,  239  n.,  273  n.,  279  n.,  305  n. 

League,  length  of,  26  n. 

Le  Gendre,  Sieur  Lucas,  purchases 
supplies,  170;  at  Honfleur,  171. 

Lescarbot,  ideas  of  nation-building, 
10;  poems,  18,  18  n.;  Histoire  de  la 
Nouvelle  France,  25,  32  n.,  106  n.; 
Les  Muses  de  la  Nouvelle  France, 
107  n.;  Biggar’s  article  on,  107  n.; 
dedicates  his  book  to  Jeannin, 
229  n.;  accuses  Champlain,  34  n.; 
doubts  the  existence  of  the  city  of 
Norumbega,  44  n.;  opinion  of  the 
Indians,  73  n.;  describes  voyage  of 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  87  n.;  re- 
proaches the  clergy,  323  n.;  cited, 
41,  68  n.,  88  n.,  89,  99  n.,  103  n., 
110  n.,  Ill  n.,  113  n.,  114  n.,  132  n., 
195. 

Lescarbot,  welcomes  Champlain,  106; 
accompanies  Chevalier,  112,  112  n. ; 
goes  to  Honfleur,  118  n. 

License,  granted  Jean  Berjon  to 
print  Champlain’s  voyages,  18. 

Little  River,  location,  205  n. 

Lobster  Bay,  86  n. 

Long  Island,  Champlain  along  the 
coast  of,  30,  31 ; strait  of,  Champlain 
anchors  in,  85. 

Longitude,  attempt  to  determine, 
223  n. 

Long  Sault,  237,  237  n. 

Loquin,  French  agent,  350. 

Loughborough  Lake,  297  n. 

Louis  XIII.  of  France,  Champlain 
writes  to,  16;  history  of,  16  n.; 
grants  license  to  Jean  Berjon,  18. 

Louis,  de  Monts’s  servant,  205;  death, 
206. 

Louisburg,  location,  117,  117  n. 

Lower  Granville,  settlement  at,  34  n. 

Mabretou,  or  Membertou,  Indian  chief, 
promises  of,  85;  requests  the  body 
of  Panounias,  108;  addresses  the 
natives,  109 ; Poutrincourt  supports, 
110;  first  sights  the  Jonas,  111  n.; 
returns  from  the  war,  113. 

McCoy’s  Head,  38  n. 

Machias,  Maine,  77  n. 

Madawaska  River,  242,  242  n. 

Magnetic  needle,  Champlain’s  method 
of  using,  27  n. 


Maine  Historical  Society,  Collections 
of,  12;  Tercentenary  of  de  Monts’s 
settlement  at  St.  Croix  Island,  40  n. 

Maissonneuve,  see  Chomedy. 

Mai  de  terre,  see  Scurvy. 

Mallebarre,  named,  71;  Champlain 
at,  76,  93. 

Man  thane,  see  Grand  Manan. 

Manthoumermer,  Indian  captain, 
Champlain  visits,  58. 

Marais,  see  Godet. 

Marchin,  Indian  guide  for  Champlain, 
58,  59;  Champlain  meets,  76,  389; 
death,  113-114. 

Marets,  see  Godet. 

Martha’s  Vineyard,  sighted,  100, 
100  n.;  mentioned,  101  n. 

Martyres,  islands,  named,  114. 

Mass,  celebration,  283-284;  first  cele- 
bration in  New  France,  277,  277  n. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  Champlain  draws 
map  of,  65  n. 

Mass6,  Father,  translation  by,  8. 

Matchedash  bay,  282  n. 

Matigoches,  see  Mistigoches. 

Matou-ouescarini,  Indian  tribe,  242. 

Mayflower,  ship,  69  n. 

M6dicis,  Marie  de,  Champlain’s  letter 
to,  17;  information  concerning, 
17  n.;  son  of,  111  n.;  war  against, 
266  n. 

Membertou,  see  Mabretou. 

Menane,  see  Grand  Manan. 

Mer  Douce,  see  Huron,  Lake. 

Merrimac  River,  64  n.;  Champlain 
passes,  65. 

Merrymeeting  Bay,  58  n.,  59  n. 

Messamouet,  accompanies  Champlain, 
44;  gives  presents  to  Onemechin,  90. 

Mexico,  Champlain  visits,  3. 

Michilimackinac,  strait  of,  281  n. 

Mic-Macs,  see  Souriquois. 

Milk  Island,  64  n. 

Mistassini,  river,  128  n. 

Mistigoches,  or  Matigoches,  name 
applied  by  the  Indians  to  the  Nor- 
mans, 178,  180. 

Moinerie,  Sieur  de,  reaches  Tadoussac, 
232. 

Monhegan,  77  n. 

Monomoy,  island,  94  n. 

Montagnais,  Indian  tribe,  68,  146; 
headquarters  of,  146  n.;  war  with 
the  Iroquois,  149-166,  178-187, 


372 


INDEX 


287-296;  Champlain  returns  with, 
168;  arrive  at  Quebec,  177;  await 
Champlain,  178,  179;  meeting  with 
Champlain  at  sea,  231;  kill  two 
Frenchmen,  340-344;  assume  a 
threatening  attitude,  344  n.;  seek 
a reconciliation,  344-346;  trial  of, 
347-349. 

Montmorency,  Charles  de,  Champlain 
dedicates  treatise  to,  6 ; mentioned, 
131  n. 

Montmorency  Falls,  131  n. 

Montreal,  Cartier  penetrates  to,  222  n. 

Monts,  Sieur  de,  becomes  lieutenant- 
general  of  Acadia,  6;  selects  site 
for  colony,  9;  mentioned,  16;  com- 
missions, 21,  24,  84,  122-124; 

settlements  made  by,  24-25,  25  n., 
42-43;  voyage  to  America,  25-27; 
sends  in  search  of  Pont  Grav6,  28, 
43;  at  the  Bay  of  St.  Mary,  32; 
original  fortifications  of,  40  n.-41  n.; 
dispatches  vessels  to  France,  44; 
sends  Champlain  to  the  coast  of 
Norumbega,  44;  improves  the  settle- 
ment, 52;  Pont  Grav6  comes  to 
the  aid  of,  56;  river  named  for, 
67  n.-68  n.;  at  Port  Royal,  78- 
79;  departs  for  France,  79;  dis- 
patches vessel  to  Port  Royal, 
86-87;  determines  to  explore  the 
St.  Lawrence  River,  121;  resolves 
to  continue  the  settlement  at  Que- 
bec, 170-171;  dissolves  partner- 
ship with  his  associates,  220-221; 
governor  of  Brouage,  220  n.;  ap- 
proval of  Champlain’s  plans,  229. 

Moore,  International  Arbitrations , 41  n. 

Moose  Brook,  named,  36. 

Moose  Island,  77  n. 

Morris  Island,  95  n. 

Morton,  Thomas,  New  English  Canaan , 
96  n. 

Mothe,  Nicholas  de  la,  joins  Cham- 
plain’s expedition,  339;  assists  in 
founding  the  de  Guercheville  colony, 
339  n.;  accompanies  Champlain, 
350-351 ; Champlain  takes  leave  of, 
360. 

Mount  Desert,  named,  45;  location, 
46 ; peaks  of,  47 ; Champlain  visits, 
57;  savages  executed  at,  105; 
colony  founded  at,  339  n. 

Murdoch,  History  of  Nova  Scotia , 25  n. 


Muskrat  Lake,  Champlain  enters,  243, 
243  n. 

Natel,  Antoine,  makes  known  the 
conspiracy  against  Champlain,  133. 

Nauset  Harbor,  71  n. 

Nausets,  Indian  tribe,  attack  Cham- 
plain, 103;  attack  the  Pilgrims, 
103  n. 

Navy  Island,  38  n. 

Nebicerini,  see  Nipissings. 

Nef,  La,  named,  77. 

Neutral  Nation,  power  of,  303;  char- 
acter, 304-305;  peaceable  attitude 
of,  360. 

New  Brunswick,  80  n. 

New  England,  Norumbega  identified 
with,  44  n. ; Champlain  explores  the 
coasts  of,  56-76;  plants  brought  to, 
62  n.;  mentioned,  72  n. ; domain 
of  the  Almouchiquois,  313,  313  n. 

Newfoundland,  Cartier  visits,  221; 
explorations  along  the  coast  of, 
313. 

Nibachis,  Indian  chief,  address  of,  243; 
takes  Champlain  to  see  Tessoiiat,  244. 

Nichols’s  Pond,  Iroquois  fort  on,  290, 
290  n. 

Nicolet,  river,  154  n. 

Niganis,  Ralleau  leaves,  113,  113  n. 

Nipissings,  Indian  tribe,  237,  237  n.  ; 
notified  of  Champlain’s  arrival,  250. 

North  Cape,  Champlain  touches,  124, 
124  n. 

North  Sea,  reports  of,  128;  doubts 
as  to  its  existence,  129 ; Champlain’s 
desire  to  find,  227;  report  concern- 
ing, 234-235;  search  for,  236-254. 

Northwest  Passage,  attempts  to  find, 
4. 

Norumbega,  identified  with  New  Eng- 
land, 44  n.;  exploration  along  the 
coasts,  44-52;  inhabitants,  46,  48. 

Norumbega  River,  see  Penobscot. 

Nova  Scotia,  savages  of,  48  n. 

Nova  Zembla,  not  known  to  the 
Dutch,  23. 

Oak  Bay,  41  n. 

Ochasteguin,  or  Ochatequin,  Indian 
chief,  Champlain  visits,  151;  re- 
turns Brul6,  207;  leads  in  attack 
against  the  Iroquois,  287-296 ; 
wounded,  294. 


INDEX 


373 


Ochateguins,  or  Ochastaiguins,  manner 
of  life,  146;  character,  146;  join 
the  expedition  against  the  Iroquois, 
151-163;  battle  with  the  Iroquois, 
163-166,  178-187,  287-296;  return 
to  their  country,  167-168;  name, 
170  n.;  promises  of,  170,  211,  220; 
await  Champlain,  178. 

d’Olbeau,  or  d’Albeau,  Jean,  mission- 
ary to  the  Indians,  272;  at  Quebec, 
274;  celebrates  mass,  277;  sails 
from  Tadoussac,  350. 

Old  Orchard  Beach,  60  n. 

Oneida  River,  Champlain  crosses, 
290,  290  n. 

Onemechin,  Indian  chief,  Champlain 
meets,  89;  presents  given  to,  90; 
visits  Champlain,  91;  death,  113- 
114. 

Ontario,  Lake,  country  surrounding 
described,  288;  war  party  on,  289- 
290. 

Orani,  Indian  chief,  wounded,  294. 

Ordre  de  Bon  Temps,  rules  for  govern- 
ing Champlain’s  settlement,  110. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  birth,  111. 

Orleans,  Island  of,  Champlain  pro- 
ceeds to,  130;  Cartier  anchors  at, 
140;  mentioned,  131,  139,  342. 

d’Orville,  Sieur,  sickness,  79. 

Ostemoy,  Indian  soothsayers,  159. 

Otaguottouemin,  country  of,  279. 

Otis,  Charles  Pomeroy,  translator,  11. 

Otonabee  River,  Champlain  on,  288  n. 

Ottawa  River,  source  of,  237,  237  n.; 
Champlain  ascends,  279,  279  n. 

Ouagimou,  friendly  promises  of,  108. 

Ouescharini,  Champlain  meets,  239, 
254;  domain  of,  239  n. 

Outetoucos,  Indian  captain,  death 
of,  206 ; Algonquins  disinter  the 
body  of,  218. 

Ouygoudy  River,  see  St.  John. 

Owl’s  Head,  see  Bedabedec  Point. 

Oyster  Harbor,  Champlain  at,  93  n. 

Palmerston  Bay,  description  of,  27, 
27  n. 

Panounias,  killed  by  the  Almouchi- 
quois,  107;  burial,  108;  his  death 
revenged,  111,  114. 

Parkhurst,  Anthony,  information  given 
to,  4. 

Parkman,  Francis,  Pioneers  of  France 


in  the  New  World,  12,  22  n.,  146  n.; 
The  Old  Regime  in  Canada,  35  n.; 
Jesuits  in  North  America,  96  n., 
323  n. 

Passage  Courant,  location,  117. 

Passamaquoddy  Bay,  islands  in,  39  n. 

Pememen,  Indian  chief,  succeeds  his 
father,  114. 

Penobscot  River,  Champlain  on,  46-51; 
people  of,  48,  51. 

Penguins,  see  Auk. 

Pentegotiet,  river,  see  Penobscot. 

Peribonka,  river,  location,  128  n. 

Perpisawick  Inlet,  Champlain  in,  115  n. 

Peru,  Indians  of,  74. 

Petitcodiac,  river,  location,  38,  38  n. 

Petuns,  see  Tobacco  nation. 

Pilgrims,  at  Plymouth,  69  n.;  at- 
tacked by  Indians,  103  n. 

Pillet,  Charles,  killed  by  the  savages, 
342. 

Pilotois,  savage  soothsayers,  142,  159. 

Pisierinii,  Indian  tribe,  Champlain 
visits,  305. 

Place  Royale,  see  Pointe  4 Callikres. 

Plymouth  Harbor,  Champlain  in,  69; 
Mayflower  in,  69  n. 

Point  aux  Allouettes,  location,  125. 

Pointe  k Calliferes,  Champlain  estab- 
lishes a settlement  at,  203;  de- 
scribed, 204;  centre  of  Montreal 
called,  204  n. 

Pointe  aux  Vaches,  dangers  of,  125, 
125  n.;  savages  meet  Champlain 
at,  231. 

Pointe  d’Arvert,  de  Monts  at,  220. 

Point  of  All  Devils,  see  Pointe  aux 
Vaches. 

Point  Platon,  Champlain  arrives  at, 
351. 

Point  St.  Matthew,  see  Point  aux 
Allouettes. 

Pond  Island,  57  n. 

Pons,  see  Pointe  d’Arvert. 

Pont  Grave,  Robert,  son  of  Pont 
Grave,  101. 

Pont  Grave,  Sieur  de,  expeditions, 
5;  Chauvin  accompanies,  24  n.; 
sails  with  Sieur  de  Monts,  26;  at 
Bay  of  All-Isles,  28;  at  Canso,  43; 
comes  to  the  aid  of  de  Monts,  56; 
at  Port  Royal,  78-79;  expedition 
to  Florida,  81-85;  illness,  82;  de- 
parture for  France,  88,  136,  190; 


374 


INDEX 


goes  to  Tadoussac,  187,  217,  360; 
wounded  by  Basque  fur-traders, 
125-126;  joins  the  expedition  against 
the  Iroquois,  153;  is  sent  to  Tadous- 
sac, 170;  at  Honfleur,  171;  carries 
merchandise  to  Champlain,  184; 
remains  at  Tadoussac,  202;  at 
Lachine  Rapids,  205;  Indians  give 
present  to,  211;  advises  Cham- 
plain to  return  to  France,  219; 
commands  the  Saint  Etienne,  273; 
arrival  at  Quebec,  274;  determina- 
tion to  fight  the  Iroquois,  276; 
return  to  Quebec,  278;  awaits 
Champlain  at  Tadoussac,  334;  com- 
mands a vessel  of  the  Association, 
339;  goes  to  Trois  Rivieres,  350; 
vessel  sent  by,  351. 

Porcupine  Mountain,  38  n. 

Porlan,  see  Portland. 

Port  au  Mouton,  Champlain  lands  at, 
27 ; Champlain  sails  from,  28. 

Port  aux  Anglois,  see  Louisburg. 

Port  aux  Coquilles,  Champlain  pro- 
ceeds to,  82. 

Port  aux  Huistres,  see  Oyster  Harbor. 

Port  aux  Mines,  Champlain  sails  from, 
37;  Champlain  at,  80;  Poutrin- 
court  at,  112-113. 

Port  de  Mallebarre,  see  Mallebarre. 

Port  de  Savalette,  see  White  Haven. 

Port  du  Cap  St.  Louis,  see  Plymouth 
Harbor. 

Port  Fortune,  Champlain  sails  from, 

100,  101. 

Port  Fourchu,  described,  29. 

Portland,  Champlain  at,  175. 

Port  Royal,  named,  34 ; described,  35 ; 
mentioned,  36,  81,  88;  de  Monts 
transfers  settlement  to,  78-79 ; 
Grav6  returns  to,  82;  Champlain 
sails  from,  85;  abandoned  by 
Champlain,  114;  Biencourt  bound 
for,  200. 

Port  Saincte  Helaine,  see  Perpisawick 
Inlet. 

Port  Saint  Margaret,  description  of,  31. 

Portuguese,  attempt  to  settle  Cape 
Breton  Island,  117. 

Poutrincourt,  Sieur  de,  accompanies 
de  Monts,  32;  history  of,  32  n.; 
on  the  St.  John  River,  39;  sent 
back  to  France,  44;  Champlain 
meets,  45;  arrives  at  Canso,  87; 


lieutenant-general  of  Port  Royal, 
86-114;  visits  the  surrounding 
country,  97;  explores  the  Bay  of 
Fundy,  112;  returns  to  France,  114; 
secures  renewal  of  de  Monts’s 
monopoly,  118  n. 

Prevert,  captain  for  de  Chastes,  5, 
36  n.;  discovers  copper  mine,  36; 
mentioned,  80. 

Prince  Society  of  Boston,  publications 
of,  11;  New  English  Canaan , 96  n. 

Pring,  10. 

Purchas,  Pilgrimes,  11;  reprint  of,  12. 

Quaco  River,  38  n. 

Quebec,  cession  to  England,  9 ; settle- 
ment at,  131-132,  135-137,  140; 
winter  at,  144-149;  Champlain 
returns  to,  135,  186;  war  party  at, 
219;  Champlain  at,  202,  274; 
Champlain  leaves,  203. 

Queconsicq,  114. 

Quenechouan,  see  Long  Sault. 

Quenongebin,  Algonquin  nation,  Cham- 
plain meets,  238-239. 

Quinibequy  Lake,  see  Kennebec  Lake. 

Quinibequy  River,  see  Kennebec. 

Quinte,  Bay  of,  Champlain  on,  288. 

Quiouhamenec,  visits  Champlain,  91. 

Ralleau,  Sieur,  accompanies  Cham- 
plain, 28;  visits  Secondon,  38-39; 
sent  back  to  France,  44;  arrives 
at  Port  Royal,  113. 

Rapide  des  Chats,  Champlain  at,  241, 
241  n. 

Ray,  Cape,  Champlain  near,  201 ; 
sighted,  231. 

Razor-bill,  described,  74-75. 

Recollects,  priests,  desire  to  accom- 
pany Champlain,  270-271;  Pro- 
vincial of,  271-272;  mission  of, 
273  n.;  zeal  of,  323  n. 

Red  Head  Harbor,  mine  at,  44. 

Rice  Lake,  Champlain  on,  288,  288  n. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal  de,  plans  perma- 
nent colonization  of  Canada,  7 ; 
Champlain’s  letters  to,  11,  165  n.- 
166  n. 

Richelieu  River,  Champlain  enters, 
154,  154  n. 

Richmond  Island,  named,  61,  61  n.; 
Champlain  at,  89;  identified  with 
the  Island  of  Orleans,  130. 


INDEX 


375 


Rideau  River,  described,  240,  240  n. 

Riviere  de  Gennes,  154. 

Rivi&re  de  l’Equille,  see  Annapolis 
River. 

Rivi&re  de  l’Isle  Verte,  see  St.  Mary 
River. 

Riviere  des  Prairies,  Champlain  at, 
274;  Champlain  returns  to,  277. 

Rivi&re  du  Dauphin,  see  Annapolis 
River. 

Rivi&re  du  Gouffre,  named,  130. 

Riviere  du  Guast,  see  Charles  River. 

Rivi&re  du  Loup,  154,  154  n. 

Riviere  du  Pont,  154. 

Riviere  St.  Pierre,  banks  of,  described, 
203  n. 

Riviere  St.  Antoine,  named,  35-36. 

Roberval,  Sieur  de,  assists  in  the  colo- 
nization of  Canada,  22;  voyage,  22  n. 

Roche,  Marquis  de  la,  commissions, 
23;  settlement  made  by,  23-24; 
imprisonment,  24  n.;  at  Sable 
Island,  26. 

Rochelle,  La,  siege  of,  3;  Champlain 
reaches,  220. 

Rockland,  46  n. 

Rocky  Brook,  see  Moose  Brook. 

Rome,  power  of,  21. 

Roscoff,  Champlain  lands  at,  118. 

Roscou,  see  Roscoff. 

Rosier,  True  Relation,  77  n. 

Rossignol,  vessel  of,  27,  43. 

Rouen,  parliamentary  court  of,  sends 
vessels  to  aid  La  Roche,  27 ; Cham- 
plain at,  171 ; Recollect  missionaries 
at,  273. 

Sable,  Cape,  description  of,  28 ; Cham- 
plain proceeds  to,  86. 

Sable  Island,  Gilbert’s  ship  wrecked 
at,  23;  description,  26-27. 

Saco  River,  Champlain  on,  62,  62  n.; 
Champlain  leaves,  63;  Champlain 
reaches,  76. 

Sacque,  see  Saguenay. 

Sagard,  Gabriel,  Histoire  du  Canada, 
74  n.,  273  n.,  321  n.,  341  n.,  344  n.; 
Le  Grand  Voyage  aux  Pays  des 
Hurons,  146  n. 

Saguenay,  124;  location,  140  n.; 
source  of,  153  n.;  Cartier  mentions, 
222, 

St.  Charles,  river,  Cartier  on,  137, 
137  n. 


St.  Croix  Island,  named,  40,  40  n.; 
de  Monts’s  settlement  at,  42-43; 
Champlain  leaves,  45 ; Champlain 
returns  to,  52;  winter  at,  52-56; 
savages  of,  55;  de  Monts  returns  to, 
76-77;  Champlain  arrives  at,  77; 
settlement  transferred  from,  78-79; 
mentioned,  81;  Cartier’s  settlement 
at,  137-140;  Cartier  leaves,  140; 
Cartier  spends  the  winter  near,  222 ; 
provisions  left  at,  242. 

St.  Croix  River,  Champlain  ascends, 
39,  39  n.;  cataract  in,  41;  Cham- 
plain anchors  at,  45 ; identified  with 
the  St.  Charles  River,  137  n.;  de- 
scribed, 139-140. 

Sainte  Anne  River,  Champlain  reaches, 
150, 150  n. 

Sainte  Croix,  see  Point  Platon. 

St.  filoi,  island,  150. 

St.  Etienne,  ship,  56,  273. 

St.  Francis,  river,  154  n. 

St.  Germain-en-Laye,  treaty  of,  7. 

St.  H61£ne,  island,  ceremony  at, 
218. 

St.  John,  Bay  of,  38  n. 

St.  John  Lake,  Champlain  enters, 
128,  128  n.;  route  to,  153,  153  n. 

St.  John  River,  described,  38;  islands 
of,  39. 

St.  John’s  Newfoundland,  Miguel  Cor- 
tereal  reaches,  22. 

St.  Julian,  ship,  3. 

Saint  Just,  Sieur  de,  see  Biencourt. 

St.  Lambert  River,  Champlain  ex- 
plores, 205, 205  n. 

St.  Lawrence,  Bay  of,  Champlain  at, 
37;  boundaries,  37  n. 

St.  Lawrence,  Cape,  see  North  Cape. 

St.  Lawrence,  Gulf  of,  voyages  from 
France  to,  4;  Champlain  explores 
the  shores  of,  5;  distinguished  from 
the  bay,  37  n. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  savages  of,  68; 
expedition  to,  121-169;  passage 
of,  150;  Champlain’s  claim  concern- 
ing discoveries  along,  222;  men- 
tioned, 236  n. ; Champlain  ascends, 
278;  country  near,  described,  311- 
312. 

St.  Louis,  Cape,  see  Brant  Point. 

St.  Louis,  Lake  of,  Champlain  enters, 
236,  236  n. 

Saint  Luc,  Monsieur  de,  188. 


376 


INDEX 


St.  Malo,  Champlain  lands  at,  118, 
259;  claims  of  the  people  of,  221- 
222;  vessels  from,  232. 

St.  Margaret  Bay,  115  n. 

St.  Marguerite  River,  115. 

St.  Mary,  Bay  of,  de  Monts’s  men  at, 
34,  42. 

St.  Mary’s  River,  Champlain  passes, 
115,  115  n.;  named,  150. 

St.  Maurice  River,  153  n. 

Saintonge,  de  Monts  at,  220. 

St.  Paul,  island  of,  sighted,  201. 

St.  Peter,  Lake  of,  153,  283;  de- 
scribed, 154. 

St.  Pierre,  islands  of,  sighted,  201. 

St.  Sauveur,  colony  of  Marchioness 
de  Guercheville,  45  n. 

St.  Suzanne  du  Cap  Blanc,  see  Well- 
fleet  Harbor. 

St.  Suzanne  River,  named,  154. 

St.  Therese,  Island  of,  157  n. 

Salmon,  Cape,  Champlain  reaches, 
129,  129  n. 

Salmon  River,  129. 

Sambro,  Champlain  reaches,  114; 
Champlain  leaves,  115. 

Sandy  Cove,  described,  30,  30  n. 

Sasanoa  River,  58  n. 

Sasinou,  guide  for  Champlain,  58,  59; 
Champlain  expects  to  find,  76;  dis- 
appoints Champlain,  77;  death,  114. 

Saussaye,  Sieur  de  la,  founds  colony 
at  Mt.  Desert,  339  n. 

Savignon,  sent  to  meet  the  savages, 
205;  saves  himself  from  drowning, 
207;  Champlain  returns,  212-213. 

Scalping,  r166,  166  n.,  183. 

Sclavonia,  80. 

Scurvy,  53-54;  remedy,  53  n.,  60; 
Champlain’s  men  afflicted  with, 
81,  147-149. 

Seal  Cove,  82  n. 

Seals,  found,  27,  27  n.,  29. 

Sea-wolf  Islands,  described,  29. 

Secondon,  Champlain  finds,  80;  se- 
cures provisions,  83-84;  accompa- 
nies Champlain,  89;  mentioned,  105. 

Seguin  Island,  57  n. 

Sesambre,  see  Sambro. 

Shaw,  Norton,  editor,  11. 

Shell  Harbor,  82  n. 

Shoal  Cape,  Champlain  touches,  94, 
94  n. 

Shoals,  Isles  of,  sighted,  64. 


Shubenacadie,  river,  113  n. 

Sigismundus,  Prince  of  Transylvania, 
64  n. 

Simcoe,  county  of,  283  n.,  284  n. 

Simcoe,  Lake,  287,  287  n. 

Simon,  Master,  accompanies  Cham- 
plain, 30. 

Slafter,  Edmund  F.,  cited,  10,  23  n., 
96  n.,  279  n.;  edits  Champlain’s 
journals,  11;  mentioned,  12. 

Smith,  Captain  John,  True  Travels , 
Adventures  and  Observations , 64  n.; 
visit  to  Plymouth,  69  n. 

Snow  Lake,  131  n. 

Soissons,  Count  de,  Champlain  asks 
aid  of,  229 ; position,  229  n. 

Soupgonneuse,  La,  see  Martha’s  Vine- 
yard. 

Souriquois,  Indian  tribe,  cabins,  48, 
96;  kindred,  48  n.;  manner  of  life, 
48,  146;  enemies,  49-50;  Cham- 
plain makes  overtures  to,  50;  dress, 
51;  language,  61;  government,  96; 
religion,  96;  headquarters  of, 
146  n.;  war  with  the  Iroquois,  149- 
166,  178-187,  287-296. 

Split,  Cape,  named,  112,  112  n. 

StadaconS,  Indian  name  for  Quebec, 
131  n.;  Cartier’s  settlement  called, 
139. 

Stage  Harbor,  described,  95  n.,  101  n. 

Stage  Island,  57  n. 

State,  Council  of,  revokes  de  Monts’s 
monopoly,  24. 

States  General,  sitting  of,  272,  272  n. 

Straitsmouth,  Island,  64  n. 

Stratton  Island,  Champlain  anchors 
at,  60,  60  n. 

Sturgeon  Lake,  Champlain  enters, 
288,  288  n. 

Sturgeon  River,  280,  280  n. 

Sugar  Loaves,  rocks,  57  n. 

Sully,  Duke  of,  opposes  Sieur  de  Monts, 
6;  death,  189. 

Superior,  Lake,  281  n. 

Susquehanna  River,  Indians  of,  356, 
356  n. 

Susquehannocks,  285,  285  n. 

Tadoussac,  39;  Champlain  at,  124, 
169,  176,  201,  274,  334,  340;  har- 
bor of,  described,  125;  Champlain 
sends  a vessel  to,  131;  conspirators 
sent  to,  135;  Champlain  leaves, 


INDEX 


377 


129,  190,  361;  Pont  Grav6  at,  187; 
Pont  Grav6  leaves,  205;  settlers 
await  Champlain  at,  232. 

Tecouehata,  Indian  chief,  218. 

Tern,  340,  340  n. 

Tessoiiat,  entertains  Champlain,  245- 
254 ; replies  to  Champlain’s  request, 
247-248;  accuses  Yignau,  250-251. 

Testu,  Captain,  hears  of  the  conspiracy 
against  Champlain,  133. 

Thatcher’s  Island,  Champlain  anchors 
at,  64  n.,  65  n. 

Thibaut,  Captain,  180. 

Thomas,  gives  information  to  Cham- 
plain, 249. 

Thorwald,  son  of  Eric  the  Red,  72  n. 

Three  Turks’  Heads,  islands,  64  n. 

Tibaut,  captain  of  vessel,  219. 

Ticonderoga,  162  n.;  Indian  battle 
at,  163,  163  n. 

Tobacco,  cultivation  of,  62;  seen  by 
Cartier  at  Quebec,  62  n.;  Indians 
make  powder  of,  74. 

Tobacco  nation,  Champlain  visits, 
302;  customs,  303. 

Tor  Bay,  Champlain  passes,  116. 

Tortoise  Island,  see  Seguin  Island. 

Touaguainchain,  Indian  village,  283. 

Tourmente,  Cape,  named,  130;  Cham- 
plain’s men  go  to,  342. 

Tousquet  Islands,  described,  29,  29  n. 

Tracadie,  38  n. 

Tregouaroti,  Indian  captain,  208. 

Tremblaye,  Sieur  de,  reaches  Tadous- 
sac,  232. 

Trent  River,  288  n. 

Tresart,  request  of,  202. 

Trois  Rivieres,  Champlain  passes, 
153;  Indians  await  Champlain  at, 
178;  Champlain  unable  to  explore, 
202;  Champlain  at,  219;  Cartier 
mentions,  222;  Chesnes  to  meet 
the  savages  at,  340;  mentioned, 
352;  Champlain  leaves,  360. 

Turkeys,  found,  75. 

Tusket  Islands,  see  Tousquet  Islands. 

Two  Bays,  Cape  of,  see  Chignecto  Cape. 

Two  Mountains,  Lake  of,  Champlain 
penetrates  to,  203,  203  n.;  Cham- 
plain leaves,  237,  237  n. 

Tyre,  position  of,  21-22. 

Ubaldini,  Roberto,  nuncio  of  the  Pope, 
271,  271  n. 


Upper  Hell  Gate,  58  n. 

Venice,  grandeur  of,  21. 

Vervins,  peace  of,  3. 

Vignau,  Nicholas  de,  report  of,  con- 
cerning the  North  Sea,  234,  235; 
Tessouat  accuses,  250 ; is  proven  to 
be  a liar,  251-252;  confession,  257. 

Vineyard  Sound,  101  n. 

Virginia,  English  settlement  in,  339. 

Vitr6,  Foulgere  de,  remains  at  Port 
Royal,  88. 

Wampum,  305,  305  n. 

Warwig  Creek,  41  n. 

Waymouth,  Captain  George,  voyage, 
23  n.;  commands  the  Archangel , 
77  n. 

Wedge  Island,  115  n. 

Weeden,  W.  B.,  article  on  wampum, 
Johns  Hopkins  Studies,  305  n. 

Wellfleet  Harbor,  20  n. 

Wells  Neck,  Champlain  goes  on  shore 
at,  63  n. 

West  Indies,  Champlain  sets  sail  for, 
3;  Columbus  in,  95  n. 

Westport  Island,  58  n. 

Whales,  mode  of  catching,  190-191. 

Whirlpool  River,  see  Riviere  du 
Gouffre. 

White  Haven,  named,  116,  116  n. 

White  Ledge,  57  n. 

White  Mountains,  60  n. 

Wight,  Isle  of,  Champlain  anchors 
near,  175,  175  n. 

Williamson,  History  of  Maine,  25. 

Wilmere,  Alice,  translator,  11. 

Winsor,  Justin,  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America,  12,  23  n.,  224. 

Wiscasset,  58  n. 

Wiscasset  Harbor,  Champlain  goes  to, 
58  n. 

Wood  Island,  82  n. 

Wood’s  Hole,  101  n. 

Wyandots,  see  Yendots. 

Yamaska,  river,  154  n. 

Yendots,  170  n. 

Yroquet,  welcomes  Champlain,  151; 
mentioned,  179;  meets  Champlain, 
185;  brings  back  Brul6,  207;  in- 
vites Champlain  to  a council,  212; 
at  Champlain’s  settlement,  302; 
offends  the  Atignouaatans,  305; 
seeks  Champlain,  306. 


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I 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


JUST  PUBLISHED 

VOYAGES  OF  SAMUEL  DE  CHAMPLAIN 

J604-J6J8 


WITH  MAP  AND  PLANS 


Edited  by  W.  L.  GRANT,  M.A.  (OXON.) 

Beit  Lecturer  on  Colonial  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford 

CONTENTS 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  1604-1607 
THE  VOYAGES  TO  THE  GREAT 
RIVER  ST.  LAWRENCE  1608-1612 
THE  SECOND  VOYAGE  TO  NEW 
FRANCE  IN  1610 


THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  IN  1611 
THE  FOURTH  VOYAGE  IN  1613 
THE  VOYAGES  OF  1615 
VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES 
IN  1618 


THE  NORTHMEN,  COLUMBUS,  AND  CABOT 

985-J503 

With  Maps  and  Facsimile  Reproductions 

THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  NORTHMEN.  Edited  by  Julius  E.  Olson, 
Professor  of  the  Scandinavian  Languages  and  Literatures  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wisconsin. 

THE  VOYAGES  OF  COLUMBUS  AND  OF  JOHN  CABOT.  Edited  by 
Edward  Gaylord  Bourne,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  History  in  Yale  Uni- 
versity. 

HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  in  the  North  American  Review : 

“In  this  volume  on  ‘The  Northmen,  Columbus,  and  Cabot,’  and  as  the  pros- 
pectus indicates,  in  its  successors,  the  selection  could  not  be  improved.  Judging 
from  this  volume  alone,  it  may  also  be  said  that  nothing  could  be  better  than  the 
editing.  We  have  the  best  texts  accompanied  by  brief  but  clear  introductions,  and 
explained  by  notes  which  are  sufficient  to  guide  and  instruct  and  not  sufficient  to 
puzzle  and  encumber.  In  each  case  a short  list  of  authorities  is  given  which  will 
direct  those  who  wish  to  pursue  their  inquiries  upon  any  one  of  the  three  subjects  in 
the  way  in  which  they  should  go,  to  find  all  the  sources  and  the  last  words  of  modern 
research  and  antiquarian  learning.  The  selection  and  editing  could  not  in  fact  have 
been  better  done  for  the  purpose  which  the  editors  had  in  view. 


2 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


“ If  any  one  wishes  to  wrestle  with  the  endless  questions  and  controversies  of  the 
Columbian  voyages,  it  is  easy  to  plunge  into  the  countless  books  upon  the  subject. 
Meantime  the  general  reader,  little  concerned  with  dates  and  identification  of  places, 
but  profoundly  interested  in  the  fact  of  America’s  discovery,  can  find  in  these  letters 
and  journals  the  man  himself,  and  live  over  with  him  the  triumph,  one  of  the  greatest 
ever  won,  and  the  tragedy,  one  of  the  most  piteous  ever  endured. 

“ After  all,  there  is  nothing  better  than  this  that  history  can  do  for  us,  and  very 
few  histories  can  do  it  quite  so  well  as  an  original  narrative  with  all  its  errors  and 
imperfections  on  its  head,  if  we  are  only  fortunate  enough  to  .possess  one  which  has 
both  literary  quality  and  real  human  feeling.” 

NEW  YORK  TRIBUNE  : “If  the  value  of  the  enterprise  may  be  predicated 
from  the  volume  just  published,  it  is  likely  to  take  a high  place  in  the  ranks  of  source 
publications.” 


THE  SPANISH  EXPLORERS 
IN  THE  SOUTHERN  UNITED  STATES 

J528-J543 

With  Maps  and  Facsimile  Reproductions 

Edited  by  Frederick  W.  Hodge,  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
and  Theodore  H.  Lewis,  of  St.  Paul. 

“ It  is  believed  that  when  interest  and  historical  importance  are  both  taken  into 
account,  these  three  narratives  stand  preeminent  among  the  existing  materials  of  this 
character  which  constitute  an  extensive  literature.”  — Review  of  Reviews. 

“To  the  excellent  collection  of  Original  Narratives  of  Early  American  History, 
edited  by  Dr.  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  a volume  has  been  added  of  ‘ Spanish  Explorers 
in  the  Southern  States.’  These  include  the  narrative  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Cas- 
taneda’s account  of  Coronado’s  expedition,  both  edited  by  Frederick  W.  Hodge, 
and  the  Gentleman  of  Elva’s  narrative  of  the  expedition  of  De  Soto,  edited  by  Theo- 
dore H.  Lewis.  All  of  these  have  been  published  recently  in  easily  accessible  form, 
but  there  is  an  advantage  in  having  them  together,  and  the  typographical  beauty  of 
this  edition  is  very  attractive.”  — The  New  York  Sun. 


EARLY  ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 
CHIEFLY  OUT  OF  HAKLUYT 
I534-J607 

With  Maps  and  Facsimile  Reproductions 

Edited  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  S.  Burrage,  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society. 

3 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


“ The  professional  position  of  Dr.  Jameson  adds  significance  to  the  work  of  which 
he  now  appears  as  General  Editor,  and  which  is  of  first-rate  importance  on  its  own 
account.  . . . There  is  a sanity  and  freedom  from  controversial  bitterness  in  the 
editorial  portions,  which  commends  the  volume  warmly  to  us.  The  hand  of  the  master 
is  obviously  present.  And  the  editors  have  recognized,  as  is  wise,  but,  alas,  only  too 
rare,  that  the  text  is  the  thing ; that  the  volume  of  reprints  is  valuable  for  the  origi- 
nals which  it  contains,  and  is  not  a proper  show-place  for  editorial  accomplishments.” 

— The  Independent. 

“Not  the  least  valuable  feature  of  these  volumes  are  the  copious  and  accurate 
notes.  The  annotations  are  scholarly  and  simple,  and  well  enable  the  intelligent 
reader  to  understand  and  to  estimate  rightly  statements  of  the  text.  ...  By  making 
accessible  these  pioneer  narratives  they  will  confer  a general  benefit  to  American 
historical  knowledge,  and  for  the  first  time  offer  important  works  in  Americana  at  a 
price  which  places  them  within  the  reach  of  all  scholars.”  — Boston  Transcript. 

“ Of  the  highest  value  to  students  of  history,  placing  within  easy  reach  original 
sources  of  historical  material,  which  heretofore  have  been  limited  to  the  few  who 
have  had  access  to  great  libraries.”  — Minneapolis  Journal. 


PARTIAL  LIST  OF  VOLUHES  IN  PREPARATION 

NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  VIRGINIA.  Edited  by  President  L.  G 
Tyler,  of  the  College  of  William  and  Mary. 

BRADFORD’S  HISTORY  OF  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION,  Edited  by 
the  Hon.  William  T.  Davis,  of  Plymouth,  Mass. 

WINTHROP’S  JOURNAL.  Edited  by  Dr.  J.  K.  Hosmer. 

NARRATIVES  OF  NEW  NETHERLAND. 

JOHNSON’S  WONDER-WORKING  PROVIDENCE  OF  SION’S  SAVIOR 
IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  Edited  by  Dr.  J.  F.  Jameson. 

NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  MARYLAND. 


For  Fuller  Information , send  to  the  Publishers 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

1 53- 1 57  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York 

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